/ 


THE 

HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


VOLUME  I. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/historyofancient00winc_0 


Copyright  1849,  1856,  1871,  1872, 

By  G.  Henry  Lodge. 


All  rights  reserved. 


University  Prfss: 

John  Wilson  and  Son,  Cambridge. 


THE  GETTY  CENTER 
LIBRARY 


THE 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART, 

TRANSLATED  FROM 


THE  GERMAN  OF  JOHN  WINCKELMANN, 


BY 

G.  HENRY  LODGE,  M.D. 


FOUR  VOLUMES  IN  TWO. 
Vols.  I.,  II. 


BOSTON: 

JAMES  R.  OSGOOD  AND  COMTANY. 

1880. 


STjje  ©etucatian 


OF  THE 

FIRST  VOLUME  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  ART 

IS  A JUST  TRIBUTE  TO  MY  WIFE, 


MARY  ELIZABETH  WILLIAMS, 


AT  WHOSE  SUGGESTION 

THIS  TRANSLATION,  ORIGINALLY  DESIGNED  FOR  MY  OWN  INSTRUCTION, 


IS  PUBLISHED. 


* 


CONTENTS, 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN 


1 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


Preface 107 

Preface  to  the  Notes .118 


BOOK  I. 

THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART,  AND  THE  CAUSES  OF  ITS  DIF- 
FERENCE AMONG  DIFFERENT  NATIONS. 

CHAPTER  I. 


THE  SHAPES  WITH  WHICH  ART  COMMENCED. 

SECT.  page 

1.  General  Idea  of  this  History ...  183 

2,  3.  General  Idea  of  Art  among  the  Egyptians,  Etruscans,  and 

Greeks 133 

4.  Commencement,  Progress,  and  Decline  of  Art  among  the 

Greeks 134 

5.  Art  commenced  with  Plastic  Works 134 

6.  Similarity  in  the  Origin  of  Art  among  Different  Nations  . 134 

7.  Antiquity  of  Art  in  Egypt,  and  its  Causes 135 

8-11.  Greek  Art  later,  but  original ; Stones  and  Columns  the  first 

Images 136 

12.  Similarity  of  the  first  Figures  among  the  Egyptians,  Etrus- 
cans, and  Greeks 138 

13-17.  Doubts  in  regard  to  the  Communication  of  Art  to  the 

Greeks  by  the  Egyptians 138 

18,  19.  Progress  of  Art,  giving  Action  to  Figures 141 


Vlll 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  II. 

MATERIALS  USED  IN  STATUARY. 

1-8.  Clay  the  first  Material 143 

9.  Wood 146 

10,  11.  Ivory 147 

12.  Stone ; at  first,  that  which  was  Native 148 

13.  Marble  ; at  first,  in  the  Extremities 148 

14, 15.  Painted  Statues 149 

16.  Bronze  ....  150 

17,  18.  The  Art  of  cutting  Gems 151 

19-29.  Works  in  Glass 151 

CHAPTER  III. 

INFLUENCE  OF  CLIMATE  ON  CONFORMATION. 

1,  2.  Introduction,  and  Definition 156 

3-7.  Influence  of  Climate  generally,  and  on  the  Organs  of 

Speech 156 

8.  Conformation  of  the  Egyptians 158 

9, 10.  Conformation  of  the  Greeks  and  Italians 159 

11,  12,  Conformation  of  Beauty  in  Warmer  Climates 160 

13-15.  Superior  Beauty  of  the  Greeks 160 

16,  17.  Influence  of  Climate  on  the  Mode  of  Thought  of  Eastern 

and  Southern  Nations 162 

18-20.  Influence  of  Climate  on  the  Mode  of  Thought  of  the  Greeks  162 

21-23.  Influence  of  Education  and  Government  superadded  to 

Climate 163 

24-26.  Capability  of  Northern  Nations  for  Art  .......  164 


BOOK  II. 

ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS,  PHOENICIANS,  AND 
PERSIANS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

CAUSES  OF  THE  PECULIAR  CHARACTER  OF  EGYPTIAN  ART. 

1-5.  Conformation  of  the  Egyptians 167 

6, 7.  Their  Character 169 

8-10.  Their  Laws,  Usages,  and  Religion 170 

11, 12.  Low  Esteem  of  Artists 171 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


CHAPTER  II. 

PRIMITIVE  STYLE  OP  EGYPTIAN  ART. 

1,  2.  The  Older  Style,  — Drawing  of 173 

3-6.  Of  the  Nude  generally 173 

7-9.  Of  particular  Parts,  — Head,  Hands,  and  Feet 175 

10.  On  the  Study  of  Egyptian  Figures 177 

11.  Peculiar  Conformation  of  Divinities,  — their  Attributes  . 178 

12,  13.  Divinities  with  the  Head  of  an  Animal . 178 

14.  Divinities  in  Human  Form 178 

15.  Divinities  on  Boats 180 

16.  Sphinxes 181 

17-20.  Drawing  of  Dressed  Figures,  — the  Robe 181 

21-24.  Head-dress 183 

25.  Dress  of  the  Feet 185 

26.  Ear-rings  and  Bracelets 185 


CHAPTER  III. 

LATER  EGYPTIAN  STYLE. 

1,2.  Drawing  of  the  Nude,  — its  Characteristic 187 

3,  4.  Drawing  of  Draped  Figures,  — the  Under  Garment,  and 

Robe 188 

5-7.  The  Mantle,  — of  Iris  in  particular 189 

8.  Imitation  of  Egyptian  Works 190 

9-15.  Criticism  of  Particular  Works  in  Regard  to  Drawing  . . 191 

16.  Criticism  of  Particular  Works  in  Regard  to  Drapery  . 193 


CHAPTER  IY. 

MECHANICAL  PART  OF  EGYPTIAN  ART. 

1-5.  Execution  of  their  Statues, — Incised  Figures,  and  Rilievi  195 

6-21.  Materials  employed 197 

22.  Mode  of  Painting.  Painted  Mummies 207 

23.  Painted  Palaces  and  Columns 208 

24, 25.  Conclusion,  Coins 208 


X 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  Y. 

ART  AMONG  THE  PHOENICIANS  AND  PERSIANS, 

1-5.  The  Phoenicians,  — their  Country,  Conformation,  Learning, 

Luxury,  and  Commerce 210 

6.  Conformation  of  their  Deities 211 

7.  Works  of  their  Art 212 

8.  Their  Dress 212 

9, 10.  Art  of  the  Jews 212 

11, 12.  Art  of  the  Persians,  and  their  Monuments 213 

13.  Conformation  of  the  Persians 214 

14.  Causes  of  the  little  Progress  of  Art  among  them  ....  214 

15-20.  Their  Dress,  Religion,  and  Architecture 214 

21.  Art  of  the  Parthians 216 

22-25.  General  Remarks  upon  the  Art  of  the  Egyptians,  Phoeni- 
cians, and  Persians . 217 


BOOK  III. 

ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS  AND  THEIR  NEIGHBORS. 
CHAPTER  I. 

PRELIMINARY  REMARKS. 

1-3.  History  of  the  Etruscans  specially  Art  promoted  in 

Etruria  by  Colonies  of  Pelasgi  . 220 

4-7.  Proof  of  it  in  the  Representations  of  Greek  Mythology  and 

Heroic  History  on  Etruscan  Monuments 222 

8-10.  Condition  of  Etruria  after  the  Trojan  War  compared  with 

that  of  Greece 224 

11-14.  Temperament  and  Characteristics  of  the  Etruscans  . . . 226 

CHAPTER  II. 

CONFORMATION  OF  GODS  AND  HEROES  PECULIAR  TO  THE  ETRUSCANS. 

1,  2.  Of  the  Deities  generally 229 

3.  Of  Deities  and  Genii  with  Wings 230 

4.  Deities  with  the  Thunderbolt 231 


CONTENTS.  xi 

5.  Individual  Deities  — of  the  Male  Sex 231 

6.  „ „ of  the  Female  Sex 232 

7-21.  Principal  Works  of  Etruscan  Art,  — Figures  in  Bronze, 

Marble  Statues,  Rilievi,  Engraved  Gems,  Incised  Work 

on  Bronze,  Coins,  and  Paintings 233 

22.  Arrangement  of  these  Etruscan  Works  according  to  their 

Age  242 

23-26.  Paintings  in  Tombs ; Painted  Vases.  A Forged  Notice  of 

Etruscan  Urns  of  Porphyry 243 

CHAPTER  III. 

STYLE  OF  ETRUSCAN  ARTISTS. 

1.  Different  Stages  and  Epochs  in  Style  247 

2- 6.  The  Older  Style,  — its  Characteristics  . 248 

7-9.  Transition  from  the  First  to  the  Next  Style  .....  250 

10-14.  The  Second  Style  and  its  Characteristics . 251 

15.  Comparison  of  this  Style  with  the  Drawing  of  Etruscan 

Artists . 254 

16-18.  Drapery  of  Etruscan  Figures 254 

CHAPTER  IV. 

ART  OF  THE  NATIONS  BORDERING  ON  THE  ETRUSCANS. 

1, 2.  General  Remarks  . 257 

3- 5.  Of  the  Samnites  257 

6, 7.  Of  the  Campanians  = . 258 

8.  Works  of  Art,  Coins  259 

9.  Campanian  and  Greek  Vases  of  Terra-cotta  ......  260 

10-14.  Refutation  of  the  common  Opinion,  that  these  are  Etruscan 

Works '.  ...  260 

15-25.  Collections  of  Vases  of  both  Kinds  .........  263 

26-32.  Explanation  of  the  Uses  of  such  Vases  ......  265 

33-35.  The  Painting  and  Drawing  on  these  Vases 269 

36-42.  Description  of  a Vase  in  the  Hamilton  Collection  ....  271 
43-46.  Account  of  some  Figures  from  the  Island  of  Sardinia  . . 273 


CONTENTS. 


xii 

BOOK  IY. 

ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

GROUNDS  AND  CAUSES  OE  THE  PROGRESS  AND  SUPERIORITY  OF  GREEK 
ART  BEYOND  THAT  OF  OTHER  NATIONS. 

1.  Introduction 285 

2-4  Causes  of  the  Progress  and  Superiority  of  Greek  Art  . . 285 

5-8.  Influence  of  Climate  in  producing  the  Admirable  Con- 
formation of  the  Greeks 286 

9-12  Kind  and  Joyous  Disposition  of  the  Greeks 288 

13.  Constitution  and  Government  of  the  Greeks.  Remarks  on 

their  Freedom  .......  289 

14.  Statues,  as  Rewards  for  Excellence  in  Athletic  Exercises, 

and  for  other  Merit 290 

15.  Veneration  for  Statues 291 

16, 17-  Gayety  of  the  Greeks  the  Source  of  Festivals  and  Games  291 

18-22  Influence  of  Freedom  on  the  Mind . . 292 

23-27  Respect  for  Artists . ...  294 

28.  Application  of  Art  . . 297 

29, 30.  Sculpture  and  Painting  attained  Maturity  at  Different 

Periods . 297 

31.  Causes  of  the  Progress  of  Painting 298 

32- 34.  Art  practised  throughout  Greece  ..........  298 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE  ESSENTIAL  OF  ART. 

1-6  Introduction  ...  300 

7.  The  Essential  Point  in  Art.  The  Drawing  of  the  Nude 

Figure  based  on  Beauty  302 

8-19.  Of  Beauty  in  general.  Negative  Idea  of  it 302 

20-24.  Positive  Idea  of  Beauty  309 

25-27.  Tbe  Shape  of  Beauty  in  Works  of  Art.  Individual  Beauty  311 
28-32.  And  especially  of  Youth ....  312 

33- 35.  Ideal  Beauty  formed  from  Beautiful  Parts  of  Individuals  . 314 

36-39  Especially  of  Eunuchs  and  Hermaphrodites  . .....  316 

40.  Denoted  by  the  Form  of  Beasts 319 


CONTENTS. 


xiii 

BOOK  Y. 

ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS  ( continued ). 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  CONFORMATION  AND  BEAUTY  OF  THE  MALE  DEITIES  AND  HEROES. 

1-3.  Conformation  of  Youthful  Deities 320 

4.  Different  Stages  of  Youth  in  Youthful  Male  Deities  . . . 322 

5-7.  Satyrs  or  Fauns.  The  Young  Satyrs 322 

8-10.  The  Older  Satyrs  or  Sileni,  together  with  Pan 323 

11-15.  The  Youth  and  Conformation  of  Apollo.  Of  a Beautiful 

Genius  in  the  Villa  Borghese 325 

16,  17.  The  Youth  of  other  Deities.  Of  Mercury 326 

18.  Of  Mars 328 

19, 20.  Of  Hercules 328 

21-24.  Of  Eunuchs  in  Bacchus 329 

25,  26.  And,  likewise,  in  the  Bearded  Bacchus 331 

27,28.  The  Beauty  of  Divinities  of  a Manly  Age  ; and  the  Differ- 
ence between  the  Human  and  the  Deified  Hercules  . . 331 

29-35.  Of  Jupiter,  and  especially  of  Serapis  and  Pluto;  likewise 

of  Serapis  and  the  Centaurs 333 

36, 37.  Of  Neptune 336 

38.  And  of  the  other  Sea- Gods 337 

39-41.  Idea  of  Beauty  in  the  Figures  of  the  Heroes ; how  it  is 

and  ought  to  be  337 

42, 43.  The  Reverse  censured  in  Figures  of  Heroes 339 

44,45.  In  the  Figures  of  the  Saviour 339 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE  CONFORMATION  AND  BEAUTY  OF  THE  FEMALE  DEITIES  AND 
HEROINES. 

1,  2.  Idea  of  Beauty  in  Female  Divinities 341 

3,4  Of  the  Goddesses.  Of  the  Superior  Goddesses.  Of  Venus, 

the  Venus  de’  Medici,  and  others  like  her 342 

5 The  Look  of  Venus 343 

6.  Venus  dressed 343 

7.  Juno 343 

8.  Pallas 344 

9.  Diana 345 

10.  Ceres 345 

11.  Proserpine 346 


xiv  CONTENTS . 

12.  Hebe  . 346 

13.  The  Inferior  Goddesses 347 

14.  The  Graces 347 

15.  The  Hours 347 

16.  The  Nymphs 348 

17.  The  Muses 348 

18.  The  Fates 349 

19.  The  Furies 349 

20.  The  Gorgons 349 

21, 22.  The  Amazons 350 

23.  Beauty  of  the  Portraits  of  Particular  Individuals  . . . 352 

24.  Ideal  Conformation  of  Animals 352 

25.  Beauty  of  Female  Masks 353 

26.  Concluding  Remarks  on  the  Beauty  of  Conformation,  gen- 

erally considered 353 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE  EXPRESSION  OP  BEAUTY  IN  PEATURES  AND  ACTION. 

1.  Of  the  Expression  of  Beauty  both  in  Features  and  Action  355 

2.  The  word  Expression  explained  and  defined 355 

3.  Principles  of  Artists  in  Expression.  Stillness  and  Repose 

abstractly 355 

4.  United  with  Expression  of  the  Passions 356 

5.  Propriety  in  general 356 

6.  Figures  of  Female  Dancers 357 

7.  Expression  in  Figures  of  the  Divinities.  Of  Repose  and 

Stillness 358 

8.  In  Jupiter 358 

9.  In  Apollo 358 

10.  Posture  of  Figures.  Decorum  in  Male  Figures  ....  359 

11-15.  Expression  in  Figures  taken  from  the  Heroic  Age  . . . 360 

16, 17.  In  Women  of  the  Heroic  Age 362 

18.  Expression  in  Persons  of  Rank 363 

19-21.  Roman  Emperors  represented  on  their  Monuments  like 

Citizens 363 

22.  General  Remarks  upon  the  Expression  of  Violent  Emo- 
tions   364 

23,  24.  Of  Expression  in  most  Works  of  Modern  Artists  generally  365 

25.  Ancient  and  Modern  Artists  compared  in  regard  to  Action  . 366 

26.  Supplementary  Remarks  on  the  Conceptions  of  Beauty  in 

the  Works  of  Modern  Artists 367 

27.  Opinions  of  the  Unskilled 368 

28.  Superiority  of  Modern  Painting 368 

29.  Of  Living  Sculptors  in  Rome.  Imitation  of  Antique  Works  369 


CONTENTS.  xy 

CHAPTER  IV. 

PROPORTION.  — COMPOSITION. 

1-4.  Of  Proportion  generally 371 

5.  Opinion  of  Vitruvius  m regard  to  the  Proportion  of 

Columns 372 

6.  Proportion  of  the  Heads  of  Figures  ...  ....  373 

7.  Proportions  of  the  Human  Figure  more  accurately  deter- 

mined   374 

8.  Faults  in  the  Proportion  of  Ancient  Figures 375 

9-12.  Proportion  more  accurately  determined,  especially  in  regard 

to  the  Length  of  the  Foot,  in  Refutation  of  the  Erroneous 

Objections  of  some  Writers 375 

13.  Proportions  of  the  Face  determined,  for  Designers  . . . 377 

14-16.  Of  Composition 378 

CHAPTER  V. 

BEATJTY  OF  INDIVIDUAL  PARTS  OF  THE  BODY. 

1-3.  Of  the  Beauty  of  Individual  Parts  of  the  Body  ....  380 

4.  Of  the  Head,  and  especially  of  the  Profile  of  the  Face  . 381 

5, 6.  The  Forehead 381 

7-9.  The  Hair  on  the  Forehead  generally 382 

10.  Of  Hercules 384 

11.  Of  Alexander  the  Great 384 

12.  Refutation  of  the  Name  given  to  a Head  cut  on  a Gem  . . 385 

13.  Erroneous  Reason  of  this  Appellation 385 

14.  Similarity  of  this  Head  to  that  of  Hercules 385 

15.  A Representation  of  Hercules  with  Omphale 386 

16.  Proof  of  this  Supposition  from  the  Dress  of  the  Lydians  . 386 

17, 18.  Explanation  of  a Painting  on  a Vase  of  Terra  Cotta  . . 387 

19.  Of  Heads  of  Hyllus 388 

20.  The  Eyes.  The  Beauty  of  their  Form  generally  ....  389 

21.  In  Art,  of  Ideal  Heads 390 

22.  Eyes  of  Divinities 391 

23.  The  Eyelids 391 

24.  The  Eyebrows.  Attributes  of  their  Beauty 392 

25.  Objections  to  Joined  Eyebrows 392 

26.  The  Mouth 393 

27, 28.  The  Chin 394 

29.  The  Ears  generally 395 

30-35.  Ears  of  Athletes  or  Pancratiasts 396 

36.  The  Hair  399 

37,  38.  Difference,  in  respect  to  the  Hair,  between  Ancient  and 

Modern  Artists 400 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


39.  Of  the  Hair  of  Satyrs  or  Fauns 401 

40.  Hair  of  Apollo  and  Bacchus 401 

41.  Hair  of  Young  Persons 401 

42.  Color  of  the  Hair 401 

CHAPTER  VI. 

BEAUTY  OF  THE  EXTREMITIES,  BREAST,  AND  ABDOMEN.  — DRAWING  OF 
THE  FIGURES  OF  ANIMALS  BY  GREEK  MASTERS. 

1.  Of  the  Beauty  of  the  Extremities 403 

2.  Of  the  Hands 403 

3-5.  Of  the  Legs,  Knees,  and  Feet 404 

6.  The  Breast  of  Male  Figures 405 

7,  8.  Of  Female  Figures 405 

9.  Nipples  on  the  Breast  of  the  Antinoiis,  erroneously  so 

called,  in  the  Belvedere 406 

10-12.  The  Abdomen 406 

13-17.  General  Remarks  in  Reference  to  this  Treatise 407 

18-24.  Of  the  Drawing  of  the  Figures  of  Animals  by  Greek  Artists  410 


Notes 


417 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


CHAPTER  I. 

BIRTH,  YOUTH,  AND  YEARS  OF  STUDY. 

The  greatest  connoisseur  and  teacher  of  the  beautiful  in 
plastic  art  was  born  neither  beneath  the  delicious  sky  of  the 
South,  nor  in  the  lap  of  wealth.  Providence,  which,  for  the 
accomplishment  of  its  purposes,  strikes  out  ways  peculiarly 
its  own,  called  him  from  the  humble  dwelling  of  a cobbler  at 
Stendal.  In  this  city,  which  lies  in  a valley  surrounded  by 
heights,  and  traversed  b}7"  the  Uchte,  in  the  ancient  territory  of 
Brandenburg,  Winckelmann  saw  the  light,  on  the  9th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1717,  — his  birth  occurring  only  a year  later  than  that  of 
John  James  Barthelemy,  at  Cassis,  in  Provence,  the  amiable 
author  of  the  Travels  of  Anacharsis  the  Younger,  and  the  acute 
archaeologist.  It  would  seem  as  if  these  two  congenial,  lofty 
spirits  were  born  within  a circumscribed  period  of  time,  to  throw 
t lustre  on  the  age  in  which  they  lived. 

Winckelmann  received,  at  his  baptism,  the  two  surnames  of 
John  Joakim,  though  he  made  use  at  a later  period  only  of  the 
former,  either  because  the  sound  of  the  latter  was  too  harsh,  or 
from  his  preference  for  simplicity. 

The  earliest  instruction  received  by  Winckelmann  was  of  the 
kind  required  for  a citizen’s  life,  and  was  furnished  in  the  usual 
city  school.  His  father,  who  employed  himself  solely  in  mend- 
ing shoes,  — either  because  he  was  not  skilful  in  his  trade,  or 

because  his  means  of  procuring  a supply  of  leather  were  scanty, 

entertained  no  other  idea  than  that  of  bringing  up  his  son  to  the 
handicraft  followed  by  himself.  Consequently,  it  was  difficult 
for  the  boy,  who  felt  the  impulse  of  a strong  desire  for  study, 

VOL.  i.  1 


2 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


to  induce  his  father  to  approve  his  desire,  and  to  throw  aside 
the  prejudice  which  prevailed  at  that  time  in  Stendal,  as  it  did 
elsewhere,  that  “ not  only  the  shoemaker,  but  also  his  son,  must 
stick  to  his  last,  or  even  remain  in  a lower  sphere  of  his  trade.” 
But  the  father  finally  yielded  to  the  repeated  solicitation  of 
the  son,  and  allowed  him  to  attend  the  Latin  school.  The 
young  Winckelmann  earned  his  tuition-fee  at  once,  as  he  was 
received  among  the  number  of  the  choristers,  and  not  long 
afterwards  he  endeavored,  by  means  of  the  instruction  which 
he  gave  to  other  children,  — as,  for  example,  to  those  of  Herr 
Goldbeck,  a member  of  the  Supreme  Court,  — to  earn  enough 
to  enable  him  to  procure  those  books  which  were  the  most 
indispensable. 

The  early  friends  of  Winckelmann  unanimously  agree  that  he 
was  distinguished  above  all  his  schoolmates  by  his  unparalleled 
industry.  This  assertion  we  may  the  more  readily  believe, 
since  it  was  not  his  parents,  but  an  inclination  arising  directly 
from  himself,  and  the  awakening  of  his  great  talents,  — the  only 
true  guides,  — which  had  set  him  on  the  path  that  leads  to 
the  temple  of  Minerva. 

Neither  the  rare  talent  nor  the  unwearied  zeal  of  the  scholar, 
who,  at  some  future  time,  w'as  to  become  great  in  his  depart- 
ment, was  unobserved  by  his  teachers ; but  in  his  case  it  was 
not  only  necessary  to  give  him  instruction,  but  also  a mainten- 
ance. This  was  supplied  to  him  through  a misfortune  which 
befell  the  rector,  Isaiah  William  Tappert,  a worthy  and  learned 
man.  The  almost  total  blindness  with  which  this  aged  teacher 
was  afflicted,  brought  about  in  a wonderful  manner  Winckel- 
mann’s  first  instruction  in  the  sciences ; for  the  old  man  took 
the  poor  but  hopeful  student  into  his  house  as  his  reader, 
amanuensis,  and  leader,  and  in  return  became  his  mentor  in 
respect  to  his  studies.  In  consequence,  Winckelmann’s  prog- 
ress in  knowledge  was  so  great,  that  he  was  pointed  out  to 
the  other  scholars  as  an  example  in  the  Latin  and  Greek  lan- 
guages. 

The  books  $f  his  blind  benefactor  were  at  his  command,  and, 
besides  these,  he  also  had  the  superintendence  of  the  small 
school-library.  In  both  he  found,  principally,  Latin  and  Greek 
classics,  which  he  did  not  let  stand  neglected ; but,  in  addi- 
tion to  these,  they  contained  a few  volumes  concerning  the 
Adelich  Ritterplatz,  which  had  been  lately  opened,  and  to 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


3 


these  he  owed  his  first  acquaintance  with  subjects  of  painting 
and  sculpture. 

The  youthful  sports  of  his  companions  are  said  not  to  have 
had  much  attraction  for  him ; but  when  he  was  carried  off  by 
them,  as  it  sometimes  happened,  he  always  put  a book  into  his 
pocket,  in  order  to  furnish  nourishment  to  his  mind  by  the 
perusal  of  it,  whenever  he  had  a convenient  occasion  of  stealing 
away.  During  the  winter  it  was  his  duty  to  accompany  his 
schoolmates  upon  the  ice,  for  the  purpose  of  overlooking  them ; 
but,  whilst  they  were  driving  about  on  its  glassy  surface,  he 
was  impressing  upon  his  memory  Latin  and  Greek  words,  noted 
down  in  a little  paper  book,  which  he  carried  about  with  him 
for  the  purpose. 

Roman  and  Greek  literature,  history,  geography,  and  archae- 
ology were  his  favorite  pursuits,  and  he  devoted  many  a night 
to  them  while  in  Tappert’s  house.  Even  at  this  time,  he  is 
said  to  have  sought  after  Roman  remains  in  the  country  about 
Stendal ; and  if  it  is  true  that  some  of  the  urns  found  by  him 
are  still  preserved  in  the  school-library  of  that  place,  it  is  a 
refutation  of  Michael  Huber’s  conjecture,  that  this  story  took 
its  origin  at  the  time  when  he  had  already  become  so  dis- 
tinguished as  an  antiquarian.  According  to  all  accounts,  his 
desire  to  travel  was  excited  at  a very  early  lage.  Italy  he 
wished  to  see,  that  he  might  study  its  antiquities  and  works  of 
art ; and,  for  the  sake  of  visiting  the  lofty  ruins  of  Egypt,  he 
would  have  gladly  consented  to  put  on  the  pilgrim’s  gown. 

In  his  sixteenth  year  (1733)  he  went  to  Berlin,  for  the 
purpose  of  pursuing  his  studies  in  the  Cologne  Gymnasium  of 
that  city.  The  rector  Backe,  to  whom  he  was  recommended 
by  the  excellent  Tappert,  gave  him  a lodging,  and  the  pastor 
Ktitze  was  kind  to  him  in  other  ways.  He  mentioned  this 
benefactor  in  a letter  to  Uden  of  the  29th  of  March,  1753,  even 
after  the  lapse  of  thirty  years,  at  which  time  he  expressed  his 
gratitude  to  him  through  Professor  Sulzer.  When  he  had  an 
opportunity,  he  attended  the  lectures,  in  this  city,  on  the 
belles-lettres.  As  it  became  known  about  this  time,  that  the 
library  of  the  celebrated  Fabricius,  of  Hamburg,  was  going  to  be 
sold  at  auction,  he  was  seized  with  a strong  desire  to  possess 
some  of  the  admirable  editions  of  Greek  and  Roman  classics 
contained  in  it.  He  consequently  undertook  to  go  thither  on 
foot,  and  on  his  route  he  called  upon  nobles,  curates,  and  civil 


4 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


officers,  to  solicit  a small  donation.  The  valuable  portion  from 
the  property  left  by  the  late  scholar,  which  in  this  way  fell  to 
his  lot,  he  painfully  carried  back  to  Berlin  on  his  own  shoulders. 
He  spent  a year,  not  longer,  with  teachers  a/xovcrov 5,  uninstructed 
in  the  arts,  as  he  afterwards  termed  them;  and  then  he  re^ 
turned,  full  of  love,  to  his  parents  at  Stendal.  The  aged, 
upright  Tappert  received  him  with  open  arms,  and  made  him 
leader  of  the  singing-choir,  because  the  place  yielded  a little 
income. 

In  November,  1736,  Winckelmann  went  to  Salzwedel,  to  the 
school  of  the  Gray  Cloister,  of  which  Scholle  was  at  that  time 
rector.  In  the  catalogue  of  the  pupils  there,  we  find  under  the 
year  1736,  “ D.  xv.  Nov.  Jo  : Joachimus  Winckelmann,  natus 
annos  xix.”  The  reason  of  my  recording  this  circumstance  is, 
that,  according  to  Doctors  Uden  and  Fernow,  he  did  not  return 
from  Berlin  to  Stendal  till  1737.  Two  days  in  the  week  he  was 
allowed  his  board  in  the  family  of  Schuster,  a printer  of  this 
town,  in  return  for  private  instruction  given  to  his  step-son, 
Heller.  It  is  not  known  how  long  he  remained  at  this  school, 
as  no  mention  is  anywhere  made  of  the  time  when  he  left  it. 
From  a letter  to  Cleinow,  dated  June  23,  1752,  we  get  a knowl- 
edge of  a few  persons  in  Salzwedel,  of  whom  Winckelmann  ever 
continued  to  retain  a favorable  recollection  from  the  time  of 
his  residence  among  them. 

In  March,  1738,  Winckelmann  entered  the  University  at 
Halle,  in  the  twenty-first  year  of  his  age.  A small  stipend 
which  he  received  was  not,  however,  sufficient  for  his  support, 
and  he  was  consequently  obliged,  in  compliance  with  the  wishes 
of  his  patrons,  to  allow  his  name  to  be  inscribed  on  the  list  of 
students  of  theology,  although  he  had  a great  dread  of  the 
lonesomeness  of  a curacy,  whereby  he  should  be  shut  out  from 
intercourse  with  the  learned.  Besides,  he  thought  that  he  could 
discover  within  himself  a greater  inclination  towards  the  study 
of  medicine.  But,  for  the  present,  he  could  not  withdraw  his 
foot  from  the  path  ; hence,  he  returned  anew,  very  diligently,  to 
the  study  of  Greek  literature,  which  he  had  already  prosecuted 
for  a long  time  with  some  predilection,  “though  there  was  little 
aid  at  hand  in  Frederickstadt ; Greek  works  were  dearer  than 
gold.”  Herodotus,  in  particular,  “ he  translated  and  explained 
as  if  he  was  inspired  by  a Genius.”  At  the  same  time,  how- 
ever, he  did  not  neglect  the  study  of  Hebrew.  At  Halle,  his 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


5 


ardent  desire  to  see  Italy  awoke  in  him  stronger  than  before. 
In  the  mean  while,  in  1738,  he  made  a journey  to  Dresden,  the 
first  inducement  to  which  was  probably  the  ceremonies  that 
were  taking  place  at  that  time  on  occasion  of  the  marriage 
of  the  Saxon  princess  to  the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  Although 
he  was  not  well  received  by  the  Superintendent  Loscher,  to 
whose  patronage  he  was  recommended  for  aid  in  the  more  dis- 
tant excursion,  still  he  did  not  lose  courage  ; but  after  his 
return  he  was  continually  considering  the  means  by  which  he 
might  succeed  in  visiting  Italy  and  other  lands.  His  desire  was 
gratified,  though  not  till  a late  period,  even  beyond  his  boldest 
expectation. 

In  February,  1740,  he  took  his  certificate  as  a member  of 
the  theological  class.  He  remained,  however,  half  a year  longer 
in  Halle.  During  this  time  he  not  only  diligently  set  in  order 
the  unarranged  library  of  Chancellor  Ludwig,  — after  the 
latter  had  first  tried  him,  and  requested  him  to  undertake 
the  task,  — but  he  also  attended  the  lectures  of  Sellius,  Hor- 
nius,  and  the  Chancellor  just  named. 

A pedestrian  tour  which  he  proposed  to  make  to  France,  and 
even  as  far  as  Paris,  probably  falls  within  this  epoch.  Caesar’s 
description  of  the  Gallic  war,  which  he  had  read,  had  excited  a 
desire  to  see  with  his  own  eyes  the  scene  of  the  events  nar- 
rated. But  he  did  not  get  farther  than  Gelnhausen,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Frankfort ; for  when  he  came  to  consider  the  rash- 
ness of  his  undertaking,  and  the  disorders  of  war  which  were 
breaking  out  in  this  neighborhood,  he  concluded  to  return.  As 
to  the  story,  that  he  not  only  designed  to  go  to  Paris,  but  even 
to  Rome,  and  that,  on  the  road,  he  gave  it  out  in  the  Catholic 
cloisters  that  it  was  his  intention  to  become  a Catholic,  — in 
which  he  wras  earnestly  encouraged, — apd  to  make  in  Rome 
his  acknowledgment  of  belief,  we  will  let  it  pass  for  what  it  is 
worth. 

While  on  his  return  from  his  unfinished  journey,  an  adven- 
ture occurred  to  him  which  he  afterwards  related  to  several  of 
his  friends.  He  was  standing  on  the  bridge  of  Fulda,  and  per- 
ceiving that  his  dress  was  in  considerable  disorder,  he  thought 
that,  before  he  entered  the  city,  he  would  put  himself  a little  to 
rights,  and  in  the  first  place  would  shave.  At  the  moment  he 
lifted  the  razor  to  his  face  he  heard  a sudden  scream,  proceed- 
ing from  some  ladies  who  were  coming  towards  him  in  a coach 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


from  the  other  end  of  the  bridge,  because  they  thought  that 
they  perceived  from  Winckelmann’s  movement  that  he  was 
going  to  cut  his  throat.  When  they  came  nearer,  they  ordered 
the  carriage  to  stop,  and  asked  him  what  he  was  about  to  do. 
He  related  to  them  plainly  the  unfortunate  issue  of  his  under- 
taking, and  the  condition  in  which  he  had  arrived  there.  After 
he  had  satisfied  their  curiosity,  they  begged  him  to  accept 
some  money,  in  order  that  he  might  continue  his  journey  with 
more  comfort. 

About  this  time  he  wrote  several  times,  in  vain,  to  the  cele- 
brated Professor  Gessner  of  Gottingen,  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  an  office  through  his  recommendation.  In  the  year 
1740,  he  accepted  the  place  of  teacher  in  the  house  of  Herr 
von  Grollman,  riding-master  in  the  Bredow  regiment,  at  Oster- 
burg,  a mile  distant  from  Seehausen.  With  this  family  he 
passed  a year,  together  with  a teacher  of  the  French  and  Italian 
languages,  and  had  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  the  noble  treat- 
ment which  he  received. 

Firmly  resolved  to  study  medicine  and  mathematics,  he  left 
the  Grollman  family,  and  attended  the  University  at  Jena.  But 
here,  in  order  to  obtain  the  means  of  supporting  life,  he  was 
obliged  to  give  so  much  private  instruction,  that  he  could 
scarcely  find  time  to  breathe.  The  advantage  of  his  studies  at 
this  institution  he  himself  limits  to  the  benefit  derived  from 
Hamberg’s  lectures  on  literature.  His  stay  was  of  brief  dura- 
tion. Before  his  departure,  however,  he  employed  all  his  time 
and  diligence  in  learning  grammatically  the  Italian  and  English 
languages. 

After  a brief  residence  at  Jena,  — in  the  spring  of  1742,  as 
it  appears,  — he  directed  his  course  to  Berlin.  While  on  his 
way,  as  he  was  tarrying  a few  days  in  Halle,  he  received  an 
invitation,  with  favorable  conditions,  to  undertake  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  elder  son  of  Upper-bailiff  Lamprecht,  of  Heimers- 
leben,  or  Hadmersleben,  a small  city  two  miles  from  Halberstadt. 
He  accepted  the  proposal.  Lewis  von  Hans,  who  had  formerly 
been  secretary  of  the  Danish  ambassador  at  Paris,  a learned 
old  man,  was  at  this  time  living  on  his  freehold  estate  in 
Hadmersleben.  With  him  Winckelmann  was  on  terms  of 
friendly  intercourse,  and  was  furnished  by  him,  in  the  most 
courteous  manner,  with  works  of  history  in  the  French  language, 
which  he  had  procured  for  himself  in  Paris.  This  was  an  un- 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


7 


common  help  to  his  study  of  history,  to  which  he  had  now 
devoted  himself.  While  here,  he  twice  read  through  Peter 
Bayle’s  Historical  and  Critical  Dictionary , and  made  a large 
volume  of  extracts  from  it.  After  the  lapse  of  a year  and  a 
half,  Winckelmann  received  a call  to  be  associate  rector  of  the 
school  at  Seehausen,  in  Altmark.  He  accepted  it,  and  likewise 
took  with  him  his  pupil  Lamprecht  and  the  son  of  Herr  von 
Hans,  in  the  autumn  of  1743. 


8 


LIFE  OF  WIN  CKELMANN. 


» 


CHAPTER  II. 

HE  IS  ASSOCIATE  RECTOR  IN  THE  SCHOOL  AT  SEEHAUSEN  IN 
ALTMARK. 

Frederic  Eberhard  Boysen,  having  this  year  been  pro- 
moted from  the  situation  of  associate  rector  in  Seehausen  to 
the  office  of  preacher  in  Magdeburg,  was  commissioned  to 
select  his  successor  to  the  place  which  he  was  leaving.  He 
proposed  Winckelmann,  with  whom  he  had  become  acquainted 
in  Hadmersleben.  It  was  not  a fat  office,  yielding  at  the 
utmost  two  hundred  and  fifty  thalers  ($193).  Winckelmann 
however  probably  hoped  — as  we  often  deceive  ourselves  in 
hoping  — to  gain  more  time  and  leisure  for  his  own  studies. 
He  undoubtedly  believed  that  he  should  at  least  be  enabled  to 
give  greater  assistance  than  hitherto  to  his  poor  parents,  to 
whom  he  was  devoted  with  all  the  love  of  a tender  son.  In  the 
latter  point  his  belief  may  even  have  been  borne  out  by  the 
fact,  because  his  board  was  given  to  him  during  his  whole  stay 
in  Seehausen  by  the  kindness  of  some  of  his  friends. 

We  will,  in  the  first  place,  consider  him  in  his  new  sphere  of 
action  as  a teacher,  for  he  has  been  stoutly  assailed  on  this  side. 
No  one  was  bold  enough  to  find  fault  either  with  his  abilities, 
his  wealth  of  knowledge,  his  rare  skill  in  communicating  in- 
struction to  youth  in  a clear,  comprehensible,  and  agreeable 
manner,  or  with  his  humane  system  of  management,  which  he, 
as  a teacher  of  humanity,  held  to  be  the  first  duty  of  a pre- 
ceptor. It  was  necessary  to  seek  for  other  grounds  of  accusa- 
tion, and  his  very  talents  and  skill  readily  supplied  the  most 
fitting  one  for  the  purpose.  He  must  have  been  an  indifferent 
schoolmaster,  and  have  neglected  the  obligations  incumbent 
upon  him  as  a teacher,  for  the  very  reason  that  he  possessed 
great  intellectual  ability.  Justus  Riedel,  editor  of  the  Vienna 
edition  of  the  History  of  Art , writes  thus  : “ Winckelmann, 

with  his  head  full  of  lofty  views,  must  necessarily  have  presided 


LIFE  OF  WIN CKELM A NN. 


9 


over  his  pupils  at  Seehausen  just  as  indifferently  as  Jupiter  over 
the  heavens,  whilst  Minerva  was  still  an  embryo  in  his  brain.” 
Is  this,  indeed,  only  an  ingenious  conjecture  1 Or  was  it  neces- 
sary to  introduce  the  first  part  of  the  sentence  here,  in  order  to 
carry  out  the  beautiful  comparison  1 However,  let  this  charge 
pass ; another,  sent  forth  into  the  world  by  the  man  who  had 
recommended  the  accused  himself,  is  of  a weightier  character. 
Boysen,  in  his  autobiography,  asserts  that,  “ without  self-praise, 

— which  never  corrupted  the  good  qualities  he  might  chance  to 
have,  and  which  he  could  tolerate  still  less  now,  when  walking 
in  the  shadow  of  death  and  drawing  nearer  to  the  rays  of  truth, 

— he  did  incomparably  more  for  the  sciences  and  literature  in 
the  school,  during  the  year  and  a half  that  he  acted  as  assistant 
rector,  than  was  done  in  seven  years  by  Winckelmann,  his  suc- 
cessor in  the  place,  notwithstanding  he  was  so  highly  and  justly 
esteemed  in  the  literary  world.”  This  is,  in  truth,  a large  pro- 
portion, one  and  a half  to  seven.  We  will,  however,  correct  it, 
by  saying  one  and  a half  to  five,  for  so  long  — not,  indeed, 
quite  so  long  — was  Winckelmann  in  Seehausen.  But  by  what 
means  did  the  old  man,  Boysen,  know  so  exactly  how  much  was 
effected  by  Winckelmann  in  the  school  at  Seehausen  1 since  he 
himself  was  in  Magdeburg.  Did  he  happen  to  have  corre- 
spondents so  trustworthy  1 This  would,  indeed,  be  bad  for  us. 
We  will  not  ask  from  him  any  proof  of  the  accuracy  with  which 
he  calculated  the  amount  of  his  own  merit ; but  he  must  not 
state  the  account  for  our  Winckelmann ; he  has  done  that  for 
himself.  “ I have  enacted  the  schoolmaster  with  great  fidelity,” 
he  writes,  — not,  it  is  true,  in  the  shadow  of  death,  but  in  the 
maturity  of  manliness,  — “ and  taught  children  with  scabby 
heads  to  read  their  ABC,  whilst  I,  during  this  pastime,  was 
ardently  longing  to  attain  to  a knowledge  of  the  beautiful,  and 
was  repeating  similes  from  Homer.  In  Saxony,  I copied  ancient 
records  and  chronicles,  and  the  lives  of  saints,  during  the  entire 
day,  and  Sophocles  and  his  companions  at  night.  But  at  that 
time  I was  constantly  saying  to  myself  what  I still  say  at  the 
present  time,  T€tA.cx#i  S77,  Kpa.807,  koI  Kvvrepov  a AAo  ttot  e6\rj<s, 
‘ Courage,  my  heart ! once  thou  didst  endure  a worse  evil.’  — 
Me,  qui  ad  juventutem  erudiendam  natus  quodammodo  videri 
possem,  non  labor,  non  tcedium  deterruit,  1 1,  who  might  seem 
born,  as  it  were,  for  the  instruction  of  youth,  was  discouraged 
neither  by  labor  nor  wearisomeness.’  ” 


10 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN . 


How  do  these  statements  of  the  two  men  look  when  com- 
pared with  each  other,  one  of  whom  seeks  to  gain  an  advantage 
by  detracting  from  another’s  merit,  whilst  the  other  honestly 
furnishes  his  house  only  with  his  own  earnings  1 

This  would  be  more  than  enough  for  Winckelmann’s  jus- 
tification, — for  the  weight  of  his  statement  is  more  than 
equal  to  that  of  the  other ; but  a fuller  account  of  his  activ- 
ity in  Seehausen,  and  indisputable  testimonials,  will  do  still 
more. 

On  taking  possession  of  his  office,  he  found  that  his  pupils 
were  yet  not  far  advanced  beyond  the  elementary  principles  of 
the  Greek  and  Latin  languages  ; and  as  their  previous  teacher, 
Boysen,  had  been  an  Orbilius,  they  were  not  only  entirely 
deficient  in  taste,  but  also  in  love  of  the  sciences.  But  he  now 
aroused  them  from  their  drowsiness,  through  the  beauty  of  his 
explanations,  and  the  gentleness  of  his  management.  One  great 
obstacle  which  stood  in  the  way  of  his  good  intentions  and  his 
zeal  could,  however,  be  removed  only  by  his  indefatigable  in- 
dustry. The  poorer  scholars  did  not  have  the  Greek  authors 
whose  works  he  wished  to  read  with  them,  and  so  he  frequently 
copied  for  them,  with  his  own  hand,  the  selected  pieces.  But 
in  order  that  they  might  at  the  same  time  be  practised  in  read- 
ing ancient  handwriting,  he  also  made  use  at  a later  period  of 
the  abbreviations  and  uncial  letters,  as  they  are  found  in  the 
ancient  manuscripts.  There  are  still  in  the  possession  of  Gurlitt 
of  Hamburg  an  entire  Anacreon,  and  several  copies  of  a few  odes 
by  the  same  poet,  beautifully  written  in  this  way  by  Winckel- 
mann’s own  hand. 

During  the  day  Winckelmann  devoted  almost  all  his  time  to 
the  school,  and  to  a few  private  lectures  in  geometry  and  phil- 
osophy. In  the  evening  he  gave  instruction  to  his  favorite 
pupil,  Lamprecht,  until  ten  o’clock,  when  the  latter  went  to 
bed.  Then,  for  the  first  time,  he  became  his  own  master,  and 
studied  till  quite  midnight.  About  four  o’clock  in  the  morning 
he  again  resumed  his  studies,  which  were  continued  until  six, 
from  which  hour,  until  school  began,  the  young  Lamprecht  laid 
claim  to  him.  During  one  entire  winter  he  is  said  never  to  have 
got  into  bed,  but  to  have  slept  away  his  hours  from  twelve  till 
four  in  a reclining  chair,  in  front  of  a table,  which  was  enclosed 
on  both  sides  by  book-racks,  in  order  that  he  might  be  able  to 
commence  his  studies  at  once,  early  in  the  morning,  without 


LIFE  OF  WINCKFLMANN. 


11 


any  loss  of  time.  It  requires  Herculean  strength  to  sustain  so 
extraordinary  an  exertion ; and  his  friends  dissuaded  him  from 
this  mode  of  life  by  every  argument  which  could  be  made 
available. 

The  works  which  he  preferred  to  read  were  the  Greek  authors, 
as  many  of  them  as  he  could  possibly  obtain.  Sophocles  he 
hardly  ever  put  out  of  his  hand  ; indeed,  he  had  made  so  many 
emendations  in  his  own  copy,  in  innumerable  passages,  by 
remarks  and  conclusions  extracted  from  the  Scholia,  and  so 
corrected  the  punctuation,  that  he  considered  it  would  be  valu- 
able towards  a new  edition  of  the  poet’s  works. 

Another  fruit  of  his  industry  while  at  Seehausen  is  the  Com- 
mentarii  Variorum  on  the  sixteen  Satires  of  Juvenal,  and  on  the 
Prologue  and  first  Satire  of  Persius.  Of  modem  authors  he 
read  the  good  poetical  and  prose  writers  of  France,  Italy,  and 
England ; also  Daniel’s  History  of  France , and  Rapin’s  History 
of  England , — which  latter  he  purchased,  — Thuanus’s  History 
of  his  Own  Time , and  the  Annals  of  Grotius.  From  the  heaps 
of  rubbish  in  the  great  Zedler  Lexicon  he  collected,  ant-like, 
everything  which  was  useful  to  himself. 

Still,  however,  Winckelmann  was  not  willing  to  bury  himself 
entirely  among  his  books  and  in  his  school.  Occasionally  he 
made  excursions,  as,  for  instance,  to  Halle,  and  almost  every 
year  one  to  Leipsic.  He  improved  the  opportunity  of  the  latter 
to  clothe  himself  neatly  again,  in  order  not  to  be  at  all  ashamed 
of  going  into  the  society  of  refined  persons,  — a personal 
attention  of  which  men  in  his  profession  only  too  often  lose 
sight. 

For  a long  time  Winckelmann  was  very  well  contented  with 
his  office  and  his  situation ; and  I find  no  reason  for  believing 
that  he  had  any  great  desire,  previous  to  the  year  1747,  to  go 
elsewhere.  About  this  time  the  collision  between  him  and  the 
Inspector  and  Ephorus,  Schnackenburg,  must  first  have  become 
violent.  He  could  not  preach,  as  his  colleagues  did  ; that  is  to 
say,  although  he  was  able  to  do  so,  and  probably  better  than 
they,  he  had  not  prepared  himself  for  the  purpose.  Instead  uf 
it,  he  was  obliged,  as  associate  rector,  to  be  present  every  Sun- 
day at  church,  and  listen  to  the  preaching  of  the  Inspector,  who 
fell  so  far  short  of  good  models.  Winckelmann  expressed  his 
indignation  on  this  point  to  several  persons,  and  endeavored, 
afterwards,  to  edify  himself,  not  from  the  Psalm-book,  but  from 


12 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


Homer  or  some  other  Greek  work,  which  he  thrust  into  his 
pocket.  The  Inspector  was  informed,  not  only  of  this,  but  also 
of  Winckelmann’s  opinion  of  his  preaching,  which  some  kind 
friends  had  secretly  communicated  to  him.  He,  undoubtedly, 
rated  the  associate  rector  soundly  for  this,  and  made  him  feel 
the  full  weight  of  his  office  ; but,  in  his  violence,  he  also 
asserted,  in  addition,  that  Winckelmann  did  not  understand  a 
single  Latin  poet.  Even  in  Rome,  this  reproach  was  brought  to 
his  notice,  and  hence  he  asks  his  friend  Genzmar,  “ if  the  In- 
spector Schnackenburg  has  not  yet  forgotten  the  assertion, 
after  I have  explained  and  amended  so  many  Latin  and  Greek 
poets.” 

In  a letter  to  Cleinow,  Winckelmann  mentions  this  Inspector 
■with  indignation  : — Hcerent  infixi  pectore  vultus,  quibus  nobis 
insultavit  homo  umbra  suberis  levior , et  omnium  bipedum  dignissi- 
mus,  qui  Sileno , stupidissimo  Deorum , a clnnibus  sit,  — “ I still 
remember  the  looks  with  which  I was  insulted  by  a man  lighter 
than  the  shadow  of  a cork-tree,  and,  of  all  bipeds,  the  most 
worthy  to  be  wiper  to  Silenus,  the  most  stupid  of  the  gods.” 

His  stay  at  Seehausen  was  shortened,  as  he  was  not  willing, 
on  account  of  the  unpleasantness  of  his  position,  to  remain 
there  any  longer.  The  thought  once  passed  through  his  head 
of  going  to  England  with  his  extensive  knowledge  of  languages, 
and  becoming  a corrector  of  the  press  in  a book-printing  estab- 
lishment. He  felt  his  burden  doubled.  “ I have  suffered 
much  ; but  nothing  exceeded  the  servitude  at  Seehausen.”  He 
therefore  wrote,  on  Easter-day,  1747,  to  the  Abbot  Steinmetz, 
of  Closterbergen,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a school  there. 
Even  the  advice  of  Cleinow,  Superintendent  at  Salzwedel,  to 
make  an  application  for  the  vacant  office  of  associate  rector  of 
the  Lyceum  at  that  place,  was  very  welcome  to  him  just  at  this 
time.  He  was  invited,  together  with  one  Stein,  to  a proba- 
tionary examination,  and  on  the  day  designated  he  rode  to 
Salzwedel.  He  made  inquiry  of  the  host  of  the  house  at  which 
he  alighted,  as  to  the  position  of  things,  telling  him  that  he 
came  to  the  city  on  account  of  the  co-rectorate.  The  host  in- 
formed him  in  return,  that  a certain  Stein,  who  was  a native  of 
the  place,  had  also  offered  himself  as  a candidate,  and  would 
probably  obtain  the  situation,  because  all  the  magistrates  were 
favorably  disposed  towards  him.  As  soon  as  Winckelmann 
heard  this,  he  ordered  his  horse  to  be  saddled  again,  and,  with- 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


13 


out  awaiting  the  test  of  an  examination,  rode  back.  Stein 
became  associate  rector. 

The  disappointment  of  his  hopes  in  these  quarters,  and  the 
recommendation  of  his  friend  Berends,  to  remain  where  he 
was,  did  not  prevent  him  from  trying  every  means  of  escaping 
from  an  association  which  was  hateful  to  him,  and  to  get  into  a 
sphere  in  which  his  literary  talents  would  find  a nobler  and 
more  extended  field.  Whilst  on  a short  stay  at  Halle,  he 
heard  of  the  preparations  going  on  and  the  work  of  different 
kinds  contemplated  by  the  Count  von  Biinau  in  his  large 
library  at  Hotheniz,  near  Dresden,  and  on  the  16th  of  June, 
1748,  he  offered  his  services  to  him,  in  a letter  from  See- 
hausen.  This  time  his  expectation  was  not  to  be  disap- 
pointed. The  Count  wrote  to  him  from  Dahlen,  on  the  1st  of 
July,  that,  in  addition  to  the  two  librarians  already  in  his 
service,  he  was  desirous  of  employing  a third,  in  order  to  ob- 
tain an  assistant  in  making  the  compilations  and  extracts  neces- 
sary for  his  History  of  the  Empire  ; and  he  would  give  him  the 
appointment  if  he  would  be  satisfied  with  receiving,  like  the 
others,  his  board  and  lodging  free,  and  a salary  from  fifty  to 
eighty  thalers  ($38.75  to  $62)  annually,  and  would  send  him 
some  further  information  in  regard  to  his  age,  studies,  and  pre- 
vious situations.  Who  was  happier  than  Winckelmann  1 
With  the  vivacity  that  was  natural  to  him,  he  pressed  the 
letter  to  his  lips  and  his  heart ; he  wrote  in  Latin  a full 
account  of  his  life ; and  he  then  determined,  on  actually 
receiving  an  invitation  from  the  Count,  dated  the  20th  of  July, 
to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  start  without  delay,  and  to 
arrive  at  Notheniz  some  time  previous  to  September,  — 
although  the  Count  still  directed  his  attention  to  the  difference 
between  a situation  for  life,  like  that  in  Seehausen,  and  the 
temporary  one  which  he  would  now  receive. 

Before  his  departure  he  also  procured  for  himself  three 
testimonials, — one  from  the  General-Superintendent  Nolten- 
ius,  of  Stendal ; another  from  the  magistrate  of  Seehausen  ; 
and  the  third  from  the  Inspector  Schnackenburg,  of  the  same 
place.  The  librarian,  Dassdorf,  the  editor  of  a portion  of 
Winckelmann’s  letters,  had  all  three  certificates  in  his  pos- 
session, and  he  assures  us  that  they  could  have  been  given  only 
to  a man  who  had  lived  entirely  up  to  his  duty. 

Having  received  the  money  for  his  journey,  he  took  his  way 


14 


LIFE  OF  WIN CKFLMANN . 


to  Stendal,  in  order  to  see  his  father  once  again  ; it  was  the 
last  time.  To  his  friend  Uden  he  intrusted  all  the  books 
which  he  had  acquired  so  laboriously,  — because  he  should  now 
find  others  in  abundance,  — and  begged  him  to  sell  them  as 
favorably  as  he  could,  and  out  of  the  proceeds  to  remit  a cer- 
tain sum  weekly  to  the  dear  old  man,  and,  if  he  should  die,  to 
have  him  decently  buried. 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


15 


CHAPTER  III. 

HE  IS  EMPLOYED  IN  THE  LIBRARY  OF  THE  COUNT  YON  BUNAU, 
IN  NOTHENIZ,  NOT  FAR  FROM  DRESDEN. 

The  Count  Henry  von  Biinau  was  born  in  1697,  at  Weis- 
senfels,  in  Saxony.  This  experienced  statesman  had  formed 
at  his  family  mansion  in  Notheniz,  near  Dresden,  a library, 
of  which,  in  regard  to  its  completeness  and  beauty,  it  would 
not  be  easy  to  find  an  equal  among  all  the  private  collec- 
tions in  Europe.  Here,  John  Michael  Franke,  who  was  born 
at  Ebersberg  in  the  same  year  with  Winckelmann,  had  already 
been  employed  as  librarian  since  the  year  1740.  Although, 
according  to  his  own  expression,  he  had  at  the  beginning 
known  nothing  more  of  a library  than  that  it  was  a collection 
of  many  books,  still  he  arranged  that  of  the  Count  in  the  best 
manner,  and  rendered  it  celebrated  “ by  a systematic  catalogue 
of  subjects,  which,  though  an  unsurpassable  masterpiece,  is 
yet,  unfortunately,  an  incomplete  one.”  Winckelmann  was 
now  working  by  the  side  of  this  man,  who  had  the  direction ; 
each  one,  however,  had  his  separate  field.  The  new  librarian 
made  extracts  for  the  next  forthcoming  part  of  the  Count’s 
History  of  the  Empire,  and,  later  in  the  day,  worked  upon  the 
catalogue  of  the  department  of  German  history  and  the  law 
of  nations,  — opus  ingens  ac  diffusum.  Winckelmann  observed 
towards  his  brother-worker  a certain  degree  of  reserve,  and 
a courtesy  without  familiarity.  He,  in  return,  did  the  same 
thing,  believing  that  a third  person,  who  worked  with  them, 
must  have  said  something  to  Winckelmann  in  disparagement 
of  him.  At  length,  as  this  want  of  confidence  continued, 
although  they  met  daily  at  table  and  elsewhere,  talked  of 
literary  topics,  and  also  often  became  very  lively  together,  Franke 
took  once  a favorable  opportunity  to  express  the  wish  that 
Winckelmann  would  behave  towards  him  in  a free  and  open- 


16 


LIFE  OF  WIN  CKELMANN. 


hearted  manner.  This  made  an  impression.  They  became 
more  intimate.  Winckelmann  related  to  his  colleague  all  the 
circumstances  of  his  earlier  life,  and  they  formed  a friendship 
which  was  permanent.  This  is  the  way  in  which  Franke  tells 
the  incident.  It  may  however  be  conjectured,  with  reason, 
from  many  passages  in  Winckelmann’s  letters,  that  Franke  had 
been  envious  and  jealous  in  regard  to  him,  either  because  of 
the  greater  favor  in  which  he  was  held  by  the  Count,  or 
because  of  his  greater  talents  and  more  extensive  knowledge. 
To  whom  else  could  be  applied  these  words  in  a letter,  “ At 
present,  I have  no  jealous  cur  to  snarl  at  me  ” ? Nevertheless, 
Winckelmann  acknowledges  that  Franke  possessed  merit,  and 
capacity  for  friendship  of  the  noblest  kind.  “ When  I call  to 
mind  the  coolness  of  our  intercourse,  — an  intercourse  by 
which  Notheniz  might  have  been  rendered  a paradise,  — I 
recognize  a counterpoise,  which  is  allotted  to  everything 
human.  To  colossal  talents,  indolence  is  the  drawback 
assigned  ; those  who  are  bora  for  friendship,  and  are  capable 
of  finding  in  it  the  highest  human  happiness,  — which  it 
is,  — set  phantasms  in  the  way,  and  thus  do  not  experience 
from  it  the  utmost  content ; we  must  seek  for  this  in  God 
alone.” 

Even  if  a man  is  a librarian,  still  he  is  not  always  making 
extracts,  is  not  always  writing  catalogues.  As  Winckelmann, 
notwithstanding  the  large  number  of  hours  which  he  passed  in 
school,  and  in  giving  private  lessons,  still  saved  so  much  time, 
only  too  much,  indeed,  for  his  own  studies,  what  would  he  not  do 
now,  now  for  the  first  time  in  the  midst  of  literary  treasures ! 
The  Greeks  must  come  forth  again,  with  Homer  at  their  head. 
But  as  we  find  the  records  of  a people  to  be  the  scantiest  at 
the  times  in  which  they  have  enjoyed  the  profoundest  peace 
and  the  fullest  measure  of  happiness,  even  so  Winckelmann 
also  now  withdraws  himself,  after  the  gloomy  sea-days,  almost 
entirely  from  our  view,  in  order  to  enjoy,  without  disturbance, 
the  pleasantness  of  his  situation.  At  first,  his  occupations 
were  so  toilsome  to  him,  through  his  desire  to  distinguish  him- 
self, and  make  himself  acceptable  to  his  master,  that,  in  the 
first  months,  part  of  his  hair  became  gray.  The  Count  von 
Biinau  showed  him  every  mark  of  satisfaction  and  good-will. 
He  writes  to  Uden  : “No  friend  holds  his  friend  dearer  than 
my  lord  does  me.  His  opinion  of  me  is  beyond  the  truth. 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


17 


All  my  conduct,  all  my  work,  was  satisfactory,  however  little 
care  I might  have  bestowed  upon  it.  Even  when  I worked 
but  little,  still  the  Count  believed  that  I was  toiling  for  him 
without  ceasing.  Judge  from  this  of  my  contentment  and 
good  fortune.” 

He  also  soon  found  an  opportunity  of  recommending  one  of  ’ 
the  friends  of  his  youth,  and  thus  facilitating  his  future  success. 
The  tutor  of  the  young  Count  von  Biinau  was  not  equal  to  his 
place ; he  was,  consequently,  provided  with  a curacy,  and  an 
attempt  was  made  to  obtain  a man  of  better  acquirements. 
Winckelmann  proposed  such  a one  in  the  person  of  Hieronymus 
Dieterich  Berends,  a native  of  Seehausen,  with  whom  he  had 
become  acquainted  at  the  University.  Berends  possessed  much 
knowledge  of  various  kinds,  yet,  when  he  needed  it,  Winckel- 
mann gave  him,  in  the  evening,  with  the  utmost  kindness, 
instruction  in  the  lessons  which  were  intended  for  the  young 
Count  on  the  following  morning. 

As  Dresden  was  near,  Winckelmann  often  visited  it,  and 
gradually  formed  a connection  with  men  of  kindred  minds  and 
tastes,  — as,  for  example,  with  Yon  Hagedorn,  Counsellor  of 
Legation,  but  mostly  with  painters  and  engravers.  Through 
them  he  obtained  access  to  the  galleries  of  paintings  and  an- 
tiques,— an  enjoyment  which  he  had  never  experienced  until 
now,  and  for  which  he  was  endowed  by  nature  with  the  finest 
sense.  In  the  mean  time,  however,  he  was  constantly  held  in 
check  by  the  pressure  of  his  labors  for  the  Count,  so  that  he 
was  unable  to  surrender  himself  to  such  an  enjoyment  and 
study  as  much  as  he  desired.  He  may  have  often  found  it 
advisable  to  rehearse  to  himself  his  reasons  for  patience  : “We 
ought  to  be  like  children  at  table,  and  take  contentedly  what 
is  set  before  us,  without  even  longing  or  grumbling,  and  act  well 
the  part  which  is  assigned  us,  whatever  it  may  be.”  He 
plunged  afresh  into  the  depths  of  his  toils,  and  almost  per- 
ished. His  cheerfulness  and  strength  failed,  and  exhausting 
night-sweats,  with  the  consequent  loss  of  refreshing  sleep, 
supervened.  He  saw  himself  summoned  so  loudly  by  the  voice 
of  Nature  herself  to  a change  of  air  and  mode  of  life,  that  he 
could  not  resist  the  call.  “ At  last  I have  ceased  to  trust 
everything  to  my  strength,  and  mindful  of  the  proverb, 
vy  lo.lv  ziv  fJLcv  apLcrrov,  to  be  healthy  is  the  best  thing , I shorten 
sail.”  In  the  year  1751,  probably  in  the  summer  season,  he 
VOL.  i.  2 


18 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


made  a journey,  for  the  purpose  of  recruiting  his  health,  into 
Altmark,  where  he  stopped  among  his  acquaintances  in  Salz- 
wedel.  On  one  occasion,  having  sat  with  his  friend  Cleinow 
until  midnight,  the  latter,  as  usual,  accompanied  him,  when  he 
took  leave,  towards  his  residence.  As  the  night  was  very  bright 
and  still,  they  walked  backwards  and  forwards  in  the  church- 
yard, across  which  their  path  lay,  and  Winckelmann  complained 
greatly  of  his  feebleness,  and  especially  of  his  loss  of  sleep. 
Cleinow  encouraged  him  to  employ  diligently  all  necessary 
means,  and  added,  “ If  you  are  negligent  in  this  respect,  you 
will  be  one  more  added  to  the  dead  here,  over  whose  graves  we 
are  walking.”  These  words  were  not  yet  fully  uttered,  when 
Winckelmann  fell  upon  his  neck,  and  said,  “ Ah,  my  friend,  do 
not  speak  of  it ! ” And  when  Cleinow  rejoined,  “ As  it  seems 
to  be  your  opinion,  that,  after  death,  you  have  nothing  to  dread, 
nothing  to  hope,”  Winckelmann  exclaimed  violently,  “ Our 
friendship  is  at  an  end  if  you  say  another  word  on  the  sub- 
ject.” His  mind,  however,  accustomed  to  occupation,  drove 
him  back  to  Notheniz,  from  this  journey  of  restoration,  sooner 
than  he  had  proposed. 

At  the  end  of  February,  1752,  he  could  no  longer  refrain 
from  visiting  his  dear  friend  and  pupil,  Lamprecht,  who  was 
secretary  to  Colonel  Retzow,  in  Potsdam.  Of  this  journey  he 
writes  to  Berends  : “ I did  think  of  not  letting  thee  know 
anything  about  it,  being  fearful  that  thou  mightest  begin  to 
moralize  to  me  ; but  I cannot  hide  it  from  thee  any  longer.  I 
have  made  a journey  to  Potsdam  to  visit  Lamprecht,  who  has 
not  left  me  quiet  a moment,  by  his  constant  writing.  It  has 
occupied  me  three  weeks,  less  one  day.  I have  enjoyed  pleas- 
ures which  I shall  not  again  enjoy ; I have  seen  Athens  and 
Sparta  in  Potsdam;  and  am  filled  with  reverential  respect 
towards  the  godlike  king.  Of  the  astonishing  works  which  I 
have  seen  there,  I will  tell  thee  more  by  wrnrd  of  mouth.  From 
this  journey,  which  has  been  pretty  expensive,  I have,  however, 
derived  some  advantage,  and  it  is  this,  — I am  determined  to 
establish  myself  in  Rome  on  some  footing  or  other.” 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


19 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ACQUAINTANCE  WITH  THE  NUNCIO,  ARCIHNTO,  AND  THE 
CONFESSOR  OF  THE  KING.— INTENTION  OF  GOING  OVER 
TO  THE  ROMISH  CHURCH,  AND  OF  TRAVELLING  TO 
ROME. 

Winckelmann,  however,  formed  at  an  earlier  date,  in  1751, 
with  Archinto,  the  Papal  Nuncio  at  the  court  of  the  king  of 
Poland,  and  afterwards  cardinal,  that  acquaintance  which  had 
so  important  a bearing  on  his  whole  life.  It  happened  that 
Archinto  went  to  see  the  library  at  Notheniz,  and  he  felt 
himself  compelled,  not  only  to  wonder  at  the  knowledge  of 
Winckelmann,  who  was  his  guide,  but  also  to  regret  his  sickly 
appearance  and  physical  suffering.  Full  of  sympathy,  he  ad- 
vised him  to  change  his  situation,  perhaps  to  try  a journey  to 
Italy,  in  furtherance  of  which  he  would  render  him  all  the 
assistance  in  his  power.  Besides  the  mildness  of  the  climate, 
much  would  be  found  there,  both  in  regard  to  nature  and  art, 
that  would  furnish  food  aud  recreation  to  a mind  so  superior  as 
his.  As  it  had  been,  for  a long  time,  Winckelmann’s  most 
ardent  desire  to  make  a visit  to  this  land,  enriched  with  treas- 
ures of  every  kind,  he  was  almost  beside  himself  at  the  sug- 
gestion, and  exclaimed  that  “ Italy  was  the  goal  of  his  desire.” 
The  Nuncio  invited  him  to  become  his  guest  frequently  at 
Dresden.  Winckelmann  did  not  fail  to  do  so.  In  the  society 
of  Archinto  he  always  met  several  Jesuits,  — Catholic  priests  of 
an  Order  that  was  at  one  time  extinct,  but  which  is  now  reviv- 
ing again,  — who  compose  the  court  of  a Romish  Nuncio  every- 
where. Here,  probably,  the  idea  of  his  conversion  to  the 
Romish  Church  was  first  presented  to  him  as  a condition  that 
would  facilitate  the  execution  of  his  design.  Whether  other 
artifices  were  resorted  to,  we  do  not  know.  But  it  is  certain 
that  he  was  also  connected  with  the  Jesuit  father,  Leo  Rauch, 
the  king’s  confessor  ; that  he  had  been  recommended  by 
Archinto  to  the  Cardinal  Passionei,  a man  seventy  years  of 


20 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


age,  who  possessed  a large  library,  as  a learned  person,  and 
especially  remarkable  for  his  knowledge  of  Greek  ; that  Winck- 
elmann  had  expressed  no  reluctance  to  go  over  to  the  Romish 
Church,  in  case  he  went  to  Rome,  and  that  hereupon,  and  by 
the  advice  of  the  Nuncio,  Passionei  had  concluded,  without 
any  hesitation,  to  employ  the  German,  as  librarian,  at  a salary 
of  three  ducats  ($6)  a month,  and  board  free ; but  still,  that 
nothing  was  said  by  Archinto,  at  the  time,  about  these  condi- 
tions. The  Greek  writing  of  Winckelmann,  of  which  a specimen 
had  been  sent  to  the  Cardinal  at  his  request,  pleased  him  so 
much  that  he  seemed  to  have  fallen  quite  in  love  with  it.  But 
in  fact  Winckelmann  always  wrote,  not  German  only,  but  also 
Latin  and  Greek,  with  very  strong,  legible,  and  beautiful 
strokes. 

The  confessor  of  the  king,  Father  Rauch,  whom  Winckel- 
mann had  hitherto  regarded  as  an  upright  Jesuit,  — what  the 
result  also  proved  him  to  be,  — gave  him  positive  assurance,  on 
the  indispensable  condition  of  his  conversion,  of  an  increase  of 
salary  during  his  stay  in  Rome.  He  also  represented  to  him 
“ that  he  would  be  more  qualified  to  serve  the  world,  and  con- 
sequently more  perfect ; as  a Christian,  a more  perfect  Chris- 
tian.” Winckelmann  now  wrote  to  his  friend  Berends,  who  had 
already,  in  such  a variety  of  ways,  advised  him  against  taking 
the  step  proposed,  Alea  jacta  est,  “ The  die  is  cast.”  We  will 
let  him  tell  in  his  own  words  how  he  sought  to  justify  him- 
self to  a friend  with  whom  he  needed  not  to  practise  any 
reserve. 

“ Thou  hast  advised  me  as  a friend,  as  a father  may  advise 
his  children.  Thy  reasons,  dictated  by  a heart  full  of  tender- 
ness and  sincere  loyalty,  have  convinced  me  more  than  was 
pleasing  to  me,  that  my  conversion  is  a subject  of  much  anx- 
iety. But  now  recollect,  my  friend,  that  thou  didst  not  spare 
any  representation  in  order  to  detain  me  at  Seehausen ; there 
was  almost  as  great  hazard  in  leaving  that  place  as  there  is  in 
going  to  Rome.  I was  not  unacquainted  with  myself ; I knew 
that  I possessed  nothing  which  could  please  great  men ; sola 
virtute  armatus,  ‘ armed  only  with  my  courage,’  I was  leaving 
with  confidence  my  native  land.  God  permitted  me  to  find 
favor  in  the  eyes  of  my  lord. 

“ I willingly  own  myself  guilty  of  a love  of  change,  with 
which  thou  dost  reproach  me  only  too  often  iu  all  thy  letters. 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


21 


Nullum  magnum  ingenium  [sine  mixturd  dementia],  e Every 
great  genius  has  some  touch  of  insanity  ’ ; and  it  is  only  too 
true.  Illud  magnum  prcejiscini  dixerim,  nec  mihi  arrogem, 

1 Allow  me  to  say  magnum  ; in  so  doing,  I do  not  arrogate  any 
thing  to  myself.’  He  who  wishes  to  rise  must  forsake  the 
common  track.  The  wise  men  of  antiquity  travelled  through 
countless  lands  in  search  of  knowledge. 

“ My  dear  friend ! thou  knowest  that  I have  renounced  all 
pleasures,  and  have  sought  only  for  truth  and  knowledge. 
Thou  knowest  how  hard  it  has  been  with  me  ; I have  been 
obliged  to  make  a path  for  myself  through  want  and  poverty, 
through  toil  and  distress.  In  almost  every  thing  I have  been 
my  own  guide. 

“It  is  the  love  of  knowledge,  and  that  alone,  which  can 
induce  me  to  listen  to  the  proposal  that  has  been  made  me. 

“ It  is  my  misfortune  that  I was  not  born  in  a large  city,  in 
which  I could  have  obtained  an  education,  and  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  following  my  inclination,  and  of  forming  myself. 

“ The  condition  that  cannot  be  dispensed  with,  conditio  sine 
qua  non , that  is  the  most  important  point.  Eusebius  and  the 
Muses  are,  on  this  point,  very  much  at  odds  within  me ; but 
the  party  of  the  latter  is  the  stronger ; and  Reason,  which,  in 
such  a case,  should  do  the  contrary,  steps  in  as  their  ally. 
She  is  of  the  opinion  with  me,  that  we  may  look  beyond  and 
above  some  theatrical  illusions ; that  the  true  worship  of  God 
is  to  be  sought  for  in  all  churches,  in  all  places,  only  among  a 
few  choice  spirits. 

“ I believe  that  I am  justified  in  understanding  this  project 
according  to  my  own  ideas  and  conscience,  and  so  accepting  it 
and  nothing  else.  I do  not  hold  myself  bound  to  duties  which 
go  beyond  reason. 

“ Therefore,  I do  not  believe  that  I deceive  the  father  by  my 
mental  reservations ; I can  defend  them  by  the  Jesuits’  own' 
doctrines  on  this  point,  which  are  known. 

“ But  man  cannot  deceive  God.  Our  instinct  is  the  finger  of 
the  Almighty,  the  first  indication  of  his  working  within  us,  the 
eternal  law,  and  the  universal  call ; and  thou  and  I must  obey 
it,  despite  of  all  our  reluctance.  This  is  the  open  path  before 
us,  on  which  the  Creator  has  given  us  Reason  for  a guide,  and 
without  her  we  should,  like  Phaeton,  lose  both  reins  and 
course. 


22 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


“ Duties  "which  flow  from  this  source  unite  all  mankind 
together  in  one  family.  Herein,  until  the  time  of  Moses,  con- 
sisted the  Law  and  the  Prophets.  The  proof  of  the  subsequent 
divine  revelations  is  obtained  not  through  the  dead  letter,  but 
through  the  divine  emotions  which,  as  many  believers  have 
felt  them,  I also  expect  with  reason  to  feel  within  myself,  in 
still  worship. 

“ Here  thou  hast  a recapitulation  of  my  creed. 

“ It  cannot  be  denied  that  certain  other  duties,  by  which 
men  divide  themselves  into  many  clusters,  are  apt  to  make 
hypocrites,  ne  quid  gravius  dicam , ‘ to  say  nothing  worse.’ 

“I  have  walked  uprightly,  and,  since  my  academic  years,  as 
thou  knowest,  blamelessly ; that  is  to  say,  in  a human  sense. 
I have  been  faithful  without  interest ; I have  labored  without 
a likelihood  of  favor ; God  has  given  me  life  and  prosperity. 

“I  have  kept  my  conscience  pure;  how  should  I soil  it,  if 
some  one  who  wishes  to  advance  my  interest  compels  me  to 
give  to  him  and  his  fellow-believers  an  assent  to  things  which 
are  not  based  on  divine  revelation,  but  which,  also,  do  not  sub- 
vert it  1 I believe  that  I should  sin  just  as  little  as  a Professor 
at  Wittenberg,  who  subscribes  the  formulam  concordice , without 
having  read  it,  or  being  willing  to  die  on  account  of  it,  thinks 
that  he  does.  He  does  it  to  become  a Professor,  and  comforts 
himself  with  his  reservation.  My  motives  are  still  nobler  and 
more  disinterested.” 

The  Cardinal  Passionei  wrote  very  urgently  that  Winckel- 
mann  should  set  out  on  his  journey,  but  that  he  should  first 
make  a profession  to  the  Nuncio.  Father  Bauch,  and  Archinto 
particularly,  pursued  this  business  as  an  affair  of  the  heart ; 
but  Winckelmann  always  eluded  it.  He  was  startled  at  the 
word  profession,  notwithstanding  his  determination  to  be  calm, 
and  although  he  heard  that  it  would  be  made  quite  privately 
to  the  Nuncio,  in  his  cabinet.  On  this  occasion  he  left  Dres- 
den with  greater  disquietude  than  ever. 

He  was  most  distressed  by  the  fear  of  losing  the  friendship 
and  favor  of  his  dear  Count,  if  he  should  listen  to  the  invita- 
tion. He  did  not  wish,  however,  to  deceive  him.  He  there- 
fore wrote  repeatedly  to  his  friend  Berends,  at  Eisenach,  where 
the  Count  von  Biinau  was  residing  at  Statthalter,  and  urgently 
begged  him  to  disclose  his  intention  to  the  Count  as  discreetly 
as  possible,  because  he  must,  otherwise,  find  it  out,  especially 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


23 


since  some  one  may  have  already  applied  for  the  situation  in 
the  library.  Berends  complied  with  the  request  of  his  friend. 
But  Biinau  could  not,  at  first,  have  been  in  good  humor  on  ac- 
count of  the  conversion,  for  Winckelmann  replies  to  his  friend, 
in  a letter  : “ I did  think  that  the  Count  was  not  a stiff  ortho- 
dox, and  that  he  would  express  himself  in  some  measure  to 
thee,  since  thou  standest  in  such  a relation  to  him.  I did  not 
believe  that  I should  become,  on  account  of  my  opinion,  a sub- 
ject of  abhorrence  to  him.”  Afterwards,  however,  the  Count 
and  Countess  expressed  themselves  in  a much  milder  tone,  as 
we  learn  from  a letter  of  the  21st  of  February,  in  which  Winck- 
elmann writes,  full  of  delight  : “ I am  beside  myself ! My 
lord  becomes  greater  to  me,  through  his  explanation,  than  he 
was  before  ; and  the  dear,  enlightened  Countess,  may  Cod  grant 
her  many  blessings  and  a long  life  ! I could  not  have  thought 
that  they  would  think  so  liberally  and  so  reasonably.  Mark 
me,  I shall  keep  my  word  ; I will  not  quit  so  gracious  a master. 
Station  and  honor  are  nothing  to  me  ; tranquillity  and  freedom 
are  the  greatest  goods.  I have  so  far  become  wise,  that  I know 
how  to  prize  them.  My  gracious  lord  ! I should  like  to  kiss 
his  footsteps.  Praise  God  with  me,  dearest  friend  ! May  he 
prolong  the  Count’s  days  and  life  ! I am  willing  to  serve  him 
with  body  and  life.  God,  who  proves  and  searches  me,  knows 
that  I write  as  I think.” 

The  Nuncio  now  pressed  him  very  urgently  in  regard  to  his 
profession ; Father  Rauch  less  so.  It  was  intended  that  he 
should  make  it  a few  days  after  the  13th  of  April  of  this  year, 
1753.  In  objection  to  this,  Winckelmann  pretended  a journey 
to  Dahl,  to  which  place  his  master,  the  Count  von  Biinau,  was 
going,  whom  it  was  indispensable  that  he  should  see  again  be- 
fore his  departure  for  Rome ; moreover,  in  the  time  set  for  the 
ceremony  of  profession,  the  Jesuits  made  their  exercises,  as  they 
term  them,  that  is  to  say,  their  preparation  for  the  Holy  Week, 
during  which  it  was  not  allowable  for  them  to  go  out,  not  even 
to  the  Nuncio.  Consequently,  he  obtained  a postponement 
until  the  1st  of  June.  Father  Rauch  himself  advised  the  de- 
lay; but  the  arrangement  did  not  please  the  Nuncio,  and  he 
was  particularly  opposed  to  the  journey,  because  he  believed 
Winckelmann  might  be  induced  to  change  his  mind.  He  did 
not,  however,  allow  this  belief  to  be  noticed,  because  he  enter- 
tained a very  high  esteem  for  the  Count  von  Biinau. 


24 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


Archinto  — who,  until  now,  to  all  Winckelmann’s  inquiries 
as  to  what  the  conditions  were  under  which  the  Cardinal  Pas- 
sionei  thought  of  employing  him,  had  returned  the  evasive  an- 
swer, “ that  he  must,  in  order  to  tell  them,  read  over  his  whole 
correspondence,  which,  by  his  journeys  hither  and  thither,  had 
got  into  confusion  ” — now,  after  his  resignation,  disclosed  to 
him  that  Passionei  had  offered  him  three  ducats  a month,  his 
lodging,  also  an  increase  of  his  salary  in  case  of  need,  and  to 
have  a care  of  his  future  fortune.  The  Nuncio,  likewise,  went 
into  a calculation  with  him,  even  to  details,  as  to  the  cheapness 
with  which  a person  could  live  in  Rome. 

But  Winckelmann  expressed  to  him  his  surprise  at  such  an 
offer,  and  complained  bitterly  of  it  to  Father  Rauch,  who  in- 
stantly assured  him  of  a yearly  addition  to  his  salary  of  a hun- 
dred guilders  ($40),  and,  under  all  circumstances,  of  assistance, 
when  necessary,  about  which  he  might  write  boldly.  This  hon- 
orable offer  prevented  Winckelmann  from  breaking  off  the  ne- 
gotiation entirely,  as  he  had  already  thought  of  doing.  He 
now  became  bolder,  and  made  inquiries  of  the  father  in  refer- 
ence also  to  the  requisites  for  his  journey.  The  confessor 
replied,  ‘‘that  he  should  be  provided  for  richly  and  comfort- 
ably.” In  addition  to  ready  money,  Winckelmann  also  desired 
to  have  letters  on  a banker,  to  be  used  if  he  should  chance  to 
fall  ill.  But  the  father  gave  him  for  answer,  “It  is  better  to 
carry  cash  in  your  pocket.” 

Cardinal  Passionei  wrote  letters  to  the  Nuncio  relating  en- 
tirely to  Winckelmann,  and  as  though  he  were  expecting  a 
dear  friend.  “ On  his  arrival  he  will  alight  directly  at  my 
palace,  without  first  going  to  an  inn.  He,  the  Cardinal,  in 
his  capacity  as  Segretario  de  Brevi,  dwells  opposite  to  the 
Papal  palace.  Winckelmann  would  be  commodiously  lodged 
there.  He  would  lose  nothing  in  leaving  the  Biinau  library ; 
his  own  was  the  largest  in  Italy,  and  one  of  the  largest,  per- 
haps, in  the  world  ; it  contained  three  hundred  thousand  vol- 
umes, — choice  works  too.  It  was  so  well  furnished  with 
Greek  manuscripts  that  he  believed  himself  able  to  make  addi- 
tions to  Father  Montfaucon’s  Greek  Palaeography.  It  was,  it 
is  true,  customary  for  those  who  were  in  the  service  of  a car- 
dinal to  wear  black  and  a narrow  collar ; yet  in  this  respect 
Winckelmann  should  be  at  liberty  to  do  as  he  pleased.  But 
the  garb  would  not  bind  him  to  the  performance  of  any  clerical 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


25 


duties,  for,  in  Rome,  even  the  advocates  went  dressed  in  the 
same  manner.” 

Winckelmann  was  determined  to  travel ; but  because  every 
one  in  Dresden  knew  of  his  intended  conversion,  and  the  people 
almost  pointed  at  him  with  their  fingers,  he  wished  to  be,  until 
the  final  scene,  at  a place  where  no  one  knew  him  ; and  think- 
ing that  he  could  live  at  Potsdam,  with  his  friend  Lamprecht, 
at  less  cost  and  inconvenience  than  elsewhere,  he  proposed  to 
go  thither. 

Rut,  first  of  all,  he  wished  to  see  again  his  friend  Berends, 
and  the  Count.  “ Godlike  friend  ! ” he  writes,  “ I must  speak 
to  thee  ; I must  embrace  the  knees  of  my  gracious  master. 
He  must  bestow  on  me  his  blessing.  I will  not  perform  the  last 
decisive  act  before  I have  spoken  with  him.  Not  till  I have 
seen  thee,  my  friend ! and  spoken  to  my  lord,  will  I commit 
myself  to  the  stream.  Let  happen  what  may,  it  is  not  for 
eternity  ! ” i 

Notwithstanding  his  departure  for  Rome  seemed  so  near, 
and  a convenient  opportunity  presented  itself  of  going  in 
company  with  the  singer  Belli,  still  it  was  postponed  two  full 
years. 

The  severity  of  his  labors  in  the  library,  his  disquietude, 
anxiety,  and  sorrow  in  regard  to  the  opinions  of  his  friends, 
acquaintances,  and  the  whole  world,  if  he  should  take  so  strange 
a step  as  he  intended,  had  exercised  so  unfavorable  an  effect 
upon  his  health,  that  he  failed  daily ; and  his  early  trouble,  the 
night-sweats,  which  had  become  infrequent,  again  came  on,  in 
spite  of  the  severest  diet.  They  occurred  early,  in  the  first 
sleep ; by  midnight,  he  was  obliged  to  change  his  night-shirt ; 
the  sweating  was  renewed,  but  the  attack  was  less  violent. 
His  digestion  began  to  be  exceedingly  weak ; for  more  than 
three  months  he  drank  no  beer,  and  during  a considerable  time 
he  ate  meat  only  once  a week,  until,  at  length,  he  gave  it  up 
entirely.  Still,  however,  the  disease  would  not  yield ; he  was 
forced  to  adopt  the  milk-treatment,  ate  only  vegetables,  and 
frequently  only  a water-soup. 

To  these  unpleasant  circumstances  there  was  joined,  more- 
over, a misunderstanding  between  him  and  Lamprecht.  This 
youth  had  been  moulded  by  him,  with  the  utmost  pains  and 
solicitude,  after  his  own  heart ; he  lived  and  slept  with  him, 
at  Seehausen,  in  the  same  chamber;  to  him,  undoubtedly,  is 


26 


LIFE  OF  WIN CKFLMANN. 


directed  the  tender  letter  which,  without  any  superscription, 
occurs  among  the  earliest  of  the  chronological  collection. 
Winckelmann  supported  him  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  as  his 
father’s  circumstances  had  become  limited  ; he  wished  to  main- 
tain with  him  a friendship  as  noble  and  lofty  as  that  of  which 
Toxaris  furnishes  an  example,  in  Lucian’s  Dialogues ; he  felt 
himself  thrown  into  agitation  at  once,  if  he  thought  he  had 
cause  to  be  dissatisfied  with  his  friend.  At  one  time  he  writes  : 
“ I am  constantly  learning  more  and  more  of  the  badness  of 
man’s  heart.  He  has  seen  me  for  the  last  time.  May  the 
remembrance  of  him  be  annihilated  within  me  ! ” At  another  : 
“ Lamprecht  has,  at  length,  brought  it  to  such  a point,  through 
so  many  of  his  fine  Potsdam  tricks  which  he  has  used  towards 
me,  that  I begin  to  despise  him.  I have  deserved  to  find  a 
better  heart.  But  to  desire  gratitude  is  almost  the  same  as  to 
merit  ingratitude And  again:  “I  shall,  at  last,  begin  to  be 
prudent  in  regard  to  friendship.  I am  cured  of  my  passion, 
and  shall  not  again  blunder  into  any  folly  of  the  kind.”  But 
scarcely  is  the  first  ebullition  over,  scarcely  has  he  received 
a token  of  friendship  from  Lamprecht,  than  he  is  again  capti- 
vated, both  body  and  soul,  by  him ; he  wishes  to  live  only  for 
his  advantage ; he  only  wishes  to  promote  his  friend’s  pros- 
perity. For  his  sake,  he  would  be  willing  to  abandon  his 
journey  to  Rome,  his  strongest  desire ; for  him,  not  for  himself, 
he  would  wish  to  avail  himself  of  the  favor  of  the  Elector.  But 
to  this  flood  there  again  succeeds  an  ebb ; and  in  this  manner  he 
undulates  constantly  back  and  forth ; yet,  even  at  a late  period, 
in  Rome,  Winckelmann  thought  of  his  friend  with  much  anxiety, 
on  account  of  the  war.  “ I cannot  do  otherwise  than  take  an 
interest  in  the  misery  which  has  befallen  this,  my  beloved 
country  [Saxony].  But  my  heart  is  divided  between  gratitude 
and  friendship  ; and  if  my  eyes  weep  for  the  land  from  which 
good  fortune  comes  to  me,  my  heart  suffers  on  account  of  a 
friend  who  is  in  the  closest  attendance  on  the  destroyer.  I could 
not  wish  any  evil  to  the  king  [of  Prussia]  without  soon  after- 
wards repenting  of  the  thought  from  love  to  my  friend  ; a friend 
whom  I have  created,  educated,  on  whom  I have  expended  the 
energies  off  my  fairest  years,  and  whom  I have  taught  to  taste 
the  lofty  happiness  of  an  heroic  friendship,  which  few  only  have 
known,  and  then  too  late.  I lived  but  for  him,  in  order  to  die 
by  him ; perchance  only  the  memory  of  him  still  survives ! ” 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


27 


When,  in  the  year  1760,  he  promised  his  friend  Muzel-Stosch, 
of  Berlin,  to  write  notes,  explanations,  and  emendations  to  the 
French  Description  qf  Engraved  Gems  in  the  Cabinet  of  the 
Baron  von  Stosch , in  the  Italian  language,  for  the  king  of 
Prussia,  if  the  latter  should  purchase  the  cabinet  in  question, 
he  adds : “ My  first,  and  perhaps  sole,  view  in  this  would  be, 
that  I might  thereby  be  enabled  to  assist  my  former  friend, 
and  my  first  and  sole  love,  Lamprecht.  And  this  view  is  so 
disinterested,  that  I do  not  even  know  where  and  how  he  is 
situated.” 

We  shall,  however,  return  several  times,  hereafter,  to  this 
peculiarity  in  Winckelmann,  and  find  an  opportunity  to  ex- 
plain it. 

However  disagreeable,  therefore,  it  might  continue  to  be  to 
Winckelmann,  not  to  be  able,  under  the  circumstances  men- 
tioned above,  to  pass  some  time  in  a strange  place  where  he 
would  not  be  known,  still  he  was  forced,  by  the  want  of  money, 
to  continue  at  Notheniz,  and  renounce  his  journey  to  Potsdam. 
He  believed,  indeed,  that  a change  of  air  and  of  feelings  would 
have  been  more  effectual  than  any  severe  diet ; he  even 
ascribed  most  of  his  present  bodily  debility  to  the  sorrow  and 
vexation  which  had  attacked  him  in  a manner  so  indescribable, 
because  Lamprecht  did  not  wish  to  see  him  at  Potsdam.  But 
we  have  already  seen  that  many  enemies  had  conspired  together 
to  undermine  his  health. 

He  was  almost  induced  to  resolve  to  cease  to  be  the  friend  of 
any  one.  He  discontinued  his  visits  to  the  Nuncio  for  a year 
and  a day,  from  Easter,  1753,  to  Easter,  1754.  He  was  still, 
it  is  true,  on  terms  of  friendship  with  Father  Rauch, — who 
was,  indeed,  his  refuge ; but  still  he  could  not  pour  out  all  the 
feelings  of  his  heart  to  him. 

He  was  forced  to  seek  the  recovery  of  his  composure  by 
reading  and  labor,  since  even  his  walks  made  the  idea  of  his 
isolation  only  more  frightful.  Habit  becomes  another  nature ; 
in  spite  of  the  bad  state  of  his  health,  he  did  not  find  himself 
hindered,  at  the  time,  either  in  his  employments  or  his  studies. 
He  even  wonders  that  he  began  to  read,  the  ancients  in  partic- 
ular, with  an  entirely  different  insight.  “ I have  read  Homer 
alone  three  times  this  winter”  (1753-54),  he  says,  “ with  all 
the  application  required  by  so  divine  a work.  Hitherto,  I have 
tasted  him  almost  in  the  same  way  as  they  do  who  read  him  in 


28 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


a prose  translation.”  His  extracts,  relating  mostly  to  history 
and  art,  increased  much ; he  gave  to  them  a better  arrange- 
ment than  they  had  hitherto  had ; he  wrote  them  very  neatly, 
and  valued  them  as  a great  treasure.  About  this  time  he 
had,  likewise,  studied  with  great  diligence  natural  philosophy, 
medicine,  and  anatomy,  and  had  also  formed  a collection, 
small  indeed  but  rare,  of  special  notices,  observations,  and 
select  works. 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


29 


CHAPTER  V. 

HIS  CONVERSION  TO  THE  ROMAN  CHURCH. 

After  staying  away  for  a year,  Winckelmann  at  last,  about 
Easter,  1754,  again  made  a visit  to  the  Nuncio,  Archinto,  for 
the  purpose  of  taking  leave  of  him,  for  it  was  said  that  he 
was  going  to  depart  shortly.  Archinto  entirely  disconcerted 
him  by  the  display  of  his  manners ; he  was  about  to  fall 
upon  his  neck,  and  he  said  to  him,  as  he  pressed  his  hands 
constantly  within  his  own,  “ My  dear  Winckelmann,  if  you 
follow  me,  if  you  go  with  me,  you  shall  see  that  I am  an 
honorable  man,  one  who  does  more  than  he  promises ; I will 
make  your  fortune  in  a way  of  which  you  yourself  have  no 
conception.”  These  words  made  no  impression  on  Winckel- 
mann ; he  alleged  that  he  had  a friend  whom  he  could  not 
forsake ; he  related  the  origin  of  this  friendship,  and  said  that 
he  would  decide  if  he  could  see  how  his  friend’s  interest  could 
be  promoted,  for  he  hoped  to  be  able  to  take  him  with  him- 
self; besides,  he  was  engaged  upon  a task  which  he  was 
bound,  as  an  honorable  man,  to  complete.  Winckelmann,  on 
taking  his  leave,  was  obliged  to  promise  to  come  again,  and 
Archinto  moreover  said  to  him,  “ My  dear  friend ! I must  say 
to  you  sincerely,  that  you  have  produced  an  unfavorable  im- 
pression of  yourself  and  myself  near  the  royal  authority,  to 
which  I recommended  you,  at  the  time,  in  the  best  manner,  and 
said  everything  in  your  favor.” 

Winckelmann  allowed  a whole  month  to  pass  before  he  went 
again  to  see  the  Nuncio.  An  inexpressible  restlessness  had 
taken  possession  of  him  ; he  wrote  occasionally  to  Potsdam,  in 
order  to  arouse  his  friend  Lamprecht ; but  as  he  believed,  at 
last,  that  he  had  nothing  further  to  hope  from  him,  and  as  he 
was  well  satisfied  that  his  health  could  be  restored  in  no  other 
way  than  by  a change  in  his  feelings  and  residence,  what  was 
to  be  done  1 He  also  represents  his  position  to  his  friend  Be- 
rends  in  the  following  terms  : “ I see  no  favorable  opportunity 


30 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


before  me  (ponder  it  well ! ) ; no  retreat  is  any  longer  left  me ; 
I cannot  earn  my  bread  in  any  decent  way,  if  the  Count  should 
die,  since  I am  unable  to  speak  a single  foreign  language ; I do 
not  like  the  place  of  a schoolmaster ; I am  not  fit  for  the  Uni- 
versity ; my  Greek  also  is  of  no  use  anywhere ; and  where  are 
librarians’  situations'?  If  Franke  should  be  able  to  get  employ- 
ment in  the  new  filling  of  the  offices  in  Weimar,  I must  neces- 
sarily remain  from  gratitude.” 

In  this  position  and  frame  of  mind  he  went  to  the  confessor 
of  the  king,  and  begged  him  to  state  to  the  Nuncio  that  he  was 
willing  to  make  a confession  of  faith  privately  to  him,  but  that 
he  had  no  intention  of  journeying  until  he  had  completed  his 
task  in  the  library. 

The  joy  of  the  Nuncio  at  his  first  conquest  of  this  kind  was 
extraordinary.  The  ceremony  was  performed  on  the  11th  of 
July,  1754,  in  his  chapel,  where  he  appeared  in  his  pontifical 
robes,  accompanied  by  two  priests  of  the  nunciature,  and  by 
the  confessor  of  the  king,  as  an  assistant.  The  confession  of 
faith  was  according  to  the  usual  formula  prescribed  by  Pius 
IV.,  which  is  appended  to  the  canons  of  the  Council  of  Trent, 
in  every  edition. 

After  the  ceremony,  the  Nuncio,  with  Father  Rauch  and 
Winckelmann,  went  into  his  cabinet,  where  the  earlier  promises 
were  renewed  to  the  proselyte.  Archinto  said,  “ I shall  men- 
tion you  to  their  Majesties,  the  king  and  queen  ; and  you,  most 
reverend  Father  (Rauch),  will,  when  he  is  able  to  start,  seek 
from  the  king  the  sum  required  for  his  journey,  which  I also 
will  do.”  “ You,”  he  said  to  Winckelmann,  “ are  known  to  the 
electoral  prince,  and  you  may  be  assured  of  every  protection 
and  aid,  even  from  the  whole  royal  family.  I will  earnestly 
recommend  you.  Reverend  Father,  since  I am  compelled  to 
depart,  do  you  take  care  of  his  body.  He  must  go  through  a 
course  of  treatment  before  we  lose  him.”  Winckelmann  said, 
“ I shall  only  injure  your  credit,  if  the  electoral  prince  or  any 
such  person  should  attempt  to  speak  to  me.”  “ You  must  give 
yourself  some  relaxation  from  your  work,”  replied  Archinto ; 
“you  have  not  yet  enjoyed  repose.  You  will  acquire  confi- 
dence, if  you  have  agreeable  society.” 

The  step  which  Winckelmann  had  at  last  completed,  he 
announced  with  a saddened  heart  to  his  friend  Berends,  in  the 
words  of  the  Psalmist,  “ When  I wished  to  keep  it  secret,  my 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


81 


bones  wasted.  My  brother ! I have  at  length  taken  the  un- 
happy step,  which  I evaded,  a year  ago,  with  difficulty.” 

To  the  Count  of  Biinau  he  wrote,  on  the  17th  of  Septem- 
ber : — 

“ 1 cannot,  and  must  not,  conceal  from  your  Excellency,  that 
I have  taken  up  again  my  last  project,  and  have,  alas  ! made 
the  final  step. 

“ Noble  Count ! I have  made  myself  unworthy  of  further 
patience  on  your  part  with  me ; but  I entreat  you,  whose  heart 
is  full  of  goodness  and  grace,  at  least  to  listen  to  me.  May  God, 
the  God  of  all  tongues,  nations,  and  sects,  cause  you  again  to 
feel  compassion  ! 

“ A certain  mode  of  thinking  and  acting,  from  which  I should 
find  it  difficult  to  depart,  seems  to  forbid  me  from  following,  in 
a commonplace  way,  paths  profitable  to  myself.  I believe  that 
your  Excellency  has  been  informed  by  me  on  this  point. 

“ Besides  these  principles,  (I  must  here  speak  with  your  Ex- 
cellency as  with  my  best  friend,)  I began,  very  early,  to  prize 
friendship,  the  loftiest  of  all  human  virtues,  as  the  greatest 
blessing  after  which,  according  to  my  idea,  man  can  strive ; not 
the  friendship  which  Christians  are  bound  to  practise,  but  that 
which  is  known  only  in  some  few  immortal  examples  of  antiq- 
uity. This  happiness  is  unknown  to  the  great  in  the  wrorld, 
because  it  can  be  acquired  in  no  other  way  than  by  the  renun- 
ciation of  all  selfish  and  extraneous  views.  It  demands  a phil- 
osophy which  shrinks  not  from  poverty,  misery,  age,  even  death 
itself ; — 

‘Non  file  pro  caris  amicis 
Aut  patria  tiraidus  perire  * ; — 

and  I hold  my  life  as  naught  without  a friend,  who  is  to  me  a 
treasure  which  cannot  be  purchased  too  dear  at  any  price.  My 
change  has  in  view  this  great  principle,  as  a witness  to  which  I 
appeal  to  eternal  truth. 

“ If  any  one,  besides  my  friends,  should  have  learned  to  know 
me  even  to  this  particular,  I believe  that  he  would  be  convinced 
that  I speak  the  truth. 

“ In  the  next  place,  the  shortness  of  life  and  the  very  narrow 
limits  of  our  knowledge  are  two  points  from  which  a man,  — at 
least,  one  like  myself,  — who  has  passed  his  youth  in  poverty, 
and  the  years  in  which  we  are  most  capable  of  feeling  in  unceas- 
ing toil  and  long  isolation,  and  who  has,  at  last,  enjoyed  the 


32 


LIFE  OF  WIN CKELMANN. 


good  fortune  of  learning  to  know  those  writings  in  which  sound 
reason,  without  the  far-fetched  learning  of  the  present  day,  — 
which  oppresses  the  former,  — and  the  true  wisdom  of  man, 
were  first  elucidated  ; — from  this  twofold  consideration,  a man 
like  myself,  in  wrhose  way  stands  neither  birth  nor  rank,  should, 
I say,  be  cogently  taught  that  life  is  too  brief  for  him  to  design 
for  the  first  time  in  the  latter  half  of  it  a plan  of  his  future  for- 
tune, so  called,  and  that,  if  we  take  into  consideration  our  rea- 
son, which  has  been  bestowed  upon  us  for  a use  far  nobler  than 
that  to  which  it  is  commonly  applied,  it  would  be  an  almost 
criminal  vanity  to  occupy  it,  even  until  old  age,  almost  wholly 
with  things  which  keep  only  the  memory  in  exercise.  Inasmuch 
as  I have  already  passed  my  thirty-sixth  year,  I believe  that 
these  considerations  have  become  mature  and  fixed  within  me. 

“For  many  years  I have  sought  to  cultivate  two  friends,  one 
or  the  other  of  whom  will  certainly  receive  me  hereafter.  To 
make  this  course  easy  to  my  friends,  and,  so  long  as  it  pleases 
fate  or  myself,  to  provide  for  my  few  wants  in  a manner  con- 
formable to  my  friends’  future  position,  I might,  if  everything 
else  should  fail,  seek  an  opportunity  of  instructing  young  per- 
sons of  rank,  — an  easier  mode  of  providing  for  myself.  For 
the  world  is  more  than  overstocked  with  persons  who  write 
books  to  earn  their  bread.  This  cannot  readily  happen  with- 
out superior  facility  in  the  two  current  foreign  languages.  A 
knowledge  of  the  ancients  appears  to  youth  a path  overgrown 
with  thorns  and  thistles,  — as  it  in  reality  is.  If  it  were  possi- 
ble for  me  to  stifle  that  idea  of  friendship  which  has  become 
excessive  with  me,  or  should  my  friends  already  enjoy  their 
destined  good  fortune,  I might  believe  that  I was  able  to  find 
by  myself  that  of  which  I have  need.  Pauperiem  sine  dote 
qucero , — ‘ I seek  poverty  without  a dower.’  But,  at  present, 
I must  strive  to  hold  myself  prepared  for  a possible  chance, 
like  a man  who  is  forced  to  say,  Dextra  mihi  Deus  ! — ‘ My 
right  hand  is  my  God  ! ’ 

“ I do  not  allow  myself  to  think  of  presenting  myself  person- 
ally to  your  Highness  ; but,  nevertheless,  I hope  that  the  heart, 
filled  with  love  of  man,  which  has  graciously  overlooked  my 
many  errors,  will  yet,  finally,  judge  of  me  at  least  as  a man. 
Where  is  the  man  who  always  acts  wisely  ? The  gods,  says 
Homer,  ever  give  to  mortals  their  apportioned  share  of  reason 
only  on  one  day.  The  plan  which  I have  formed  for  myself, 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


33 


considered  from  one  point  of  view,  may  appear  foolish,  hazard- 
ous, and,  to  many,  impious  and  abominable.  An  enlightened 
eye,  with  which  your  Excellency,  after  the  likeness  of  the  Deity, 
is  accustomed  to  look  upon  things  as  a whole,  will  easily  be  able 
to  find  excuses  for  me.  Shame  and  sorrow  do  not  permit  me 
to  write  more.  I believe  that  an  everlasting  reward  will  be  the 
great  recompense  of  your  Excellency.” 

In  this  letter  to  the  Count  he  also  falls  at  his  feet,  — an  ex- 
pression which,  from  Winckelmann,  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  too 
deep  humiliation,  but  as  the  outpouring  of  a heart  filled  with 
love  and  esteem  for  Biinau.  In  a similar  manner,  he  often  em- 
braces the  knees  of  his  friends,  or  kisses  their  footsteps. 

Here  we  have  not  only  the  honest  narrative,  but  also  Winckel- 
mann’s  own  explanations  of  an  act  which  always  produces  a sen- 
sation so  much  the  greater,  in  proportion  as  the  persons  who 
perform  it  are  judicious,  learned,  and  celebrated.  Although 
the  time  had  passed  by  when  the  right  was  supposed  to  exist 
by  which  any  one  who  had  seceded  from  the  church  community 
of  which  he  was  a member  might  be  subjected  to  all  kinds  of 
insult  and  ill-treatment,  still  there  were  given  the  most  singular 
accounts  of  his  conversion';  but  the  correct  explanation,  how- 
ever simple  it  was,  did  not  make  its  appearance  anywhere. 
Paalzow,  his  former  colleague  at  Seehausen,  thought  he  had 
been  seduced  by  the  perusal  of  pagan  writers.  Niedel  ascribes 
the  change,  in  some  measure,  to  the  study  of  the  Church 
fathers ; but  Winckelmann  had  never  taken  a fancy  to  this. 
His  old  friend,  Dr.  Uden,  of  Stendal,  would  find  the  ground  of 
it  in  his  indifference  to  all  religions,  arising  from  the  perusal  of 
the  writings  of  the  free-thinkers  of  England,  especially  of  Tin- 
dall ; Morcelli,  as  it  appears,  in  actual  conviction ; and  Gurlitt, 
in  the  ill-health  under  which  he  suffered.  An  anonymous  per- 
son, of  whom  Huber  makes  mention,  has  come  the  nearest  to 
the  true  explanation,  for  he  says:  “Winckelmann  would  even 
have  become  a Mahometan,  provided  the  rite  of  circumcision 
had  been  performed  with  a Greek  knife,  and  connected  with 
a promise  of  having  permission  to  make  excavations  in 
Olympia.” 

If  any  one  should  now  be  unable  to  perceive  that  Winckel- 
mann, from  his  own  conviction,  looked  upon  Christian  confes- 
sions as  quite  an  indifferent  consideration  for  himself  personally, 
and  that  he,  consequently,  went  over  to  the  Catholic  Church 
VOL.  i.  3 


84 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


without  any  inner  summons,  let  him  listen  further  to  what  he 
once  wrote  to  his  friend  Berends  : — 

“ My  father,  as  I now  begin  to  perceive,  had  no  wish  to  make 
a Catholic  of  me;  he  made  the  skin  of  my  knees  altogether 
thinner  and  more  sensitive  than  one  must  have  it,  to  be  able 
to  kneel  Catholically  with  a good  grace;  he  ought  to  have  lined 
it  with  a piece  of  his  buffalo-hide  knee-strap.  In  the  winter 
I have  placed  my  muff  beneath  them ; in  the  summer  I shall 
merely  be  obliged  to  carry  with  me  a pair  of  fencing-gloves,  in 
order  to  kneel  devoutly. 

“ I notice  that  I am  still  very  deficient  in  many  things 
necessary  to  salvation.  When  I ought  to  make  the  sign  of 
the  cross  with  my  right  hand,  the  left  thrusts  itself  forward, 
to  the  great  vexation  of  those  who  are  near  me.” 

He  who  writes  upon  any  subject  in  this  manner,  and  with 
expressions  still  freer,  — which  are  too  petulant  for  me  to  intro- 
duce them  here,  — cannot  be  seriously  occupied  by  it.  I must 
present  the  life  with  its  peculiarities  as  they  actually  existed, 
otherwise  I should  omit  much  at  which  weak-minded  persons 
would  take  offence.  But  the  laws  of  biography  require  truth, 
and  Winckelmann,  likewise,  wishes  it.  “ Do  not  state  any- 
thing,” he  writes  to  Muzel-Stosch,  who  was  going  to  write 
the  life  of  his  uncle,  “ which  is  not  well  founded,  and  which 
many  men  know  better.  If  the  Life  is  well  written,  let  the 
truth  appear  in  it  also.  The  goodness  of  a thing  consists  in 
this,  that  it  is  what  it  is,  and  what  it  ought  to  be.” 

I have  asserted  that  Winckelmann  regarded  Christian 
confessions  as  quite  an  indifferent  matter  to  himself.  The 
inward  struggle  to  which  he  was  subjected  for  a long  time 
previous  to  his  conversion  might  be  cited  in  contradiction  of 
this  opinion  ; for  it  might  be  inferred  from  this  struggle,  that, 
in  his  religious  views,  he  was  at  variance  with  himself.  But 
history  teaches  it,  and  my  own  experience  enables  me  to  say, 
that  far  other  things  than  discord  in  opinions  make  the  final 
step  slow  and  difficult.  The  conviction,  that  the  persons  whom 
we  most  love  and  respect  are  much  offended  and  angered  ; the 
idea,  that  we  are,  in  a certain  measure,  regarded  as  dishonorable, 
in  conformity  to  the  ideas  which  are  necessary  to  the  permanence 
and  temporal  success  of  each  religious  party ; and,  finally,  the 
pleasing  bands  of  habit,  from  youth  upward  ; — these  are  the 
disturbers  of  the  inward  repose  and  the  instigators  of  the  con- 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


35 


flict  even  with  men  from  whose  eyes  each  cloud  of  doubt  has 
disappeared.  Winckelmann  found  in  his  situation  an  alleviat- 
ing advantage  of  rare  occurrence ; he  now  had  neither  parents 
nor  near  relatives,  and  he  never  had  a sister.  “ In  you,”  he 
is  writing  to  Muzel-Stosch,  “ I have,  as  Andromache  said  to 
Hector,  at  the  same  time  a loving  father,  a trusty  brother,  and 
whatever  else  is  dear  to  the  heart,  seeing  that  I have  no 
relatives  in  the  world,  — which  is  probably  an  unprecedented 
instance.”  On  one  occasion,  he  asserted  to  the  Baron  Erdmans- 
dorf,  in  a conversation  at  Settuno,  “ that  he  should  not  have 
persuaded  himself  to  go  over  to  the  Catholic  Church,  if  his 
mother,  or  near  relatives,  had  still  been  living,  for  fear  of 
occasioning  them  sorrow.”  If  Winckelmann  in  this  statement 
even  deceived  himself,  still  his  declaration  is  a beautiful  trait  of 
the  tenderness  of  his  feelings. 


36 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


CHAPTER  YI. 

A YEAR  IN  DRESDEN.  1754-1755. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  month  of  October,  1754,  Winckel- 
mann left  his  employment  in  the  service  of  Count  von  B'unau, 
of  Notheniz,  and  went  to  Dresden,  where  he  hired  a lodging 
for  six  thalers  a month  ; but  within  a short  time  he  went  into 
the  house  of  his  friend  Oser,  the  painter,  in  Frauen  Street, 
and  was  contented  with  a single  chamber,  at  two  thalers  and 
twelve  groschen  a month,  because  he  had  reason  to  econo- 
mize. The  character  of  this  painter  is  given  by  Winckelmann 
himself  in  the  following  manner  : “ Oser  is  a man  of  the  great- 
est talent  for  art ; but  he  is  lazy,  and  there  is  no  public  work 
of  his  hand  existing.  His  drawing  is  deficient  in  the  severe 
precision  of  the  ancients,  and  his  coloring  is  not  sufficiently 
mellow.  He  has  the  pencil  of  Rubens,  but  his  drawing  is  much 
nobler.  His  intellect  is  large  and  prompt,  and  he  knows  as 
much  as  one  can  know  out  of  Italy.  He  is  a true  follower  of 
Aristides,  wrho  depicted  the  soul,  and  painted  for  the  under- 
standing.” 

Winckelmann  also  became  more  closely  acquainted  with 
Bianconi,  of  Bologna,  an  Aulic  Councillor  and  physician  in 
ordinary  of  the  electoral  prince  of  Saxony,  a man  “ who  was 
endowed  with  the  keenest  cunning  of  an  Italian,  and  who, 
from  his  universal  intelligence  and  extraordinary  talent,  was  in 
a position  to  accomplish  everything  with  men.”  Every  evening 
he  collected  at  his  house  a circle,  from  which  all  pedants  were 
excluded,  and  with  which  Winckelmann  almost  always  met. 
But  Bianconi  was  not  pleased  if  he  saw  him,  with  the  other 
persons  present,  take  his  departure  before  the  evening  repast. 
On  this  account  Winckelmann  often  supped  there.  He  hoped 
to  be  able  to  be  of  assistance  to  the  physician,  because  the 
latter  had  begged  him  to  help  him  in  life  studies,  which,  after 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


87 


several  years’  neglect,  he  now  wished  to  resume  again.  But  it 
became  apparent  afterwards,  and  only  too  soon  and  too  clearly, 
that  Bianconi  would  have  liked  to  plough  with  another’s  ox. 
On  the  second  day,  indeed,  he  proposed  to  Winckelmann  to 
undertake,  for  his  gratification,  a new  translation  of  Pindar  and 
his  scholiasts.  But  as  he  did  not  succeed  in  this,  he  suggested 
an  absolutely  literal  translation  of  the  Greek  physician  Dios- 
corides,  from  which  he  himself,  as  he  did  not  understand  Greek, 
would  prepare  an  elegant  paraphrase.  In  order  to  give  the 
work  especial  value,  the  Greek  Codex  of  Dioscorides,  in  Vienna, 
— which  is  more  than  thirteen  hundred  years  old,  and  has 
never,  even  to  the  present  time,  been  used  in  preparing  an 
edition  of  this  work,  — should  be  collated.  But  as  this  task 
would  require  a long  time,  he  wished  to  retain  Winckelmann 
near  himself,  and  to  procure  for  him  a small  pension.  Finally, 
he  proposed  to  him  to  make  a translation  of  a small  work,  De 
Morbis  Mulierum , “ On  the  Diseases  of  Women,”  by  the  Greek 
physician  Moschion.  But  Winckelmann  was  now  weary  of  re- 
quests, and  declined  all  tasks  of  such  a kind,  and  discontinued 
his  visits  to  Bianconi. 

He  practised  drawing  several  hours  every  day,  and  he 
studied  otherwise  with  extraordinary  diligence,  obtaining  from 
the  royal  library  the  books  which  he  needed.  He  felt  well  and 
contented,  although  he  needed  many  things.  On  the  return  of 
the  court  from  Warsaw,  the  king’s  confessor  made  no  mention 
of  money,  of  which  Winckelmann  had  so  urgent  need  ; and 
he  was  determined  to  persevere  until  the  last  farthing,  in  order 
that  it  might  not  be  said  of  him  that  he  begged.  In  January, 
1755,  Father  Bauch  at  last  began  to  open  his  gentle  hand,  and 
he  counted  out  to  his  Winckelmann  ten  ducats  ($20),  his 
allowance  until  February,  when  he  again  received  the  same 
sum.  “ There  is  very  great  indigence  everywhere,”  he  writes, 
“ and  greater  here  and  elsewhere  than  it  is  really  believed  to 
be.  There  was  no  probability  that  he  could  indulge  a hope  of 
obtaining  a pension  from  the  court,  as  at  an  earlier  period  he 
had  expected ; he  received  nothing  except  a recommendation  to 
the  General  of  the  Order  of  Jesuits  in  Dresden,  which  was  pro- 
cured for  him  by  means  of  the  royal  confessor.  In  this  state 
of  uncertainty  he  believed,  all  at  once,  that  he  had  discovered 
a surer  way,  which  would  lead  him,  in  Dresden  itself,  to  a 
decent  maintenance,  and  by  degrees,  even  to  a rich  one,  if  he 


38 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


should  not  find  himself  contented  at  Rome.  He  nowhere  states 
what  it  was ; but  it  is  probable  that  he  intended  to  turn  his 
attention  to  lectures  and  instruction  in  history.  There  w^as  a 
party  which  appeared  to  desire  a course  of  lectures  of  this 
kind  ; and  Winckelmann  on  this  account  submitted  to  a few 
connoisseurs  the  manuscript  of  a treatise  On  Oral  Exposition  of 
Universal  Modern  History.  But  every  one  was  too  drowsy. 
Besides,  Winckelmann  was  very  uncertain  in  what  way  he 
should  secure  to  himself  a subsistence,  after  his  stay  at  Rome, 
which  he  estimated  at  two  years.  At  one  time  he  relied  on  the 
word  of  Father  Rauch,  to  obtain  the  situation  of  Constantine, 
the  royal  librarian,  — a man  of  seventy  years  of  age,  — with  an 
annual  salary  of  five  hundred  thalers  ($385).  At  another  time 
he  hoped  to  procure  an  office  by  means  of  Greek  literature, 
which  was  valued  by  the  electoral  prince,  and  in  which  no  one 
in  Dresden  was  skilled.  Bianconi,  whom  he  visited  again,  once 
more  laid  his  plans  to  retain  him  near  himself ; and  he  adopted 
turns  so  ingenious  to  accomplish  his  end,  that  nothing  of  the 
kind  had  ever  occurred  to  the  honest  Winckelmann.  A studied 
coldness,  and  caution  to  prevent  Bianconi  from  doing  him  any 
injury,  were  the  weapons  with  which  he  opposed  these  arts. 
“ I will  give  a loose  rein  to  my  destiny,”  he  thought  at  last ; 
“ the  best  years  of  my  life  are  past ; my  head  is  becoming 
gray ; and  it  is  not  worth  while  to  take  too  much  thought 
about  the  dregs  of  my  life ; they  do  not  deserve  it.” 

He  had  already  passed  the  thirty-seventh  year  of  his  life, 
and  the  world  had  not  yet  seen  any  public  proof  of  his  learn- 
ing ; whilst  Gotthold  Ephraim  Lessing,  twelve  years  his  junior, 
had  appeared,  since  1746,  in  epigrams,  odes,  and  comedies,  and 
even  within  the  last  two  years  had  written  The  Vade-mecum  for 
the  Pastor  Lange  ; The  Defence  of  Lemnius,  Cochloeus , Carda- 
nus,  and  Horace  ; Pope , a Metaphysician  ; and  his  Miss  Sarah 
Sampson.  Thus  differently  do  time  and  circumstances  bring 
talent  to  maturity.  The  first  work  of  Winckelmann,  Thoughts 
upon  Imitation  of  Greek  Works  in  Painting  and  Sculpture , ap- 
peared in  May,  1755,  in  quarto.  It  is  the  fruit  of  great  read- 
ing, and  of  study  into  which  he  was  not,  as  Heyne  erroneously 
asserts,  “ accidentally  thrown,”  but  which  he  had  already  for  a 
long  time  selected  from  preference,  and  cultivated  with  dili- 
gence. He  understood  the  character  and  tendency  of  his 
talent;  and  this  was  the  reason  why,  two  years  and  a half 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


39 


before,  he  wrote  to  his  friend  Berends,  “God  and  Nature  have 
intended  to  make  me  a painter,  a great  painter ; and  if  I were 
to  become  a curate,  I should  become  so  in  defiance  of  both.  At 
present,  I am  spoiled  both  as  a curate  and  a painter.  But  my 
whole  heart  clings  to  the  knowledge  of  painting  and  antiqui- 
ties.” Who  is  there  that,  on  reading  this  passage,  does  not 
remember  what  Lessing,  in  his  Emilia,  Galotti , put  into  the 
mouth  of  the  painter  Conti  : “Do  you  suppose,  Prince,  that 
Baphael  would  not  have  been  the  greatest  genius  among  paint- 
ers, even  though  he  should,  unfortunately,  have  been  born 
without  hands  h ” Winckelmann  is  an  illustration  of  the  fact ; 
though  he  possessed  no  great  dexterity  in  art,  yet  he  was  bora 
its  favorite,  and  certainly  had  just  as  much  talent  for  it  as 
Raphael. 

It  was  Winckelmann’s  first  intention,  in  commencing  this 
Essay , at  the  request  of  an  acquaintance,  to  give  it  to  a petty 
bookseller,  in  order  to  assist  a monthly  publication.  After- 
wards he  showed  it  to  Father  Rauch,  who  heartily  encouraged 
him  to  let  it  be  printed,  the  expense  of  which  he  promised  to 
bear  himself.  Winckelmann  had  thought  of  dedicating  it  to 
him,  but  the  confessor  did  not  accept  the  honor,  modestly  de- 
claring, “ that  the  essay  would  be  too  fine  for  him,  and  it  must 
seek  some  one  who  could  promote  its  success.”  Upon  this 
Winckelmann  was  going  to  publish  it  without  a dedication. 
But  when  he  solicited  from  the  minister,  Count  von  Briihl,  a 
dispensation  from  the  censorship,  in  order  that  the  essay  might 
not  lose  its  novelty,  he  was  advised  by  him  to  write  a dedication 
to  the  king.  The  king,  to  whom  mention  was  made  of  this 
intention,  graciously  gave  his  assent  to  it,  and  the  essay  was 
presented  to  him  by  the  minister  himself  on  the  first  day  of 
Whitsuntide.  It  brought,  however,  to  its  author  — who, 
though  poor,  and  printing  it  at  his  own  expense,  would  not 
allow  more  than  fifty  copies  to  be  struck  off,  in  order  that  it 
might  be  rare  — no  other  advantage  than  that  of  promoting  his 
views.  Among  connoisseurs  the  work  met  with  incredible  ap- 
probation ; every  one  was  astonished  at  the  boldness,  in  par- 
ticular, with  which  it  assailed  the  taste  which,  at  that  time,  so 
generally  prevailed  in  Dresden.  Even  the  taste  of  the  king 
was  attacked  in  the  following  passage,  which  referred  to  the 
palace  of  Hubertsburg : “ Armor  and  trophies  will  always  be 
as  inappropriate  to  a hunting-lodge,  as  Ganymedes  and  the 


40 


LIFE  OF  WINCKEUIANN. 


eagle,  or  Jupiter  arid  Leda,  among  the  relievi  on  the  bronzed 
doors  at  the  entrance  of  St.  Peter’s  Church  in  Rome.”  From 
the  want  of  more  copies,  the  treatise  was  transcribed,  and  the 
bookseller  Walther  received  from  Father  Rauch  permission, 
against  Winckelmann’s  wishes,  to  publish  a larger  edition ; but 
his  intention  was  frustrated  by  the  author. 

The  value  of  this  treatise  consists  principally  in  showing,  — 
1st.  The  probability,  carried  to  the  highest  degree,  of  the  supe- 
riority of  nature  among  the  Greeks ; 2d.  The  refutation  of 
Bernini ; 3d.  The  superiority  of  the  ancients  and  of  Raphael, 
which  was  now,  for  the  first  time,  fairly  brought  to  view,  and 
which  no  one  had,  as  yet,  recognized  ; 4th.  The  making  known 
the  valuable  antiques  in  Dresden;  5th.  The  modern  way  of 
carving  in  marble. 

In  the  Essay,  he  intentionally  avoided  all  proofs  of  his  asser- 
tions, even  in  cases  where  they  were  needed, — from  a little  bit 
of  roguery,  to  bother  the  wiseacres.  But,  as  this  purpose  can- 
not now  be  any  longer  attained,  I have  in  every  instance  given 
the  citations. 

The  three  engravings  which  accompany  the  Essay  were  de- 
vised and  etched  by  the  painter  Oser,  Winckelmann’s  friend. 
The  first  represents  the  sacrifice  of  Iphigenia,  at  Aulis,  which 
Timanthes  once  painted ; the  second,  the  Persian,  Sinaetas, 
presenting  to  his  king,  as  he  passed  by  his  cottage,  a handful  of 
water,  because  he  had  nothing  else,  and  it  was  not  allowable  for 
any  one  to  appear  before  the  Persian  ruler  with  empty  hands ; 
the  third,  Socrates,  with  a portrait-head  borrowed  from  gems,  in 
the  act  of  working  upon  his  three  draped  Graces,  which  were 
still  standing,  in  the  time  of  Pausanias,  in  front  of  the  entrance 
of  the  Acropolis,  at  Athens ; the  water-tank  is  an  accessory,  as 
Winckelmann  supposes. 

Several  translations  of  this  Essay  appeared,  and  the  criticisms 
upon  it  were  extremely  favorable  ; for  example  : “We  know  no 
work  written  in  this  style  ; in  expression  it  is  earnest  and  terse  ; 
not  a word  is  to  be  found  which  is  unnecessary.  No  one  can 
ever  study  it  without  discovering  new  beauties  in  it,  and  learn- 
ing something  from  it.”  1 Klopstock  writes  : “ Winckelmann  is 
too  well  known  to  the  lovers  of  the  fine  arts  to  need  anything 
to  be  said  by  me  in  his  praise.  It  will  not,  however,  be  super- 

1 Biblioth.  der  schon.  Wissensch.,  Th.  I.  St.  2.  S.  347.  The  review  is 
probably  by  Weisse. 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


41 


fluous  to  put  a few  others  in  a condition  to  estimate  him  rightly. 
Besides  this  object,  I have  still  ■ another,  that  of  testifying  to 
him  my  approbation  by  criticism.  I am  well  aware  that,  for  the 
purpose  of  giving  a right  value  to  this  kind  of  approbation, 
reviews  must  be  yet  harsher  than  I am  able  to  make  them ; 
still,  however,  mine  will  show  to  the  great  connoisseur  how 
much  his  works  have  interested  me.” 

Gottsched  also  furnished  a review ; but  Winckelmann,  to 
whom  it  was  not  a matter  of  indifference  who  was  the  critic, 
says,  “ He  ought  to  have  praised  less,  and  to  have  had  a better 
knowledge  of  his  subject.” 

He  himself,  in  an  anonymous  letter,  assailed  The  Thoughts 
upon  Imitation  of  Greek  Works  in  Painting  and  Sculpture , and 
immediately  defended  himself  in  an  Explanation  of  the  Thoughts , 
and  a Reply  to  the  Letter.  The  former  of  these  two  letters  he 
prepared  while  still  in  Dresden ; but  the  latter,  in  Borne ; and 
the  three  were  published  together  at  Dresden,  in  a new  edition, 
in  1756.  Now  the  quotations  are  not  spared;  everywhere  there 
are  manifest  extended  reading,  a fine,  correct  taste,  and  the 
germ  of  future  productions.  If,  in  Montesquieu’s  Persian  Letters 
we  already  perceive  the  earliest  ideas  of  his  later  Spirit  of  Laivs, 
so  in  the  earliest  writings  of  our  author  we  also  find  the  com- 
mencing lines  of  his  grand  drawings  in-  the  History  of  Art. 

On  the  20th  of  September,  1755,  Winckelmann  set  forth  on 
his  long-desired  journey  to  Rome.  Through  the  foresight  of 
Father  Rauch  he  was  well  provided,  and  was  furnished  with 
about  eighty  ducats  ($160)  to  defray  his  expenses  on  the  road. 
He  intended  that  his  stay  in  Rome  should  continue  for  two 
years,  during  which  he  was  to  receive  annually  from  the  king, 
through  the  hands  of  his  confessor,  two  hundred  thalers  ($144), 
or  three  hundred  and  sixty  guilders. 

His  route  from  Dresden  was  by  way  of  Eger,  Amberg  in  the 
Upper  Palatinate,  Regensburg  to  Neuburg  on  the  Danube,  in 
an  extra  post-carriage,  accompanied  by  a young  Jesuit,  named 
Roos,  whose  father  was  the  royal  butler  in  Dresden,  and  who 
had  supplied  the  two  travellers  superabundantly  with  the  best 
Rhine-wine.  In  all  the  Jesuit  colleges  they  were  sumptuously 
entertained,  especially  at  Regensburg,  to  which  place  Winckel- 
mann carried  a present  of  a hundred  and  twenty  ducats  ($240). 
But  he  was  most  pleased  at  Neuburg,  where  the  Rector  Ligeritz 
visited  him  each  morning  at  an  early  hour,  and  seated  himself 


42 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


in  front  of  the  bed,  and  in  this  way  they  conversed  together 
whole  hours.  He  let  his  luggage  remain  at  Neuburg,  and 
went  on  foot  seven  miles  to  Augsburg,  where  he  was  obliged, 
unwillingly,  to  stay  eight  days,  — because  all  the  vetturini  had 
been  taken  away  by  the  Jesuits,  who  had  travelled  to  Italy,  in 
order  to  choose  their  provincial,  by  way  of  this  city,  — and,  at 
last,  to  put  up  with  the  accommodation  of  a heavily  laden  car- 
riage in  which  were  riding  a castrato,  and  a man  with  his  wife 
and  two  children.  The  grandeur  of  nature  on  the  road  by  Inn- 
spruck,  Hall,  Brixen,  Bolzano,  Trento,  Salerno,  Mestre,  and 
Venice,  delighted  him  so  much,  that  he  regarded  this  portion 
of  his  journey,  until  he  arrived  at  Borne,  as  the  most  agreeable. 
He  writes  to  Berends,  “ I should  fill  my  whole  letter  with 
things  about  the  Tyrol,  if  I should  attempt  to  describe  the  rap- 
ture into  which  I was  thrown.”  The  cleanliness,  order,  pros- 
perity, and  abundance  on  the  tables  in  all  the  inns  of  this  land 
excited  his  astonishment.  The  maidens  of  Bolzano  might  be 
proud  of  the  praise  which  such  a connoisseur  gives  to  their 
beauty  : “ Of  Bolzano  I must,  however,  inform  you,  that  I have 
found  all  the  maidens  whom  I have  seen  pretty,  even  beautiful ; 
this  is  a point  of  knowledge  which  castrati  well  understand, 
and  my  companion  agreed  with  me.  He  has  seen  nothing 
wonderful,  nothing  astonishing,  who  has  not  viewed  this  land 
with  the  eye  with  which  I have  studied  it.  Across  the  loftiest 
ranges  goes  a path  as  in  a chamber.  Every  half-hour  may  be 
seen  a large  inn,  — even  where  there  is  no  village,  — in  which 
cleanliness  and  abundance  prevail,  at  the  base  of  mountains  of 
fearful  beauty.  Everywhere  beds  are  as  numerous  as  any  one 
can  wish ; and  everywhere  the  guest  is  served  with  silver  knives 
and  forks ; twenty  of  us  have  eaten  together,  and  each  one  was 
provided  with  them.” 

In  Venice,  “a  place,  the  first  look  at  which  hurries  one 
away,  but  about  which  the  astonishment  diminishes,  he  tarried 
five  days,  without  seeing  the  library  of  San  Marco,  because 
Zanetti,  the  librarian,  was  on  the  mainland. 

He  went  thence  to  Bologna  by  water ; and  during  the  first 
night  a storm  arose,  amidst  which  he  slept  so  soundly  as  to 
astonish  the  castrato.  After  three  days  and  three  nights  he 
arrived  in  Bologna,  where  he  stopped  five  days  with  Biancom’s 
parents.  During  this  time  he  went  round  looking  at  the  paint- 
ings in  the  churches  in  and  about  the  city.  His  journey  from 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


43 


Bologna  to  Borne,  sixty  German  miles,  by  the  way  of  Faenza, 
Forli,  Cesena,  Bimini,  Ancona,  Loretto,  &c.,  lasted  twelve  days, 
and  from  Ancona  the  party  consisted  almost  always  of  six  to 
eight  persons,  in  two  or  three  mule-carriages.  Wretchedness, 
distress,  and  uncleanliness  prevailed  in  many  inns;  and  the 
nearer  to  Borne,  the  worse  the  evils. 


44 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

WINCKELMANN  IN  ROME. 

“ Per  tot  discrimina  rerum 
Tendimus  in  Latium.” 

Immediately  after  his  arrival  in  Rome,  he  was  taken  to  the 
Custom-house,  where  his  effects  were  examined  piece  by  piece, 
and  were  pronounced  passable,  with  the  exception  of  Voltaire’s 
Works,  which  he  did  not  obtain  again  for  three  weeks. 

At  first  he  resided  in  a tavern,  but  afterwards  alia  Trinita 
de ’ Monti , or  the  Pincian  Hill,  formerly  Collis  Hortulorum , not 
far  from  the  Medici  villa,  and  opposite  to  the  painter  Raphael 
Mengs,  on  the  most  healthy  piazza  in  Rome,  from  which  the 
whole  of  the  Eternal  City  can  be  surveyed  at  once.  His  com- 
panions in  the  house  were  merely  painters,  — two  Englishmen, 
two  Frenchmen,  and  one  German.  The  earnest  recommenda-’ 
tion  to  Mengs  the  painter,  which  he  had  received  from  Diete- 
rich,  the  court-painter,  was  a great  advantage  to  him,  for  he 
did  not  speak  the  Italian  language  with  ease,  and  was,  more- 
over, without  acquaintances  ; but  it  was  of  still  more  benefit  to 
him  than  this,  because  he  found  united  in  this  man  the  think- 
ing and  the  practical  artist.  Mengs  proved  of  uncommon  ser- 
vice to  him.  On  each  fast-day  Winckelmann  dined  at  his  table, 
drank  coffee  there,  and  visited  him  frequently  at  other  times. 
He  writes : “ Without  this  man  I should  be,  as  it  were,  in  a 
desert,  for  I was  not  furnished  with  the  address  of  any  one.  I 
spend  more  time  with  him  than  elsewhere ; and  through  him 
I have  procured  the  addresses  of  several  persons,  and  he  is  the 
man  who  can  be  useful  to  me  in  everything.  Even  this  letter 
I write  in  his  chamber.” 

On  the  17th  of  January,  1756,  he  obtained  an  audience  of 
the  Pope,  Benedict  XIV.,  through  the  means  of  his  first  phy- 
sician in  ordinary,  Laurenti,  with  whom  he  had  become  ac- 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


45 


quainted  through  a letter  of  Bianconi,  of  Dresden.  His  Holiness 
excused  Winckelmann  from  kissing  his  foot,  and  assured  him  of 
his  favor.  About  this  time,  — after,  however,  he  had  expressed 
himself  opposed  to  any  engagement,  — he  allowed  himself  like- 
wise to  be  presented  to  the  Cardinal  Passionei,  who  received 
him  with  extraordinary  courtesy,  and  immediately  conducted 
him  into  his  library.  As  it  is  the  custom  in  Borne  not  to  un- 
cover the  head  even  in  the  apartment  of  the  person  to  whom 
the  visit  is  made,  Passionei  did  not  allow  any  one  in  the  library 
to  remove  his  hat  in  his  presence.  “You  must  knowT,”  he  said 
to  Winckelmann,  “ that  all  compliments  are  banished  from  the 
republic  of  letters.”  He  granted  him  full  liberty  to  visit  this 
beautiful  collection  of  books,  which  was  almost  as  numerous  as 
that  of  Yon  Biinau,  at  Notheniz,  every  day  from  nine  till  twelve 
o’clock,  and  showed  him  the  commencement  of  a review,  in  writ- 
ing, of  the  manuscripts,  — a work  which  had  been  deferred  on 
Winckelmann’s  account.  But,  like  Hector,  he  said,  “ I fear 
the  Greeks.” 

On  Sundays  he  went  to  the  galleries  with  a few  artists, 
among  whom  was  the  landscape-painter,  Harper,  of  Berlin, 
who  had  already  spent  about  four  years  in  Rome  ; but,  after- 
wards, he  gave  a certain  sum  to  be  allowed  to  see  the  Apollo, 
the  Laocoon,  and  the  Torso,  in  the  Belvedere,  as  often  as  he 
required,  in  order  that  his  spirit  might  be  more  profoundly 
stirred  by  the  contemplation  of  these  works.  From  these 
visits  arose  the  design  of  writing  a large  work  on  the  taste  of 
Greek  artists.  He  had  read  Pausanias  for  this  purpose,  and  he 
was  desirous  of  continuing  on  with  some  of  the  other  ancient 
writers.  “ This  work,”  he  writes  to  Franke,  “ occupies  me  to 
such  a degree,  that  I think  of  it  whether  I stand  still  or  walk. 
A description  of  the  Apollo  demands  the  loftiest  style ; an 
elevation  above  everything  human.  The  effect  produced  by 
his  aspect  is  indescribable.” 

In  the  beginning  of  the  summer  of  1756,  he  visited  Frascati, 
Tivoli,  and  other  places  in  the  vicinity,  where  nature,  as  soon 
as  one  has  passed  from  the  waste  regions  about  Rome,  is  inex- 
pressibly beautiful.  He  writes,  “ Tivoli  has,  besides,  become 
memorable  to  me  through  something  hitherto  unnoticed  ; I do 
not  believe  that  it  is  possible  to  find  in  any  other  place  in  Italy 
so  pure  blood  ; it  is  not  rare  to  see  a Grecian  profile.” 

About  this  time  he  almost  met  his  death  in  the  garden  of  the 


46 


LIFE  OF  WIN CKELMANN. 


Ludovisi  villa.  He  had  mounted  on  the  base  of  a statue,  for 
the  purpose  of  examining  the  workmanship  of  it  more  narrowly  ; 
as  he  was  about  to  descend,  it  fell  and  broke  in  pieces.  Filled 
with  apprehension,  he  did  not  know  what  to  do,  and  endeavored 
to  satisfy  the  superintendent  by  paying  him  a few  ducats. 

He  formed  the  plan  of  a work  which,  judged  by  its  contents, 
would  exceed  the  promise  in  the  title,  The  Restoration  of  Statues 
and  other  Works  of  Antiquity.  But  neither  this,  nor  the  work 
previously  mentioned,  was  fully  carried  out.  A larger  work, 
The  History  of  Art , on  which  from  this  time  forward  his  soul 
hung,  robbed  him  of  almost  all  his  time,  because  he  was 
obliged  to  read  the  ancient  authors,  collectively,  over  again. 

For  some  time  he  resided  in  the  same  house  with  the  Danish 
sculptor,  Wiedewelt.  He  did  not  form  many  acquaintances, 
but  limited  himself  to  Mengs,  Passionei,  Alexander  Albani, 
Archinto,  Giacomelli,  Baldani,  Corsini,  Contucci,  Ruggieri,  Ceri- 
sano  ; but  these  were  persons  of  so  distinguished  talents  that 
he  speaks  of  them  with  the  highest  praise.  “All  is  naught, 
compared  with  Rome  ! Formerly,  I thought  that  I had 
thoroughly  studied  everything,  and  behold,  when  I came  hither, 
I saw  that  I knew  nothing.  Here,  I have  become  smaller  than 
when  I came  out  of  school  in  the  Biinau  library.  If  thou 
shouldst  wish  to  learn  to  know  men,  here  is  the  place ; here  are 
heads  of  infinite  talent,  men  of  high  endowments,  beauties  of 
the  lofty  character  which  the  Greeks  have  given  to  their  figures ; 
and  he  who  finds  at  last  the  right  paths,  sees  persons  com- 
pounded of  truth,  rectitude,  and  greatness  ; and  as  the  free- 
dom enjoyed  in  other  states  is  only  a shadow  compared  with 
that  of  Rome,  — which  probably  strikes  thee  as  a paradox,  — 
so  there  is  also  in  this  place  a different  mode  of  thinking. 
Rome  is,  I believe,  the  high  school  of  the  whole  world ; and  I 
too  have  been  tried  and  refined.” 

Barthelemy,  the  author  of  Anacharsis  the  Younger , who  re- 
sided at  Rome  quite  a long  time  at  the  same  period,  in  the 
years  1755  and  1756,  agrees  perfectly  in  opinion  with  Winckel- 
mann  about  the  principal  learned  men  in  Rome,  although  he 
did  not  become  acquainted  with  the  German  archaeologist.  Of 
Corsini  and  Giacomelli  he  writes  : “ Corsini,  the  General  of  the 
Schools  of  Piety,  who  has  written  Attic  Splendor , and  several 
other  works  upon  antiquity,  is  a man  who  unites  very  profound 
knowledge  with  much  gentleness  and  modesty.  Giacomelli, 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


47 


who  is  very  learned  in  the  Greek  language,  has  written  a large 
commentary  upon  the  Electra  of  Sophocles,  in  which  emenda- 
tions are  found  that  seem  to  me  happy.  He  is  a man  of  soul, 
who  possesses  the  true  taste  of  Greek  literature,  and  is  more 
captivated  by  Homer  than  by  Tasso,  and  who  knows  by  heart 
an  endless  number  of  passages  in  the  Greek  poets.  Italy, 
notwithstanding  her  humiliation  and  want  of  courage  generally, 
still  produces  many  learned  men,  wrnrthy  of  their  predecessors.” 
He  lauds  the  truth  and  candor  of  Passionei,  which  drew  upon 
him  the  hatred  of  most  of  the  cardinals,  the  firmness  of  his 
character,  which  made  him  an  object  of  fear  to  the  religious 
societies,  and  his  rectitude,  which  was  always  admitted,  even  in 
the  country  where  all  virtues  and  vices  lie  concealed  under 
policy  and  hypocrisy. 

In  consequence  of  a very  earnest  recommendation  from  the 
Baron  Stosch,  in  Florence,  with  whom  Winckelmann  had 
opened  a literary  correspondence,  he  became  more  nearly 
acquainted  with  the  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani,  who  was  un- 
surpassed as  a lover  and  judge  of  ancient  works  of  art ; the 
acquaintance  soon  increased  even  to  friendship.  With  the  lat- 
ter and  Passionei  he  often  dined  ; but  from  Archinto  he  ac- 
cepted only  the  very  spacious  apartments  offered  him  in  the 
Cancellaria,  — for  the  purpose  of  arranging  his  library,  in  that 
building,  without  entering  further  into  any  engagement,  or 
desiring  a remuneration.  But  when  this  dignitary  saw  how 
Winckelmann  was  estimated  by  Passionei  and  Albani,  he  also 
invited  him  often  to  his  table,  which  was  viewed  as  a great 
honor,  because,  in  his  capacity  as  State  Secretary,  he  resided  in 
the  Papal  palace  on  Monte  Cavallo,  and  entertained  prelates 
only. 

Thus  situated,  Winckelmann  was  perfectly  happy.  His 
health  was  better  than  ever ; he  became  stouter,  and  though  he 
occasionally  ate  too  much  and  drank  like  a German,  that  is  to 
say,  wine  without  water,  still  his  head  and  his  stomach  re- 
mained excellently  well.  Only  he  became  sensitive  to  the  cold^ 
which  in  warm  climates  is  always  more  disagreeable  than  in 
the  rude  North.  His  mode  of  life  in  other  respects  contrib- 
uted much,  however,  to  his  good  health  ; he  went  home  betimes, 
retired  early  to  bed,  and  rose  early ; renounced  operas  and 
plays  ; and  slept  in  the  vast  palace  in  which  he  dwelt,  undis- 
turbed by  the  fearful  noise  which  prevails  in  Rome,  especially 


48 


LIFE  OF  WIN CKELMANN. 


of  summer  nights,  — worse  than  it  was  in  the  days  of  Juvenal, 
since  at  that  time  coaches  were  not  known.  “ In  the  day- 
time,” he  writes  to  Berends,  “ it  is  pretty  quiet  in  Rome  ; but 
at  night  it  is  the  devil  let  loose.  From  the  great  freedom  which 
prevails  here,  and  from  the  neglect  of  any  sort  of  police,  the 
brawling,  shooting,  fireworks,  and  bonfires  in  all  the  streets,  last 
during  the  whole  night,  and  until  the  bright  morning.  The 
populace  is  untamed,  and  the  governor  is  become  weary  of 
banishing  and  hanging.” 

However,  he  enjoyed  Rome,  and  profited  by  a residence  there, 
as  few  strangers  before  him  had  profited,  or  were  able  to 
profit.  He  believed  that  he  had  come  there  for  the  purpose  of 
opening  the  eyes  of  those  who  should  see  this  capital  after  him. 
He  writes  to  Franke  : “ If  I can  be  further  assisted,  then  is 
Rome,  with  a competency  on  thy  part,  a paradise,  and  I should 
quit  it  with  tears  in  my  eyes.”  Occasionally,  he  even  called, 
jocosely,  all  Rome  his  own.  He  estimated  his  freedom  at  the 
highest  degree,  because  without  it,  his  plans  must  be  defeated  ; 
and  since  it  was  likely  that,  during  the  war  of  the  Prussians 
with  the  Saxons,  his  small  pension  would  not  be  paid,  he  had 
conceived  the  project  of  entering  a reasonable  order  of  Bene- 
dictines or  Augustines,  where  he  might  be  released  from  service 
in  the  choir,  and  stand  in  no  further  need  of  any  one’s  assist- 
ance. The  king  of  Poland,  however,  gave  Winckelmann  to 
understand  that  he  prized  him  ; and,  on  learning  his  dangerous 
adventure  with  the  statue,  he  wished  to  have  Winckelmann 
warned  not  to  venture  his  limbs  and  life  from  love  for  antiquity. 
Furthermore,  the  pension  was  paid  to  him  in  full. 

Nothing  seemed  to  him  to  contrast  so  strongly  with  the 
manners  prevailing  at  that  time  in  Germany,  as  the  condescen- 
sion of  the  great,  and  the  modesty  of  the  most  distinguished 
learned  men.  Passionei  often  drove  out  with  him ; and  visitors 
walked  with  Albani,  at  his  villa,  as  with  a burgher ; Corsini, 
who  was  far  removed  from  pious  hypocrisy,  disowned  any  merit ; 
Contucci,  who  possessed  great  learning,  imparted  without  re- 
serve what  he  knew,  and  he,  as  well  as  Baldani,  who  was 
regarded  as  the  greatest  intellect  in  Rome,  — which  has  an 
infinite  meaning,  — did  not  have  the  vanity  of  becoming 
authors.  Every  Sunday  evening  these  two  held  a conference 
with  each  other  in  relation  to  antiquities,  and  Winckelmann, 
having  received  from  Baldani  a spontaneous  invitation  to  join 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN . 


49 


them,  became  the  third,  so  that  he  was  now  an  intimate  friend 
of  Giacomelli,  the  most  learned  man  in  Rome,  and  of  Baldani, 
the  wisest.  In  common  with  the  former,  he  obtained  the  repu- 
tation of  being  the  greatest  Grecian  in  the  city. 

His  studies  were  the  ancients,  the  best  authors  of  Italy,  and 
art.  He  proposed  to  publish,  with*  a translation,  the  manuscript 
discourses  of  Libanius  which  were  contained  in  the  Vatican  and 
Barberini  libraries  ; to  write  Letters  from  Rome,  addressed  to 
his  friends ; and  to  describe  the  statues  of  the  Belvedere  : the 
last  was  also  really  executed.  His  elevated  notions  of  an 
author’s  duty,  and  of  the  requisites  of  his  style,  were  ever 
present  to  his  eyes  : and  in  order  to  elevate  himself  above  the 
common  class  of  writers,  he  proceeded  slowly  and  carefully 
with  works  which  he  wished  to  last.  “ I know  what  a difficult 
task  writing  is,  and  Roscommon  is  right,  in  my  opinion,  when 
hb  says,  ‘ The  greatest  masterprice  of  everything  in  which  man- 
kind has  been  distinguished  is  good  writing.’  My  principal  rule 
is,  never  to  say  in  two  words  what  can  be  expressed  by  one  ; 
but  to  express  myself  freely  when  expressing  my  own  thoughts, 
or  engaged  on  description  in  the  higher  style  of  composition. 
It  is  impossible  for  any  one  to  write  very  badly,  if,  in  the  first 
place,  he  note  down,  in  the  works  of  the  ancients,  what  he 
wishes  them  to  have  written  and  not  to  have  written  ; in  the 
next  place,  if  he  think  for  himself,  and  not  let  others  think  for 
him  ; furthermore,  if  he  strive  for  brevity  in  writing,  for  the 
world  is  flooded  with  books ; and,  finally,  if  he  imagine  himself 
to  be  speaking  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  world,  look  upon 
all  his  readers  as  enemies,  and,  if  possible,  write  nothing  which 
may  not  be  considered  worthy  of  posterity.  These  conditions 
it  is  difficult  to  fulfil ; but  the  first  is  in  the  power  of  each  one. 
As  for  the  rest,  great  ignoramuses  can  write  very  learnedly.  Big 
books,  like  Wolf’s  works,  are  compiled  without  great  trouble ; 
but  a work  in  which  nothing  is  borrowed,  and  everything  is 
original,  and  which  contains  nothing  that  is  copied  or  quoted 
from  others,  requires  a long  time  and  much  precision.”  Upon 
the  description  of  the  Torso  he  meditated  three  months,  and 
upon  the  plan  of  his  History  of  Ancient  Art  an  entire  year.  In 
so  doing,  it  was  his  intention  to  give  to  the  thoughts  and  the 
style  the  utmost  degree  of  beauty.  To  the  apprehension  of  his 
friend  Berends,  that  he  might,  perhaps,  be  too  dogmatic  in  his 
writings,  he  replied  : “ I write  to  a friend  differently  from  what 
VOL.  i.  4 


50 


LIFE  OF  WLNCKELMANN. 


I do  when  I send  my  writings  into  the  world  ; in  these  I strive 
to  speak  with  the  greatest  precaution.  Rome,  also,  is  the  place 
where  the  dictatorial  tone  may  be  dropped  among  so  many  great 
men,  who  disclaim  even  the  consciousness  of  their  merit.” 
Amidst  so  refined  people  as  the  Italians,  it  was  necessary  for 
him  to  measure  his  own  talents,  to  compare  himself  with  others, 
to  consider  his  relations,  and  to  adopt  a settled  tone  of  deport- 
ment. He  found  that,  in  despite  of  all  their  learning  and  other 
excellences,  there  was  not  a single  man  in  Rome,  with  the 
exception  of  Mengs,  who  had  looked  into  the  true  and  inner 
nature  of  art ; that  many  would  set  themselves  up  for  judges, 
towards  whom  he  must  be  silent ; and  that  he  might  soon  see 
united  against  himself  the  whole  swarm  of  antiquarians  whose 
ignorance  he  was  about  to  disclose.  In  this  position,  he  adopted 
for  his  rule  humility,  modesty,  and  fewness  of  words ; but 
when  need  required,  he  showed  himself  with  all  the  impetuosity 
and  full  power  of  his  talents  and  knowledge.  A French  brag- 
gart, — one  of  several  abbes  who  were  apparently  friends  of 
Winckelmann,  but  who,  when  an  opportunity  offered,  declared 
that  there  was  not  much  in  the  German  of  whom  Passionei 
thought  so  well,  — believing,  from  Winckelmann’s  usual  quiet- 
ness, that  he  might  venture  an  attack  upon  him,  learned  how 
very  capable  a serious  man  is,  when  his  wit  is  aroused,  of  put- 
ting another  in  a ridiculous  light.  The  babbler,  who  wTas  at 
table  in  the  company  of  the  Cardinal  Passionei,  was  unexpect- 
edly hurried  away  as  by  a fierce  torrent.  Besides,  Winckel- 
mann could  never  endure  the  French.  “They  are  a laughing- 
stock at  Rome,  and  I pride  myself  upon  having  no  communi- 
cation with  any  of  them.  Their  academy  is  a society  of  fools  ; 
and  a young  Roman  has  made  a coat  of  arms  for  them,  namely, 
two  asses  scratching  each  other,  — because  everything  pleases 
the  French  asses.  A Frenchman  would  be  unapt  to  become  a 
great  artist,  or  a profound  scholar ; moreover,  not  one  can 
learn  to  speak  a foreign  language  without  making  himself  a 
laughing-stock.” 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


51 


CHAPTER  VIII 

FIRST  JOURNEY  TO  NAPLES. 

In  October,  1757,  he  dressed  himself  for  his  trip  to  Naples, 
for  the  first  time  as  an  abbe ; that  is,  with  a black  band  bor- 
dered by  a blue  stripe  with  a narrow  white  edge,  and  a silk 
mantle  as  long  as  the  surplice.  But  he  was  unable  to  begin  his 
proposed  journey  until  the  8th  of  January  of  the  following  year, 
after  he  had  received  — as  it  were,  extorted  — a hundred 
thalers  from  Saxony,  and  sixty  scudi  from  Archinto.  From 
Dresden  he  was  recommended  by  the  Electoral  Prince  to  the 
Queen  of  Naples;  by  the  Cardinal  Passionei,  and  Archinto,  to 
the  Imperial  Ambassador,  Count  Firmian ; by  the  Spanish 
Minister,  Cerisano,  who  called  him  his  friend,  to  Tanucci,  Sec- 
retary of  State  ; and  by  the  Cardinal  Spinelli,  to  Mazzochi,  the 
most  learned  man.  His  chief  aim  in  this  journey  was  the 
investigation  of  antiquities  in  reference  to  their  workmanship, 
and  the  establishment  of  a name  by  this  means.  But  he  felt 
much  apprehension,  because  he  gave  himself  credit  for  little 
insight  into  art,  and  it  is  quite  a difficult  thing  to  form  a judg- 
ment of  drawing. 

The  favorable  reputation  which  had  preceded  him  was  of 
greater  injury  than  benefit  to  him  in  Naples,  because  those 
who  were  placed  in  charge  of  the  antiquities  were  made  uneasy 
by  his  arrival.  It  was  pretended  to  the  king,  that  Winckel- 
mann  was  rather  a painter  than  a learned  man ; on  this 
account,  an  order  was  given  to  exercise  supervision  over  him, 
so  that  he  might  not  be  able  to  copy  anything.  However,  the 
king  invariably  called  him  Baron,  and  it  was  his  wish  that, 
in  consequence  of  the  letters  of  introduction  presented  by 
Winckelmann,  he  should  see  everything  he  desired.  Although 
the  superintendents  never  left  his  side,  however  much  trouble 
he  caused  them,  still,  during  the  two  months  which  he  passed 
at  Naples  and  Portici,  he  saw  and  observed  more  than  had 


52 


LIFE  OF  WIN CKELMANN. 


ever  been  done  previously  by  a stranger ; for  he  went  round 
like  a sly  thief,  in  order  to  spy  out  what  they  wished  to  keep 
secret. 

Towards  the  superintendent  of  the  Museum,  the  confidant  of 
the  queen,  whom  he  looked  upon  as  an  impostor  and  an  arch- 
ignoramus, he  assumed  the  character  of  a simpleton,  because 
this  person  had,  even  before  his  arrival,  been  planning  schemes 
against  him  ; towards  the  learned,  he  was  modest ; towards  the 
minister  Tanucci,  a man  rich  in  knowledge,  and  proud,  he 
showed  himself  sincere  and  honest.  The  confessor  of  the 
queen,  a German  by  birth,  worked  in  concert  with  the  superin- 
tendent of  the  Museum ; and  therefore  Winckelmann  did  not 
receive  permission  to  appear  before  the  queen,  until  he  had 
assured  them  that  he  neither  sought  nor  desired  anything. 

At  Naples  he  resided  in  a monastery,  but  he  was  often 
invited  to  the  tables  of  Tanucci,  Firmian,  Galiani,  and  the 
Nuncio  Pallavicini.  In  the  evening  he  received  the  visits  of 
the  learned  men,  among  whom  Galiani  rarely  failed  to  be 
present.  He  writes  : “ Firmian  is  a man  of  forty  years  of  age  ; 
of  great  intellect,  and  of  incredible  knowledge  ; he  has  studied 
at  Leyden,  Siena,  Rome,  and  Paris,  and  has  read  more  English 
books  almost  than  I have  seen.  With  him  I have  formed  a 
particular  friendship,  for  he  is  a man  after  my  heart.  The 
Nuncio  is  a man  of  acute  mind,  and  Galiani  is  an  honorable 
and  a learned  man,  and  a serviceable  friend.” 

From  Naples  he  visited  Pozzuoli,  Baise,  Misenum,  Cumae, 
and  Caserta,  at  which  last  place  are  the  Royal  Palace, 1 — an 
expensive  structure,  — and  the  astonishing  aqueduct  leading 
to  it,  thirty  Italian  miles  in  length,  and  in  one  place  — having 
three  arches,  one  above  the  other — twenty-five  palms  (twenty- 
one  feet)  higher  than  the  front  of  St. . Peter’s  Church.  The 
longest  excursion  made  by  him  was  in  company  with  two  of  the 
king’s  chamberlains,  of  Cologne,  and  John  James  Volkmann,  of 
Hamburg,  to  visit  Psestum,  on  the  bay  of  Salerno,  in  order  to 
see  the  three  celebrated  temples  of  the  Doric  order  which  lie 
in  the  midst  of  this  barren  district.  On  this  journey  he 
became  acquainted  with  Gessner’s  Idyls.  Volkmann  recited 
passages  from  them  to  his  companion,  on  the  Gulf  of  Salerno  ; 
and  Winckelmann  was  exceedingly  delighted  by  the  harmonious 
and  tender  feelings  which  are  so  happily  expressed  in  them,  and 
by  the  picturesque  descriptions  of  nature. 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN . 


53 


During  his  stay  at  Naples,  he  was  unexpectedly  surprised  by 
a gift  of  fifteen  ducats.  The  royal  engraver,  Wille,  of  Paris,  and 
John  Kaspar  Fiiessly,  of  Zurich,  had  collected  this  money  for 
his  support,  and  wished,  moreover,  to  remain  unknown;  but 
Winckelmann  gratefully  erected  to  them  a lasting  memorial  in 
the  Preface  to  the  History  of  Ancient  Art . 

Naples,  as  a residence,  did  not  seem  to  him  so  pleasant  as 
Rome.  There  were  no  trees,  no  gardens,  and  no  shadow  except 
in  narrow  streets ; the  sole  promenade,  on  the  bay,  was  con- 
stantly in  the  sun  ; on  the  other  hand,  in  Rome  there  was  a 
promenade  for  each  day  in  the  year,  in  addition  to  those  in 
private  villas.  Portici  pleased  him.  Whilst  there,  he  resided 
with  Father  Antonia  Piaggi,  him  who  unfolded  the  manuscript 
rolls  of  Herculaneum.  It  is  situated  at  an  hour’s  distance  from  the 
capital,  on  a delightful  sea-shore,  and  the  road  to  it  lies  through 
a long  row  of  pleasure-houses.  The  Royal  Palace,  however, 
excited  his  disgust ; for  no  Augsburg  dauber  could  have  made 
worse  decorations ; rather,  the  whole  consisted  of  straight 
lines.  The  horses  seemed  to  him  to  be  the  finest  animals  ; the 
men  were  almost  like  Africans,  and  yet  more  ugly  when  they 
spoke. 

With  the  exception  of  sensual  love,  he  enjoyed  in  Naples 
everything  which  a stranger  can  enjoy,  namely,  cauliflower  two 
spans  in  diameter,  and  Lagrima  Christi,  to  his  heart’s  content. 
Towards  the  end  of  April,  after  a stay  of  two  months,  he 
departed  satisfied,  esteemed  by  the  learned,  and  furnished  with 
a rich  collection  of  antiquarian  knowledge. 


54 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN 


CHAPTER  IX. 

RETURN  TO  ROME,  AND  JOURNEY  TO  FLORENCE. 

Winckelmann  arrived  again  in  Rome  on  the  day  when  the 
Pope,  Benedict  XIV.,  died,  the  13th  of  May,  1758.  His  prin- 
cipal occupation  now  consisted  in  drawing  up  a fair  and  sys- 
tematic record  of  the  knowledge  which  he  had  gained  and 
the  observations  he  had  made  on  his  journey.  From  these 
next  proceeded,  in  part,  the  letters,  written  wholly  in  Italian, 
which  he  sent,  at  first,  through  the  Count  Wackerbarth,  and 
afterwards  through  Bianconi,  from  1758  to  1763,  to  the 
Electoral  Prince  of  Saxony,  by  whom  they  were  highly  prized. 
Another  of  his  occupations,  and  one  which  he  regretted  not 
having  commenced  earlier,  was  to  go  about  in  Rome  with  a 
compass  and  a plumb-line,  and  measure  the  statues. 

About  this  time  were  also  completed  his  smaller  valuable 
essays  upon  the  Study  of  Works  of  Art,  On  Grace  in  Works  of 
A rt , the  Description  of  the  Torso  in  the  Belvedere , and  Remarks 
upon  the  Architecture  of  the  Ancient  Temples  at  Girgenti,  in 
Sicily ; and  the  Remarks  upon  the  Architecture  of  the  Ancients 
were  partly  sketched  out,  and  partly  finished. 

On  the  6th  of  November,  1757,  Baron  Philip  von  Stosch, 
who  had  recommended  Winckelmann  so  emphatically  to  the 
Cardinal  Alexander  Albani,  died  at  Florence,  where  he  had 
resided  since  1731,  sixty-six  years  of  age.  This  profound 
archaeologist,  who,  it  is  true,  never  learned  to  perceive  the 
beautiful  in  art,  because  he  had  been  spoiled  at  too  early  an 
age  by  other  buyers  of  antiquities,  has  made  himself  known 
especially  by  the  publication  of  a work  bearing  the  title, 
Gemmae  Antiques  Ccelatce,  Sculptorum  Nominibus  Insignitae, 
JEri  incisce  per  Bern.  Picart.  (Amst.  1724,  folio).  But  he  is 
far  more  celebrated  for  his  collection  of  engraved  gems,  sul- 
phur casts,  copper-plate  engravings,  maps,  manuscripts,  &c. 
“ He  has  stripped  Italy,”  writes  a learned  man  who  visited 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


55 


him,  “ and  through  his  correspondence  he  still  holds  it  in  sub- 
jection ; he  showed  me  everything,  but  was  not  willing  to  part 
with  anything.  I humbled  myself  even  to  entreaties,  but  they 
only  hardened  a heart  which  is  not  soft  by  nature.  I have 
overcome  the  natural  obstinacy  of  the  Abbd  Boule,  in  Mar- 
seilles, and  of  some  other  forestallers  ; yet  I obtain  no  victory 
over  the  mightiest  among  them.”  He  possessed  nearly  four- 
teen thousand  sulphur  casts ; his  atlas  of  maps,  plans,  and 
drawings  filled  more  than  three  hundred  and  twenty-five  vol- 
umes of  the  largest  folio ; and  the  antique  pastes  and  gems, 
each  of  them  set  in  a ring,  either  of  silver  or  gold,  according  to 
its  merit,  amounted  to  three  thousand  four  hundred  and  forty- 
four,  of  which  number  the  intaglios  and  pastes  were  twenty- 
five  hundred.  Of  these,  he  had  expressed  the  wish  in  his  last 
hours  that  Winckelmann  would  prepare  a critical  catalogue, 
and  at  the  request  of  his  heir,  Philip  Muzel  Stosch,  a son  of 
the  sister  of  the  deceased,  and  of  Professor  Muzel,  of  Berlin, 
he  promised  to  undertake  the  work.  The  task  grew  beneath 
his  hands,  because  he  began  to  reason  upon  the  art  displayed 
in  them,  and  to  elucidate  different  points  of  antiquity,  for  the 
purpose  of  giving,  though  with  the  utmost  brevity,  something 
more  than  a catalogue.  During  his  whole  life  he  never  worked 
so  incessantly  as  he  did  at  this  time ; for  six  entire  months  he 
went  out  only  half  an  hour  in  the  evening.  But  his  nervous 
and  digestive  systems  suffered  so  severely  in  consequence,  that 
he  was  compelled  to  drink  water,  and  could  even  scarcely  bear 
chocolate. 

During  his  residence  in  Florence,  the  Cardinal  and  Secretary 
of  State,  Arch  into,  died  of  apoplexy,  or  by  poison  ; probably 
the  latter.  By  his  death,  Winckelmann  lost  a powerful  patron, 
and  his  quiet  abode  in  the  Cancellaria.  The  latter  circum- 
stance must  have  been  the  more  vexatious  to  him,  because  he 
had  shortly  before  foregone  a situation  in  the  Vatican,  for  the 
purpose  of  making  it  over  to  a needy  learned  man,  and  the 
distress  in  Saxony  did  not  allow  him  to  expect  any  more  aid 
from  that  quarter.  He  did  not,  however,  murmur ; but,  wish- 
ing to  help  by  bearing  his  portion  of  the  common  calamity 
of  his  country,  he  voluntarily,  from  true  patriotic  feelings,  re- 
signed all  claim  to  his  pension  from  that  time  forward. 

A kind  Providence,  however,  had  chosen  for  him  another  pa- 
tron, one  who  was  far  more  to  his  heart  and  taste  than  Archinto. 


56 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


The  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani,  the  patriarch  and  archimandrite 
of  antiquities,  as  Winckelmann  terms  him,  wrote  him  a letter 
with  his  own  hand,  in  which  he  offered  him  rooms  in  his  own 
house,  and  ten  scudi  ($10)  a month  as  wages,  — an  offer  which 
Winckelmann  accepted  without  hesitation. 

After  a residence  of  nine  months  in  Florence,  he  left 
towards  the  end  of  April,  travelling  through  Tuscany  towards 
Rome. 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


57 


CHAPTER  X. 

LIFE  IN  ROME. 

He  now  fixed  his  residence  in  the  capital,  near  the  Cardinal 
Alexander  Albani,  in  whose  palace  four  of  the  most  charming 
and  agreeable  chambers  were  set  apart  for  him,  two  of  them 
overlooking  the  garden,  and  affording  a view  of  ancient  ruins 
away  across  Rome,  as  far  as  the  country-seats  at  Frascati 
and  Castel-Gandolfo.  They  seemed  to  be  selected  for  pur- 
poses of  study,  for  no  one  dwelt  near  him  or  over  him.  He 
had  no  other  duty  than  to  be  the  companion  of  the  Cardinal,  and 
to  take  care,  as  overseer,  of  his  library,  which  had  been  founded 
by  Pope  Clement  XL,  of  the  house  of  the  Albani,  and  which  was 
not,  in  any  respect,  inferior  to  that  of  Passionei.  Far  dearer 
to  him  than  the  library,  however,  was  the  cabinet  of  drawings 
and  engravings,  among  which  were  a large  volume  of  drawings 
by  the  celebrated  Poussin,  and  twelve  volumes  of  Domenichino. 
At  first,  his  mode  of  life  was  somewhat  confined,  because  the 
Cardinal  wished  to  have  him  always  about  him;  and  on  every 
Sunday  they  went  out  especially  for  the  purpose  of  hunting  up 
antiquities  in  obscure  localities.  When  he  went  to  drive,  he 
took  Winckelmann  at  his  side,  and  their  intimacy  was  so  great, 
that  he  sat  on  Winckelmann’s  bed  in  the  morning,  talking  with 
him,  — that  he  joked  with  him,  and  wished  not  to  conceal  from 
him  the  secrets  of  his  heart ; and  consequently  he  met  with 
frankness  of  soul  in  return. 

Albani,  “ in  architecture  a Cartesian,  who  cannot  admit  any 
vacant  space,”  built  a most  -beautiful  and  sumptuous  villa  out- 
side of  the  Porto  Salaria,  at  Rome,  which  he  embellished  with 
a multitude  of  ancient  statues,  relievi,  and  pictures ; for  several 
years  he  spent  his  entire  income  of  twenty  thousand  sequins 
($40,000)  on  this  building.  “ With  the  exception  of  the  Church 
of  St.  Peter’s,  it  surpasses  everything  that  has  been  built  in 
modern  times.  He  has  even  provided  the  soil,  and  is  himself 


58 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


the  sole  architect.”  Nothing  was  done  without  Winckelmann’s 
approval;  it  seemed  as  if  he  were  building  for  him,  as  if  he 
were  buying  statues  for  him,  and  in  all  the  country-seats  of 
the  Cardinal  he  was  master,  and  had  suites  of  rooms  in 
them. 

Twice  a week  he  accompanied  the  Cardinal  to  an  assembly, 
where  the  highest  nobility  of  both  sexes  met,  to  which  it  was 
customary  to  introduce  strangers,  and  where  the  finest  voices 
sang.  Twice  a week  he  dined  with  Passionei,  although  the 
latter  was  not  on  friendly  terms  with  Alban i,  and  in  the  even- 
ing he  drove  with  his  patron  to  the  house  of  the  Countess 
Cheroffini,  who  had  once  been  a beauty.  Carriages  and  horses 
always  stood  ready  for  his  service,  and  everywhere  the  treas- 
uries of  art  were  willingly  opened  to  him.  In  the  summer 
months  he  went,  either  alone,  or  with  the  Cardinal,  or  with 
the  Princess  Theresa  Albani,  to  the  country-seat  at  Nettuno, 
built  on  the  ruins  of  what  once  was  Antium,  after  a plan  such 
as  Hadrian  would  have  designed, 

“ O Diva,  gratum  quae  regis  Antium  ! ” 

and  on  the  most  glorious  shore  of  the  Mediterranean  ; or  to 
Castel-Gandolfo,  where  nature  is  more  beautiful  than  anywhere 
else  under  the  sun. 

His  chief  study  and  occupation  was  the  History  of  Art , — a 
fruitful  but  uncultivated  field,  which  he  transformed  into  a 
beautiful  garden,  with  grand  divisions  and  delightful  views.  He 
studied  like  a hero,  with  every  imaginable  advantage,  and  he 
felt  himself  very  much  more  learned  and  skilful.  The  direction 
of  the  printing  of  the  Description  of  the  Stosch  Cabinet,  in  the 
year  1759,  still  continued,  however,  to  rob  him  of  much  time, 
and  was  the  occasion  of  a sharp  correspondence ; for  the  book 
was  printed  at  Florence,  and  the  Abbe  St.  Laurent,  who  cor- 
rected the  French  text,  at  times  wished  also  to  insert  a wTord  of 
his  own  into  the  matter  of  the  work.  This  Description  of  the 
Engraved  Gems  of  the  late  Baron  de  Stosch,  now  a rare  work, 
with  a dedication  to  the  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani,  was  pub- 
lished by  Bonducci,  at  Florence,  in  quarto.  Lami,  the  literary 
chief  at  Florence,  and  editor  of  the  Novelle  Literarie  of  that 
city,  who  established  his  quarters  for  the  whole  day  at  the 
Swiss  Coffee-house,  inserted  in  his  journal  a meagre  announce- 
ment of  the  Description , and  at  the  close  of  it  added  : “ There 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


59 


are  some  good  remarks  to  be  found  in  the  book.”  Besides 
Lami,  the  Swiss  Coffee-house  was  also  frequented  by  the  Abbe 
Bracci,  — whose  Memoirs  of  Ancient  Engravers , which  first  ap- 
peared in  1784,  in  folio,  had  been  quoted  with  a censure  by 
Winckelmann,  — and  Alfani,  from  whom  he  had  won  a bet  of 
ten  sequins  in  regard  to  a gem  engraved  by  Pichler,  but  here- 
tofore esteemed  as  antique  ; however,  he  never  got  the  money. 
“ I have  now,”  he  whites,  “ stirred  up  against  me  the  whole 
nest  of  little  antiquarians;  they  talk  against  me,  and  also 
against  my  nearest  acquaintances.  But  the  bow  is  bent,  and  a 
keen  arrow  is  placed  upon  it  for  whoever  comes  forth  with  any- 
thing. The  range  will  hit  the  pitiful  Bracci  in  the  first  place, 
whom  I have  already  given  to  understand  that  I shall  write 
against  him,  if  he  appears  in  print.  He  knows  that  he  will 
have  to  weigh  all  his  words.” 

Winckelmann  had,  in  fact,  an  idea  of  writing  a paper  on  the 
State  of  Learning  in  Italy , and  in  it  to  describe  particularly 
Lami,  Bracci,  and  the  like,  according  to  their  deserts.  The 
Jesuits  of  Trevoux,  in  the  Memoirs  of  that  place,  blamed  Winck- 
elmann for  quoting  unfamiliar  books.  “ It  is  not  my  fault,”  he 
says  in  reply,  “ that  the  gentlemen  censors  neither  have,  nor 
know,  the  books  which  an  antiquarian  must  know ; no  more  is 
it  my  fault  that  they  acknowledge  the  limited  extent  of  their 
reading.  They  ought  rather  to  have  remarked  that  the  results 
of  extensive  reading  are  not  thrown  out  profusely  by  the  cart- 
load, but  scattered  by  the  hand  sparingly,  and  that  there  was 
material  at  hand  enough  to  fill  a large  work  in  folio,  if  I had 
not  imposed  upon  myself  the  rule  to  say  nothing  in  two  words 
that  could  be  said  in  one.”  But  Caylus  has  spoken  of  this 
work  with  uncommon  praise,  and  was  very  well  satisfied  both 
with  the  quotations  and  the  criticism.  Barthelemy  also  wrote 
to  the  Theatine  monk  Paciaudi,  of  Frascati,  quite  particularly 
in  praise  of  Winckelmann,  and  hence  the  latter  translated  into 
Italian,  at  Paciaudi’s  request,  something  upon  ancient  architec- 
ture which  Barthelemy  wished  to  obtain. 

Though  the  Description  of  the  Stosch  Cabinet  was  a laborious 
task,  he  absolutely  refused  to  accept  any  remuneration  ; but  the 
grateful  heir  sent  him  ten  sequins  ($20)  on  one  occasion,  when 
Winckelmann,  being  in  embarrassment,  wrote  to  him  for  three. 
Several  times  he  furnished  him  with  excellent  wines,  and  once 
he  sent  him  a bag  of  Arabian  coffee  of  two  hundred  pounds’ 
weight. 


60 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1760,  he  strongly  entertained 
the  wish  to  go  to  Greece  with  Lady  Orford,  with  whom  he  had 
become  acquainted  in  Florence.  “ When  would  she  think  of 
undertaking  the  journey  V’  he  writes  to  Florence,  to  Muzel 
Stosch.  “ This  year  h Nothing  in  the.world  have  I so  ardently 
desired  as  this ; willingly  would  I allow  one  of  my  fingers  to  be 
cut  off,  indeed  1 would  make  myself  a priest  of  Cybele,  could  I 
but  see  this  land  under  such  an  opportunity.  I am  now  build- 
ing my  castles  in  the  air  upon  it.  May  Heaven  grant  that  the 
foundation  do  not  sink  ! ” 

About  this  time  he  was  greatly  annoyed  by  an  ordinance  of 
the  government,  that  the  Apollo,  Laocoon,  and  other  statues  in 
the  Belvedere,  and  probably  also  those  in  the  Campidoglio,  should 
have  the  private  parts  covered  by  metal  aprons,  suspended  by 
wires  around  the  hips.  “ There  has  hardly  ever  been  in  Rome 
so  ass-like  a regulation  as  the  present ! ” he  exclaims  in  his 
indignation. 

His  Observations  upon  the  Architecture  of  the  Ancients , which 
pleased  him  more  than  any  thing  that  he  had  hitherto  done, 
were  finished  at  the  commencement  of  the  year  1760.  The 
History  of  Art , which  had  previously  been  a Manual , was  now 
changed  into  a Work,  and  he  proposed  to  write,  in  the  Latin  lan- 
guage, a Commentary  upon  Obscure  Greek  Coins  of  the  Earliest 
Date,  accompanied  by  a Preliminary  Dissertation  upon  the  Dis- 
tinctive Marks  of  Style  in  Art  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  the  Age 
of  Phidias , and  to  let  each  coin  be  accompanied  by  a rare  bas- 
relief,  which  should  serve  as  an  illustration. 

This  undertaking  was  not,  however,  accomplished  in  the 
manner  mentioned ; but  there  grew  out  of  it,  and  out  of  the 
design  of  publishing  something  upon  the  difficult  and  partially 
obscure  points  of  mythology,  his  Ancient  Monuments , an  anti- 
quarian work  upon  ancient  monuments,  which  is  still  very  val- 
uable, even  at  the  present  day. 

Although  Winckelmann  had  not  as  yet  made  himself  known 
as  an  author  by  a large  wTork,  and  in  the  Italian  language,  still 
he  enjoyed  in  Rome  and  other  parts  of  Italy,  indeed  even  in 
foreign  lands,  a brilliant  name  in  the  department  of  antiquarian 
knowledge.  “For,  elsewhere,  they  only  are  learned  who  teach 
from  the  chair  or  in  books,  or  suppose  they  teach  ; in  Rome, 
one  may  be  learned,  and  yet  do  neither.  Here,  the  court,  wrhich 
more  than  other  courts  stands  upon  learning,  decides  upon 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


61 


merit  in  this  particular ; and  a Cardinal,  like  Passionei,  gives 
the  tone.  Consequently,  a man  may  attain  in  Rome  a reputa- 
tion |or  knowledge  without  being  an  author ; and  whoever  is 
thus  distinguished  here  will  be  so  in  other  parts  of  Italy, 
because  Rome  is  the  centre.  Many  who  are  wise  content 
themselves  with  the  reputation  of  wisdom.”  It  so  happened, 
then,  that  the  Academy  of  St.  Luke  at  Rome,  the  Etruscan 
Academy  at  Cortona,  and  the  Antiquarian  Society  of  London, 
elected  him  an  honorary  associate  ; and  he  had  been,  since 
1757,  Councillor  and  Associate  of  the  Imperial  Academy  of  the 
Liberal  Arts  at  Augsburg. 

Notwithstanding  he  was  in  good  health,  contented,  cheerful, 
independent,  and  lord  of  his  lord,  he  still  continued  without  an 
office  which  would  assure  him  of  support  in  his  old  age.  His 
heart  inclined  to  Saxony,  as  was  right ; but  the  Electoral  Prince, 
who  had  indeed  said,  “ I will  endeavor  to  make  Winckelinann 
contented  with  his  position  at  my  court,”  had  postponed  his 
appointment  to  the  office  of  Superintendent  of  his  Museum  very 
indefinitely  for  several  years  after  the  conclusion  of  peace  with 
Prussia.  On  this  account  Winckelmann  listened  to  a proposi- 
tion to  go  to  Wolfenbiittel,  which  had  been  made  on  the  part  of 
the  Landgrave  of  Hesse-Cassel ; but  the  affair  fell  through  ; 
he  was,  also,  disappointed  in  not  receiving  an  invitation  to  go 
to  Vienna.  If  he  would  take  the  tonsure,  that  is,  if  he  were  will- 
ing to  enter  the  clerical  ranks  of  the  Catholic  Church,  he  would 
without  doubt  have  obtained  in  Rome,  by  the  mediation  of  the 
cardinals,  his  friends,  a suitable  provision ; but  he  said,  “ I was 
born  free,  — I will  die  free  ” ; consequently  he  rejected  the 
office  of  canon  at  the  Bocca  della  Verita,  which  was  offered  to 
him ; and  only  once  did  he  believe  that  he  should  be  obliged 
to  read  mass. 

The  summer  of  1761  deprived  him  of  two  friends  in  Rome. 
The  Cardinal  Passionei  died  on  the  5th  of  July,  and  Mengs,  the 
painter,  started  with  his  family,  at  the  beginning  of  August,  on 
his  way  to  Madrid,  to  take  possession  of  the  brilliant  post  to 
which  he  had  been  invited  by  Charles  III.  “ If  you  knew  the 
friend  whom  I have  lost,”  (he  is  writing  to  Solomon  Gessner 
about  this  separation,)  “ you  could  not  have  said  less  than  you 
did  in  your  last  esteemed  letter.  My  friend  may  be  happy,  but 
not  so  easily  as  I ; for  my  desires  are  bounded  by  the  enjoy- 
ment of  my  present  tranquillity,  an  enjoyment  greater,  perhaps, 


62 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


than  any  supposed  good  fortune  can  hereafter  give  me.  We 
begin  to  be  rich  when  the  impetuosity  of  our  desires  diminishes, 
and  poor  when  our  possessions  increase.  I believe  myself  to  be 
secure  against  all  lucky  chances.”  Mengs,  in  fact,  did  not  feel 
happy  in  Spain  ; his  eyes  and  his  thoughts  were  turned  towards 
Rome,  rich  in  art,  until  his  feet  again  trod  its  soil. 

In  January,  1762,  he  made,  in  company  with  the  Saxon  Count 
von  Briihl,  his  second  journey  to  Naples.  They  remained  there 
three  weeks  ; and  every  morning,  at  an  early  hour,  Winckel- 
mann  drove  to  Portici,  where  he  was  perfectly  at  home  with 
Camillo  Paderni,  and  had  every  facility  for  studying  the  antiq- 
uities. The  fruit  of  this  journey  was  the  Letter  on  the  Antiq- 
uities of  Herculaneum , addressed  to  his  companion.  Four 
pictures,  — Dancers  together  with  Nymphs  and  Centaurs, 
twenty  inches  high,  on  a black  ground,  fleeting  as  a thought, 
— wdiich  had  just  been  discovered,  “and  which  excelled  the 
earlier  ones  as  much  as  the  horse  excels  the  ass,”  a bronze  Mer- 
cury of  wondrous  beauty,  and  a young  sleeping  Satyr,  were,  by 
this  time,  the  most  interesting  objects  to  him. 

Tanucci,  the  minister,  had  received  him,  notwithstanding 
their  habitual  correspondence,  in  such  a manner,  that  the  visit 
was  not  repeated.  “ The  sensitiveness  of  an  inferior  towards  a 
superior  cannot  be  active  enough  ; and  as  we  must,  when  with 
a superior,  always  tune  a note  higher,  so  the  lowering  of  a tone, 
by  a tenth  part,  places  us  on  the  verge  of  contempt.”  The  Let- 
ter on  the  Antiquities  of  Herculaneum  aroused  two  violent  replies, 
one  of  which  was  written  by  Galiani,  from  whom  Winckelmann 
believed  himself  deserving  of  better  things.  “ It  is  written  in 
so  ass-like  a manner,  that  it  disgusts  every  one,  and  I have  been 
assured  that  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  Marquis  Tanucci,  has 
ordered  the  author  and  printer  to  suppress  all  the  copies.”  He 
was  writing  to  Muzel  Stosch.  “ Next  year,  about  this  time,  I 
hope  to  have  my  revenge  in  the  preface  to  the  Monuments ; for 
I hope  that  the  commentator  on  the  wares  at  Portici  will  lose 
his  courage  at  the  sight  of  a better  work.”  It  seems  that  the 
Neapolitans  wished  to  be  the  exclusive  possessors  of  the  mean- 
ing of  their  antiquities,  and  of  the  capacity  to  understand 
them.  What  a paltry  jest  is  made  of  the  Theatine  monk  Paci- 
audi  in  the  preface  to  the  third  volume  of  the  Pitture  cV 
Ercolano , because  in  his  Monumenta  Peloponnesiaca  he  has 
represented  and  explained  a sun-dial  of  the  Herculaneum  Mu- 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


63 


seum,  shaped  like  a small  ham  ! The  young  man  is  repeated 
several  times  in  the  first  chapter,  though  Paciaudi  was  fifty 
years  of  age. 

The  desire  to  visit  Greece  and  Asia  Minor  awoke  afresh  in 
Winckelmann,  from  time  to  time,  whenever  he  saw  an  oppor- 
tunity to  do  so.  At  one  time  he  would  go  with  the  English 
Ambassador,  Lord  Granville,  to  Constantinople ; at  another, 
with  Mr.  Hope,  who  afterwards  became  a French  general; 
finally,  with  Lord  Adams  or  Lord  Montague,  to  the  Pelopon- 
nesus, the  Levant,  and  Egypt.  Montague  had  studied  in 
Leipsic,  and  spoke  German  very  fluently  ; at  that  time  he  was 
a man  forty-seven  years  of  age,  and  versed  in  the  Oriental  lan- 
guages ; for  in  his  youth  he  had  resided  a long  time  in  Con- 
stantinople with  his  father,  who  had  been  English  Ambassador 
near  the  Porte ; and  he  asserted  that  he  was  the  first  Euro- 
pean who  had  ever  been  inoculated  with  the  small-pox.  With 
this  learned  Englishman  he  drilled  himself  in  the  Arabic ; this 
gave  him  a great  help  in  the  Hebrew  language,  which  he  was 
studying  as  accessory  to  an  appointment  in  the  Vatican. 

In  the  summer  of  1762,  he  was  confined  to  his  bed  by  a dan- 
gerous fever.  The  Cardinal,  his  friend,  took  very  good  care  of 
him  on  this  occasion,  and  in  a short  time  he  was  again  happily 
restored  to  health. 

Among  the  strangers  with  whom  Winckelmann  became  ac- 
quainted in  Rome,  and  to  whom  he  officiated  as  guide  to  the 
treasures  of  art,  was  the  Baron  Friederich  Reinhold  von  Berg, 
of  Livonia,  — in  the  spring  of  the  year  1762.  His  stay  in 
Rome  was  only  for  a short  time ; but,  notwithstanding,  Winck- 
elmann felt  himself  so  strongly  attracted  to  him  by  a secret 
power,  that  he  laments  his  separation  from  him  in  the  most 
touching  words.  “As  a tender  mother  weeps  disconsolately 
over  a beloved  child,  torn  forcibly  from  her  by  a prince,  and 
exposed  on  the  field  of  battle  to  immediate  death,  so,  with 
tears  that  flow  from  my  very  soul,  I lament  my  separation  from 
you,  my  sweet  friend.  An  indescribable  attraction  to  you,  occa- 
sioned not  by  face  and  form  alone,  caused  me  to  feel,  from  the 
first  moment  that  I saw  you,  a trace  of  that  harmony  which 
transcends  all  human  conceptions,  and  which  is  attuned  by  the 
eternal  union  of  all  things.  Your  conformation  allowed  me  to 
infer  that  which  I wished  to  find  ; and  I found  in  a beautiful 
body  a soul  formed  for  virtue,  and  endowed  with  the  sentiment 


64 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


of  the  beautiful.”  To  him,  as  a token  of  friendship,  pure  from 
all  conceivable  selfish  views,  because  he  could  not  hope  ever  to 
see  his  friend  again,  he  dedicated  the  ingenious  Treatise  on  the 
Capability  of  the  Feeling  of  Beauty , composed  in  the  highest 
style  of  prose.  Notwithstanding  this  disinterestedness,  the 
essay,  being  dedicated  in  so  novel  a manner,  gave  rise  to  many 
constructions  and  conjectures  ; readers  found  in  it,  and  in  the 
letters  to  Berg,  the  language,  not  of  friendship,  but  of  love ; 
and  such  it  actually  is.  At  an  earlier  period,  he  maintained  a 
very  intimate  familiarity  with  Lamprecht ; the  beautiful  youth, 
Niccolo  Castellani,  belonging  to  one  of  the  best  families  in 
Florence,  had  captivated  him  to  such  a degree,  that  he  wished 
to  honor  him  by  dedicating  to  him  one  of  his  works ; the  death 
of  the  beautiful,  indeed  very  beautiful  singer,  Belli,  at  which 
Lady  Orford  shed  tears,  he  also  bewailed ; and  finally,  he  caused 
a portrait  to  be  painted  of  a beautiful  castrato ; and  for  a long 
time  there  dined  with  him,  on  Saturday,  a young  Roman,  slen- 
der, fair,  and  tall,  with  whom  he  talked  of  love.  From  these 
circumstances,  as  well  as  from  passages  in  his  writings  in  which 
he  acknowledges  the  superiority  in  beauty  of  the  male  figure 
over  that  of  the  female,  some  are  disposed  to  irffer  that  Winck- 
elmann  may,  at  least,  have  been  of  the  same  mind  with  the 
Kallikratidas  of  Lucian,  in  the  Erotes : but  it  is  not  so  ; for 
he  was  no  less  sensible  to  the  beauties  of  the  female  sex.  “ I 
have  never  been  an  enemy  of  the  other,  as  I am  decried  ; but 
my  mode  of  life  has  removed  me  from  all  intercourse  with  it. 
I might  have  married,  and  probably  should  have  done  so,  if  I 
had  revisited  my  native  land  ; but  now  I scarcely  think  of  it.” 
He  throws  a kiss  to  the  beautiful  Lida  of  Venice  ; the  maidens 
of  Bolzano,  and  those  with  the  Greek  profile  at  Tivoli,  pleased 
him  very  much  ; he  lost  many  hours  for  the  purpose  of  meeting 
again  the  beautiful  face  and  form  of  a young  girl  in  Rome, 
whom  he  saw  only  once.  It  affects  him  in  a similar  manner 
that  the  bloom  of  the  little  Victoria,  like  that  of  Castellani,  is 
only  brevis  cevi,  u of  short  duration.”  The  same  innocent  love 
which  he  acknowledges  himself  to  have  felt  for  Berg,  he  also 
entertained  towards  a young  female  dancer,  twelve  years  of  age, 
at  Florence ; and  that  he  was  not  cold  towards  the  wife  of  his 
friend  Mengs,  the  sequel  will  show. 

The  large  sense  of  beauty,  heightened  by  the  most  fortunate 
observation,  which  belonged  to  Winckelmann  in  a degree  that 


LIFE  OF  WINCKFLMANN. 


65 


has  rarely  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  other  man,  embraced  all 
kinds  of  it  without  exception.  If,  to  form  the  highest  beauty, 
a noble  soul  was  also  united  to  a beautiful  shape,  his  enthusi- 
asm knew  no  bounds ; it  was  no  longer  under  his  control,  and 
his  whole  being  was  absorbed  in  the  object,  in  wonder,  love, 
and  esteem.  From  this  source  flowed  the  rapture  which,  as  it 
were,  turned  him  into  stone  at  the  sight  of  a head  of  Pallas  of 
the  highest  beauty,  and  forced  him  to  kiss  a lovely  Faun. 
From  this  sprang  his  chaste  love  for  Berg ; his  disquietude  and 
indignation  when  he  believed  himself  to  be  coldly  treated ; and 
from  this,  united  with  the  loftiest  conceptions  of  friendship,  the 
entire  sacrifice  of  himself  for  his  chosen  favorites.  This  is  a tone 
of  mind  so  lofty,  that  it  is  not  every  one  whose  thoughts  can 
reach  it.  So  much,  however,  is  clear,  that  the  grossness  of 
sense  is  banished  from  it,  and  it  may  be  said  of  such  friends,  as 
Philip  said  of  the  Thebans  who  fell  at  Chseronea  with  wounds 
in  their  breasts,  “ Only  a base  soul  suspects  that  corrupt  morals 
prevailed  among  them.” 

From  this  time  forward  no  traveller  of  high  rank  came  to 
Rome  to  whom  Winckelmann  was  not  obliged  to  act  as  guide, 
although  he  often  did  so  with  the  greatest  reluctance,  when  he 
discovered  in  such  persons  no  sensibility  to  the  beautiful  in  art. 
The  Duke  of  Roxburgh,  and  afterwards  Lord  Baltimore,  who 
owned  all  Maryland  in  Virginia,  and  who  had  an  income  of  thirty 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  were  among  the  first  whom  he  ac- 
companied. The  latter,  a man  of  forty  years  of  age,  and  weary 
of  the  world,  found  nothing  beautiful  in  Rome  but  Peter’s 
church  and  the  Vatic«an  Apollo.  When  they  had  reached  the 
end  of  the  sights,  Winckelmann  told  him  plainly  his  opinion, 
and  wTould  not  allow  himself  to  be  induced  to  accompany  him 
even  as  far  as  Naples.  Of  almost  a similar  stamp  were  the 
Duke  of  Gordon,  his  brother  Lord  Gordon,  and  Lord  Hope, 
whom  he  left  at  the  end  of  fourteen  days,  because  neither  of 
them  had  taste  and  feeling  for  the  beautiful.  When  in  the  car- 
riage, the  first  showed  scarcely  a sign  of  life,  while  Winckelmann, 
in  the  choicest  expressions  and  the  loftiest  images,  was  praising 
to  him  the  beauties  of  the  ancient  works  of  art.  Of  a better 
sort  was  a young  Baron  von  Dalberg,  Canon  of  Mayence,  — a 
title  which,  at  other  times,  was  of  evil  augury  with  Winckel- 
mann, — amiable,  of  good  taste,  much  acuteness  and  knowledge, 
who  proposed  to  study  Greek  on  his  return  to  Germany.  He 
VOL.  i.  5 


66 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


travelled  with  much  dignity.  France  he  did  not  wish  to  see. 
Winckelmann  sought  to  distinguish  men  of  merit  so  rare,  espe- 
cially when  they  came  from  the  Catholic  districts  of  Germany, 
and  he  wished  to  dedicate  to  him  a small  essay.  This  Dalberg 
was,  subsequently,  Prince  Primate  of  Germany. 

But  he  speaks  of  no  stranger  with  so  great  praise  as  he  does 
of  the  Prince  of  Anhalt-Dessau.  One  evening  he  entered  Winck- 
elmann’s  room  with  a traveller’s  staff  in  his  hand,  and  without 
attendants,  and  said,  “ I am  of  Dessau,  dear  Winckelmann ; I 
have  come  to  Rome  to  learn,  and  have  need  of  your  assistance.” 
He  remained  until  midnight.  Winckelmann  wept  tears  of  joy 
over  a man  of  so  much  worth,  and  was  proud  of  our  country. 
He  wrote  to  Muzel  Stosch  : “ The  Prince  of  Dessau  is  formed 
by  nature  to  be  a worthy  citizen  and  friend  ; he  fulfils  the  in- 
tention of  nature,  and  exalts  it  by  his  birth,  his  shape,  and  his 
captivating  condescension.  He  is  not  able  to  be  wicked.”  The 
poorest  painter  who  comes  to  Rome  might  take  example  of  him 
in  turning  every  moment  to  account ; he  entered  into  the  mi- 
nutest mythological  details  of  art,  and  raised  himself  to  its  lofti- 
ness. For  five  months,  he,  together  with  his  brother  and  the 
Court  Councillor,  Reifenstein,  resided  in  Rome,  and  Winckel- 
mann would  have  followed  him  to  Germany,  to  remain  there,  if 
his  Italian  work  on  the  Monuments  had  been  completed.  The 
Prince  of  Mecklenburg-Strelitz,  a youth  seventeen  years  of  age, 
was  in  Rome  at  the  same  time.  He  was  Winckelmann’s  pupil 
for  a whole  year,  and  the  Cardinal  Albani  treated  him  as  if  he 
were  his  own  son.  Afterwards,  Winckelmann  was  guide  to  the 
hereditary  Prince  of  Brunswick,  whom  he  calls  the  Brunswick 
Achilles  ; to  Hamilton,  the  English  Ambassador  at  Naples,  the 
greatest  connoisseur  in  figures ; to  Lord  Stormont,  the  Ambassa- 
dor at  Vienna,  one  of  the  most  learned  men  of  his  time. 
Besides  these  travellers,  he  was  also  pleased  with  the  French- 
men Rochefoucault  and  Desmarest,  and  the  Englishman  John 
Wilkes. 

In  the  year  1763,  he  received  an  office  in  the  Vatican,  which 
yielded  only  fifty  dollars,  and  yet  obliged  him  to  pass  therein 
from  eight  to  twelve  hours  every  day,  with  the  exception  of 
Saturday  and  Sunday.  Work  was  the  least  thing  required  ; 
each  of  the  thirteen,  the  number  of  those  employed,  brought 
some  news  with  him,  and  there  they  gossiped  away  most  of  the 
time ; the  holidays,  also,  lasted  nearly  five  months,  from  J une 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


67 


into  November.  But  it  took  him  a whole  hour  to  go  there, 
and  another  to  return,  — which  was  a very  great  hindrance  in 
his  favorite  pursuits.  If  he  were  obliged,  however,  to  accom- 
pany a stranger  of  rank,  as,  for  example,  Prince  George  Augus- 
tus of  Mecklenburg-Strelitz,  or  the  Prince  of  Anhalt-Dessau,  he 
was  released  from  his  attendance  at  the  Vatican  during  the 
entire  stay  of  the  stranger.  And  in  the  same  year  he  was 
appointed  to  the  place  of  the  Abbe  Venuti,  deceased,  as  Super- 
intendent of  Antiquities  in  and  about  Rome,  or  as  Antiquarian 
of  the  Apostolic  Chamber.  This  office  was,  seemingly,  created 
for  him;  for  nothing  ancient  could  now  come  to  light  without 
his  knowledge ; it  cost  him  scarcely  any  trouble,  and  produced 
him  about  fifteen  dollars  a month ; so  that,  counting  the  pen- 
sion from  Saxony,  now  reduced  to  a hundred  thalers  ($77),  and 
the  one  hundred  and  twenty  dollars  from  the  Cardinal  Albani, 
he  had  now  a certain  yearly  income  of  more  than  eight  hundred 
guilders  ($320),  — enough  for  a man  who  is  at  the  same  time 
his  own  maid-servant,  valet,  and  master.  He  afterwards  quietly 
gave  up  the  Vatican, — although  he  had  the  reversion  of  a secre- 
taryship with  a monthly  salary  of  seventeen  dollars,  — because 
the  going  back  and  forth  was  too  inconvenient ; but,  on  the 
other  hand,  he  received  a hundred  and  twenty  dollars  annually 
from  his  patron  and  friend,  the  Cardinal  Stoppani,  who  knew 
Horace  by  heart. 

On  his  accession  to  his  new  office,  he  made  a vow  that  he 
would  not  — like  his  predecessor,  who  belonged  to  a decayed 
noble  family  — humble  himself  and  his  position,  as  President 
of  Antiquities,  by  acting  as  guide  to  strangers,  unless  he  was 
compelled  to  do  so  by  higher  authority  or  from  great  obliga- 
tions. 

In  regard  to  his  literary  performances,  of  which  we  are  now 
to  speak,  it  will  be  more  convenient  to  bring  together  every- 
thing which  relates  to  the  origin,  execution,  and  fate  of  his  two 
principal  works,  The  History  of  Ancient  Art , and  The  Ancient 
Monuments , instead  of  returning  frequently  to  them. 

The  plan  of  the  History  of  Ancient  Art , as  has  been  already 
mentioned,  originated  in  the  second  year  of  his  residence  at 
Rome  ; but  he  was  in  doubt  whether  to  compose  it  in  German, 
Italian,  French,  or  Latin,  for  two  reasons.  In  the  first  place, 
his  friend,  the  Cardinal  Albani,  showed  a little  sensitiveness  at 
his  continuing  to  wTrite  in  his  mother  tongue  : Bum  vivis  Romce 


68 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


Romano  vivito  more , — ‘‘When  you  are  at  Rome,  do  as  the 
Romans  do  ” ; and,  in  the  second  place,  he  did  not  think  him- 
self critically  correct  in  German,  nor  could  he  hope  to  retain,  by 
the  perusal  of  choice  writings,  or  by  oral  conversation,  readiness 
and  versatility  of  expression  ; for,  during  the  long  interval  from 
1755  to  1768,  Gessner’s  Idyls  and  his  Death  of  Abel , Lessing’s 
Laocoon , and  Mendelssohn’s  Phcedo , were  the  only  well-written 
works  of  German  literature  that  he  had  seen.  As  he  was  not, 
however,  deficient  in  a stock  of  words,  and  his  thoughts,  from 
long  familiarity  with  the  ancients,  had  assumed,  as  a second 
nature,  the  simply  beautiful  forms  and  turns  in  which  alone 
consists  the  essence  of  style,  the  language  which  he  had  sucked 
in  with  his  mother’s  milk  obtained  the  mastery  in  this  contest 
of  tongues,  and  his  principal  work  was  composed  in  German. 
After  making  many  copies,  and  repeated  alterations  of  the  origi- 
nal plan,  he  writes  to  Solomon  Gessner,  in  a tone  of  regret : — 
“Few  men  have  had  the  opportunity  and  desire  like  myself 
to  search  into  antiquity  and  art,  as  far  as  my  insight  could 
penetrate ; but  I resemble  that  dancer  of  antiquity  who,  though 
in  constant  motion,  did  not  quit  his  place.  Occasionally,  I re- 
ject to-day  what  yesterday  I recognized  as  right. 

“ After  nearly  three  hundred  years,  there  came  at  last  a 
time,  when  some  one  ventured  to  write  a system  of  ancient 
art,  not  to  improve  thereby  the  art  of  our  day,  — which  it  is 
able  to  do  for  few  of  those  who  practise  it,  — but  to  teach 
them  to  study  and  admire  ancient  art.  No  idle  words  would 
help  in  this  case  ; it  was  necessary  that  the  teaching  should 
be  precise,  and  conformable  to  rule.  When  I did  not  hit  the 
point,  — which,  oftentimes,  was  not  invisible,  — I was  obliged 
to  retrace  all  my  steps.  If  my  toil  could  be  of  advantage  to 
art  itself,  it  would  merit  praise.  But  I ought  to  have  com- 
menced this  undertaking  before  I had  reached  my  thirtieth 
year.  I am  now  past  forty,  and  therefore  at  an  age  when  one 
can  no  longer  sport  freely  with  life.  I perceive,  also,  that  a 
certain  delicate  spirit  begins  to  evaporate,  with  which  I raised 
myself,  by  powerful  soarings,  to  the  contemplation  of  the  beau- 
tiful. This  is  the  soul  of  the  whole  knowledge  of  ancient  art, 
— an  endowment  not  prodigally  conferred  by  Heaven.” 

In  the  year  1759,  he  sent  from  Florence  to  Walther,  the 
court  bookseller  at  Dresden,  the  first  sheets  of  the  History  of 
Ancient  Art , who  promised  him  a ducat  a sheet.  But  as  he 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


69 


received  no  answer  from  him  in  three  to  four  months,  and  the 
bookseller  Dyck,  of  Leipsic,  begged  him  to  let  him  have  some- 
thing for  one  of  his  monthly  publications,  at  the  rate  of  a Louis 
d’or  a sheet,  Winckelmann  gave  directions  that  the  manuscript 
already  forwarded  to  Dresden  should  be  sent  from  there  to 
Leipsic.  Walther  now  came  forward  with  a claim  to  the  privi- 
lege of  printing ; and  Winckelmann  then  took  the  manuscript 
back  again  into  his  own  hands.  It  was  a fortunate  occurrence 
for  him ; for  he  recast  the  whole  system,  which  had  not  been 
sketched  with  sufficient  clearness,  and  produced  a new  work. 
In  the  year  1762,  he  looked  about  for  a publisher  in  Hamburg, 
being  fearful  lest  the  unhappy  state  of  Saxonj',  occasioned  by 
the  war,  might  for  a long  time  defer  the  publication,  and  his 
remuneration,  — a Louis  d’or  a sheet.  He,  however,  sent  the 
work  finally  to  Dresden,  where  it  appeared  in  1764,  in  quarto, 
with  a dedication  to  the  Electoral  Prince,  but  he  died  without 
seeing  it.  “ It  is  said,”  he  writes  to  Muzel  Stosch,  “ to  have 
been  received  with  much  approbation  ; if  this  is  flattery,  it 
is  not  my  fault,  for  I have  devoted  all  my  energies  to  the 
work.”  As  soon  as  the  book  became  known,  individuals 
undertook  to  translate  it,  as  they  had  done  his  earlier  writ- 
ings, into  French.  He  obtained  notice  of  it,  and  was  not 
displeased  at  the  indication ; only  he  wished  that  certain 
alterations  should  be  made  in  the  translation,  wffiich  he  would 
himself  point  out ; for  Casanova,  the  sculptor,  at  a time  when 
Winckelmann  was  on  the  most  intimate  terms  with  him,  and 
Mengs,  who  had  acted  in  concert  with  Casanova,  to  lower 
Winckelmann’s  high  idea  of  antiquity,  had  deceived  him  by 
pretended  ancient  paintings,  of  which  Casanova  delivered  to 
him  drawings,  designed  by  himself,  as  if  they  had  been  copied 
from  antiques  ; and  he  did  not  discover  the  deception  until  his 
History  of  Ancient  Art  was  already  printed,  in  which  are  found 
two  engravings  made  from  the  false  drawings,  together  with 
the  explanations.  He  now  wished,  above  all  things,  to  have 
these  two  engravings,  together  with  the  explanations,  left  out 
in  every  new  edition.  He  therefore  begged  the  police  office  in 
Paris  not  to  grant  permission  to  print  the  translation  until  he 
had  sent  it  the  necessary  notice.  It  was  published,  however, 
by  Saillant,  at  Paris,  in  two  octavo  volumes,  and  at  Amster- 
dam, by  Harevelt,  — for  it  is  the  same  edition,  notwithstanding 
some  slight  change  in  the  title.  A certain  Sellius,  who  lived 


70 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


in  Paris,  was  the  translator ; but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  is 
the  same  person  — mentioned  by  Winckelmann  in  a letter  to 
Berends  — who  is  said  to  have  met  with  so  unfortunate  a fate, 
from  which  he  perchance  was  saved  ; for,  in  another  place,  he 
remarks  that  he  does  not  know  him.  Robinet  de  Chateaugi- 
ron  supervised  the  edition  at  Amsterdam,  and,  according  to 
him,  it  is  probable  that  the  printing  was  done  in  Holland. 
The  two  spurious  engravings  are  omitted,  it  is  true,  but  how 
much  cause  the  author  had  to  be  dissatisfied  with  this  transla- 
tion, in  other  respects,  is  evident ; for  the  connecting  words 
are  frequently  wanting,  the  periods  are  broken  into  small 
clauses,  the  text  is  repeatedly  misunderstood,  and  the  style 
generally  excites  disgust.  Winckelmann,  therefore,  inserted 
the  following  article  in  the  Literary  Gazette  of  Europe:  — “The 
French  translator  of  the  History  of  Ancient  Art  has  so  altered 
the  text,  that  if  a judgment  were  to  be  formed  of  it  from  this 
unfaithful  and  distorted  copy,  it  would  be  not  more  untrue 
than  unfavorable.  As  the  translator  probably  had  little  knowl- 
edge of  German,  and  still  less  of  the  subject  treated  in  the  work, 
he  commits  gross  mistakes  at  almost  every  step,  and  makes  the 
author  say  what  he  never  thought,  even  in  dreams.” 

Walther,  of  Dresden,  proposed  to  prepare  a pirated  edition 
of  this  French  translation,  and  Winckelmann  was  going  to 
make  considerable  additions  to  it.  and  to  remodel  whole  sec- 
tions. But  nothing  resulted  from  this  plan,  for  the  enormous 
size  of  the  first  edition  printed  prevented  the  publisher  from 
bringing  out  a second.  Hence  the  author  saw  himself  obliged 
to  collect  together  in  Notes  to  his  History  whatever  additions 
or  changes  in  it  he  wished  to  make.  These  Notes  were  also 
published  by  Walther,  in  a thin  quarto,  with  a dedication  to 
Muzel  Stosch.  But  he  was  so  discontented  at  not  having  recast 
the  whole  work,  and  given  it  a new  form,  that  it  became,  from 
this  time  forward,  the  object  of  his  utmost  zeal.  “ We  are 
wiser  to-day  than  we  were  yesterday,”  he  writes  to  Heyne  and 
Franke  ; “ would  to  God  that  I could  show  to  you  my  History 
of  Art,  entirely  remodelled,  and  considerably  enlarged  ! I had 
not  yet  learned  to  write  when  I took  it  in  hand  ; the  thoughts 
are  not  yet  sufficiently  linked  together ; there  is  wanting,  in 
many  cases,  the  transition  from  the  thoughts  that  precede  to 
those  that  follow, — in  which  the  greatest  art  consists.”  It 
was  his  firm  resolve  to  translate  the  work  into  French,  and  let 


LIFE  OF  WIN CKELMANN. 


71 


it  appear  in  that  form ; but  fate  prevented  him.  On  his  last 
journey,  he  carried  with  him  a manuscript  prepared  for  the 
purpose,  which  was  at  his  death  sent  to  Vienna,  where  it  was 
printed  in  such  a manner,  that  it  is  impossible,  now  that  the 
autograph  is  lost,  to  infer  with  certainty  the  nature  of  Winck- 
elmann’s  retouch ; but  it  is  certain  that  this  edition  has  nu- 
merous errors,  and  was  edited  with  the  utmost  negligence. 
From  it  were  made  the  Italian  translation  of  the  Abbe  Amo- 
retti,  with  notes  by  him  and  the  Abbe  Fumagalli,  and  the 
French  translation  by  Michael  Huber,  and  also  an  emended 
Italian  one  by  Carlo  Fea,  with  corrections  of  the  quotations, 
and  with  notes,  which  are  for  the  most  part  valuable.  The 
French  edition  by  Jansen,  which  was  to  contain  all  Winckel- 
mann’s  works,  gives  almost  entirely  the  text  of  Huber,  and  all 
the  notes  and  engravings  in  the  translations  by  Amoretti  and 
Fea,  together  with  the  emendations  and  essays  by  Lessing, 
Heyne,  and  Rode. 

In  the  collection  of  Winckelmann’s  works  which  was  pub- 
lished at  Dresden,  the  text  of  the  History  of  Ancient  Art  was, 
for  the  first  time,  critically  corrected,  and  carefully  constructed 
from  the  first  edition  of  1764,  the  Notes  to  it  of  1767,  and 
the  Vienna  edition,  yet  not  so  carefully  that  a future  editor 
need^  not  trouble  himself  with  criticism.  The  quotations  and 
notes  are  arranged  at  the  end,  in  a manner  inconvenient  to 
the  reader,  and  the  authors  of  them  are  not  always  given,  nor 
in  every  case  correctly  ; and  in  several  volumes  are  profusely 
emptied  forth,  with  a very  bad  economy  of  expression,  the 
necessary  and  the  superfluous,  mixed  together  without  dis- 
tinction. 

In  order  to  effect  at  last,  after  half  a century,  a complete 
collection  of  the  writings  of  this  classic  author,  which  lay 
scattered  like  the  limbs  of  Absyrtus,  I determined  to  edit, 
after  the  strictest  principles  of  criticism,  a well-arranged  edi- 
tion, furnished  with  all  useful  quotations  and  notes,  placed 
immediately  under  the  text,  and  with  indices  as  well  as  en- 
gravings. 

Hardly  had  I proclaimed  this  design  through  a journal,  than 
the  Walther  book-firm  in  Dresden  started  up  in  opposition 
to  the  undertaking.  Hence,  I find  it  necessary  to  observe  that 
the  present  edition,  as  well  in  its  plan  and  style,  as  in  its  ex^ 
tent,  is  entirely  different  from  the  Dresden  edition.  The  notes, 


72 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


in  particular,  have  been  drawn  up  in  a more  suitable  manner, 
and  have  been  correctly  assigned  to  their  respective  authors, 
and  much  that  is  wanting  in  other  editions  has  been  added.  Of 
this  any  one  may  convince  himself  by  comparison.  In  regard 
to  the  value  of  the  edition,  I have  nothing  to  say ; yet  whoever 
wishes  to  possess  in  the  original  form  all  the  supplements  pe- 
culiar to  the  Dresden  collection  must  seek  them  there  onlv,  and 
not  here. 

I again  return  to  Winckelmann,  wTho  is  busied  with  his 
Ancient  Monuments , — a work  upon  which  he  has  been  em- 
ployed for  a long  time.  The  Cardinal  Albani  had  heard  him, 
with  pleasure,  read  portions  of  it,  and  the  prelate  Baldani, 
seventy -two  years  of  age,  a bitter  but  keen-eyed  judge,  played 
the  part  of  censor  at  similar  readings,  with  the  utmost  interest 
in  the  author’s  reputation.  After  this  revisal,  it  was  to  receive 
a second  from  some  one  else,  and  finally  a third.  Winckelmann 
even  had  the  honor  of  reading  a piece  from  the  Illustrated  Monu- 
ments to  the  Pope,  Clement  XIII.,  at  Castel-Gandolfo,  before  a 
numerous  assemblage  ; on  which  occasion,  seated  between  his 
Holiness  and  two  cardinals,  he  selected  the  disquisition  on  the 
Death  of  Agamemnon , represented  on  a sarcophagus  in  the  Bar- 
berini  palace,  as  one  of  the  most  excellent,  difficult,  and  learned. 

Casanova  furnished  the  drawings  for  this  w7ork,  and  wished 
to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  copper-plate  engraving ; but  when 
he  went  to  Dresden  as  Professor  in  the  Academy  of  Art,  the 
whole  undertaking  fell  upon  Winckelmann,  who  was  now  obliged 
to  maintain  draughtsmen  and  engravers,  because  the  booksellers 
in  Rome  would  not,  or  could  not,  incur  any  responsibility.  At 
the  outset,  the  work  was  to  contain  only  one  hundred  and  fifty 
prints ; but  the  number  gradually  increased  to  two  hundred  and 
twenty-six,  exclusive  of  the  vignettes.  The  outlay  was  great, 
for  the  cost  of  the  paper  alone  amounted  to  thirty-six  hundred 
guilders  ($1,400).  The  Cardinal  Albani  had  promised  to  pay 
for  it ; but  when  the  cost  had  mounted  to  two  thousand  guild- 
ers, he  appears  to  have  had  no  more  to  do  with  it.  Muzel 
Stosch,  however,  made  him  an  offer  to  advance  him  a hundred 
ducats,  and  even  more,  if  he  needed  it,  — an  offer  which  Winck- 
elmann thankfully  accepted,  and  in  this  way  helped  himself 
out  of  difficulty.  At  first,  he  intended  to  print  a thousand 
copies ; but  as  he  met  with  obstacles,  even  from  the  first  sheets, 
— which  he  was  obliged  to  throw  aside,  — he  was  affrighted,  like 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


78 


some  one  awaking  from  a delightful  dream,  at  the  hazard  of  his 
enterprise,  limited  the  number  of  copies  to  six  hundred,  and  for 
the  present  had  only  four  hundred  impressions  struck  from  the 
plates.  In  the  spring  of  the  year  1767  the  work  appeared,  in 
two  folio  volumes,  and  the  price  of  it  was  eight  ducats  ($16). 
“ It  is  known  to  God  and  myself,”  he  writes  to  L.  Usteri,  “how 
much  I have  sweated  over  it.  There  are  pieces  in  it,  over  each 
one  of  which  I have  sat  for  five  months.”  In  my  opinion, 
Winckelmann  certainly  made  no  profit  from  this  carefully  pre- 
pared work,  because  the  time  measured  out  to  him  for  its  sale 
was  far  too  short ; but  this  troubled  him  very  little,  for  he 
valued  gold  no  more  than  his  shoes ; and  his  only  concern  was 
that  the  purchasers  of  the  book  should  esteem  its  worth  equal 
to  its  price.  He  had  already  selected,  for  a third  volume,  forty 
monuments  from  a hundred  rare  ones,  that  had  not  yet  been 
made  known ; his  intention  was  to  publish  not  more  than  a 
hundred  copies,  which  were  to  be  brought  out  with  the  utmost 
elegance.  It  is  known  how  his  project  was  rendered  vain,  and 
of  the  explanation  of  the  pieces  of  the  third  volume  only  a few 
sketches  seem  to  have  been  begun. 

The  objection  has  been  made  to  this  work,  that  it  is  loaded 
with  unnecessary  learning,  after  the  Italian  taste,  because  the 
author  wished  to  make  a display,  in  this  particular,  before  the 
antiquarians  of  the  land  in  which  it  was  his  intention  to  reside 
for  the  future  ; but  if  this  censure  should  be  well  founded,  then 
it  falls  with  double  force  upon  the  archaeologists  subsequent  to 
him.  Nevertheless,  the  book  contains  ever  so  many  interesting 
views,  hints,  and  observations,  which  either  occur  nowhere  else, 
or  have  a particular  value  on  this  account,  that  they  are  pub- 
lished here  for  the  first  time.  A very  learned  man  in  this  de- 
partment, attached  to  a high  school  in  my  neighborhood,  assured 
me  that  on  this  very  account  he  still  considers  the  work  very 
valuable,  and  in  many  respects  indispensable.  If  we  miss  in  it 
that  beauty  of  thought  and  expression,  and  the  elevation,  wThich 
prevail  in  the  History  of  Art,  and  in  several  of  his  minor  works, 
we  must  on  the  other  hand  reflect  that  the  field  here  was  alto- 
gether unsuited  thereto,  and  that  acuteness,  united  with  learn- 
ing, yields  some  compensation  for  those  higher  qualities. 
Everywhere,  however,  the  original  thinker  and  independent 
critic  is  manifest.  It  bears  a similar  relation  to  his  Essay  on 
Allegory  for  Artists,  which  appeared  in  the  year  1766.  This 


74 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


Essay  is  certainly  defective  in  its  plan,  in  correct  explanation  of 
the  idea,  and  in  completeness ; and  the  author  has  probably 
over-estimated  the  work,  because  the  long,  but  agreeable,  labor 
of  its  compilation  made  it  dearer  to  him  than  an  original  com- 
position ; but,  notwithstanding,  I should  be  unable,  even  at  the 
present  day,  to  cite  any  other  book  on  the  same  subject  con- 
taining treasures  so  rich,  drawn  from  first  sources. 

If  I wished  to  bring  together  all  that  relates  to  the  principal 
writings  of  Winckelmann,  there  would  be  scarcely  anything  else 
for  me  to  do  than  to  continue  on  in  the  order  of  time.  But  I 
now  resume  the  thread  at  the  point  where  I let  it  drop. 

At  the  end  of  February,  1764,  he  made  his  third  journey  to 
Naples,  in  company  with  the  young  Henry  Fiiessly,  of  Zurich, 
and  Dr.  Volkman,  of  Hamburg.  This  Swiss,  of  whom  Winckel- 
mann draws  so  favorable  a picture,  is  still  living,  at  an  advanced 
age,  in  his  native  city.  They  remained  there  three  weeks,  and 
the  fruit  of  the  journey  is  the  Notices  of  the  Discoveries  at  Her- 
culaneum, which  he  dedicated  to  his  companion,  Fiiessly. 

In  March,  1764,  the  wife  of  his  friend  Mengs  returned  from 
Spain,  after  a residence  there  of  three  years,  for  the  restoration 
of  her  health.  The  beautiful  Margaret  Guazzi  once  served  the 
painter  as  a model  for  the  head  of  a Madonna ; and  the  result 
of  the  acquaintance  was  that  she  became  his  wife.  On  the  15th 
of  May,  Winckelmann  went  with  her,  for  a few  days,  to  the 
villa  of  the  Cardinal  Albani,  at  Castel-Gandolfo.  Notwithstand- 
ing her  beauty,  he  had  regarded  her  at  an  earlier  period  with 
indifference ; but  their  acquaintance  produced  a familiarity 
which  could  not  be  greater  without  overstepping  the  last  limits. 
On  several  occasions,  at  Castel-Gandolfo,  he  reposed  at  midday 
on  the  same  bed  with  her  ; and  Mengs  — as  a proof  of  the  great 
love  which  he  bore  his  wife — -conceded  to  him  privileges  which 
are  inalienable,  preferring,  under  the  circumstances  in  which  she 
was  placed,  to  make  chastity  subordinate  to  life.  But  the  virtue 
of  Winckelmann  protected  him.  The  wife  recovered  from  her 
illness,  and  was  enabled  to  return  again  to  Spain,  in  September. 
He  formed  with  her  a friendship  corresponding  to  his  lofty 
notions,  in  which  the  beautiful  wife  was  obliged,  beforehand,  to 
subscribe  to  certain  conditions  ; and  now,  with  the  entire  knowl- 
edge of  the  husband,  they  interchanged  with  each  other  letters 
which  were  full  of  tenderness.  He  gave  her  a promise  never  to 
leave  Rome,  whatever  offers  might  be  made  him,  at  any  time,  to 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


75 


go  elsewhere ; for  he  hoped  that  Mengs,  with  his  family,  would 
again  return  after  some  years  to  the  capital  of  Italy,  to  remain 
there  permanently.  From  one  of  his  letters  it  is  very  probable 
that  he  was  able  to  greet  the  Mengs  family  once  more  in  Rome, 
in  the  year  1768. 

In  Germany,  his  reputation  in  the  department  of  antiquities 
had  become  so  great,  that  there  was  also  a desire  for  fuller 
information  as  to  his  earlier  life,  — his  fortunes  and  relations. 
This  desire  was  gratified,  in  a degree,  by  a letter  which  he  wrote 
to  Marpurg,  of  Berlin,  as  it  was  published  among  the  Letters 
relating  to  the  Most  Modern  Literature.  The  following  words 
which  occur  towards  the  end  of  it,  “ Here  you  have  the  life  and 
marvels  of  John  Winckelmann,”  caused  an  acquaintance  to 
write  to  him  that  a literary  paper  had  published  something 
about  him  under  the  title  of  Life  and  May'vels.  This  incorrect 
communication  gave  him  much  uneasiness  ; though  not  so  much 
as  the  Brief  Biography,  which  was  patched  together  and  pub- 
lished by  Frederic  Paalzow,  his  former  colleague  at  Seehausen. 
“ The  sorry  trash  which  has  been  published  concerning  me  is 
absolutely  undeserving  of  notice.  Amidst  all  the  stupidity  of 
this  pitiful  scribbler,  it  is,  nevertheless,  evident  that  he  has  not 
told  what  truths  he  knew  ; for  it  is  false  that  I was  induced  to 
go  to  Saxony  by  the  tutor  of  the  young  Duke  of  Biinau  ; I was 
the  means  of  bringing  him  there.  Further,  it  is  a scandalous 
falsehood  that  the  Duke  of  Biinau  sent  me  to  Italy,  and  that, 
having  travelled  thither  at  his  expense,  I found  it  better  not  to 
return.”  This  pamphlet  of  a few'  pages  led  him  to  conceive  the 
plan  of  writing  his  own  biography,  in  which  his  portrait  should 
be  given  with  the  same  truth  with  which  he  desired  to  act.  But 
the  plan  was  never  executed. 

The  learned  Society  of  Gottingen  elected  him  a Fellow.  The 
same  honor  would,  undoubtedly,  have  been  shown  him  by  the 
Academies  of  Paris  and  Berlin  also,  if  he  had  been  a French- 
man. His  works  were  mentioned  and  quoted  everywhere  with 
praise  ; but  he  was  particularly  flattered  by  the  approbation  of 
Lessing  and  Prince  Lewis  of  Wurtemberg. 

Still,  he  had  not  as  yet  acquired,  in  a substantial  office,  suffi- 
cient provision  for  his  old  age.  On  this  account,  he  was  desirous 
of  obtaining  a canonship  at  the  Rotonda,  where  there  was  no 
choir ; and,  when  a suitable  opportunity  presented  itself,  he 
made  his  wish  known  to  the  Pope  himself.  One  Sunday,  in  the 


76 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


beginning  of  August,  1765,  Clement  XIII.  surprised  the  Cardi- 
nal Albani  with  a visit  at  his  villa,  without  the  city.  Winckel- 
manu  was  dressed  in  colored  clothes,  as  it  is  usual  in  the 
country,  and  was  sitting  under  the  portico,  seeking  for  a passage 
in  the  Dionysiacus  of  Nonnius,  when  the  Pope,  accompanied 
by  Albani  and  a cardinal  chamberlain,  was  about  to  depart. 
“ Adieu,  Mr.  Abbe  there,  with  the  book  in  his  hand,”  his  Holi- 
ness exclaimed.  Winckelmann,  in  his  surprise,  forgot  to  make 
the  customary  genuflexion  ; and  the  major-domo  said,  “ I do 
not  believe,  your  Holiness,  that  he  is  reading  an  edifying  book  ; 
it  is  probably  a profane  one,  or  even  heretical.”  The  cardinal 
chamberlain,  who  was  his  great  patron,  took  it  out  of  his  hand, 
and  said,  “ Yes,  indeed,  it  is  more  than  profane.”  “ I wish  your 
Holiness  also  to  know,”  rejoined  the  major-domo,  “that  the 
Abbe  Winckelmann  rejected  a canonship  at  the  Bocca  della 
Verita  because  he  is  not  willing  to  say  the  breviary.”  “ I beg 
your  pardon,”  replied  Winckelmann  ; “it  was  because  I did  not 
wish  to  lose  the  time  in  the  choir ; and  it  will  be  shown  that  I 
speak  the  truth,  if  his  Holiness  vouchsafes  to  confer  upon  me  a 
canonship  at  the  Botonda  ” ; and  with  these  words,  he  kissed 
the  Pope’s  slipper.  But  no  place  was  vacant  there,  nor  likely 
to  be  soon.  Although  this,  together  with  other  circumstances, 
seemed  to  indicate  a determination  to  spend  his  days  in  Rome, 
and  the  place  in  question  was  the  only  one,  as  it  afterwards 
appeared,  in  which  he  could  live  according  to  his  taste,  still  a 
longing  for  a change  of  residence  would  occasionally  manifest 
itself.  The  craving  for  friendship,  which,  with  the  exception  of 
that  of  the  Cardinal  Albani,  he  lacked  in  Rome,  had  a great 
share  in  this  uneasiness,  since  his  most  intimate  friend,  the 
Abbe  Ruggieri,  had  shot  himself  whilst  suffering  from  deep 
melancholy.  He  was  a man  who  spoke  much  and  earnestly ; 
his  word  had  great  weight.  Heart  and  mind  inclined  Winckel- 
mann towards  him ; and  the  friendship  was  of  equal  strength 
on  both  sides.  When  Winckelmann  lost  him,  — and  Albani’s 
age  did  not  allow  the  hope  that  he  would  long  survive,  — his 
eye  sometimes  turned  to  Saxony,  where  he  was  not  forgotten. 
Sometimes  he  wished  to  pass  his  life,  for  the  future,  with  the 
Baron  von  Berg ; then,  again,  he  thought  of  residing  among  his 
friends  in  Zurich,  or  even  in  the  cloister  of  Weddingen,  — which 
he  supposed  to  be  only  one  hour’s  distance  from  the  city,  instead 
of  three. 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


77 


In  the  mean  while,  Frederic  the  Great,  in  the  summer  of 
1765,  gave  him  an  invitation  through  Colonel  Quintus  Icilius 
to  the  place  of  Gautier  la  Croze,  superintendent  of  the  library 
and  cabinet  of  antiquities,  who  had  just  died.  Frederic  Nicolai, 
by  direction  of  the  Colonel,  wrote  to  Winckelmann,  and  gave 
him  to  understand  that  he  might  demand  a salary  of  fifteen 
hundred  to  two  thousand  thalers  (from  $1,200  to  $1,600). 
Winckelmann  immediately  informed  his  friend  the  Cardinal  of 
the  proposition,  and,  with  his  consent,  he  let  the  Colonel  know 
the  conditions  on  which  he  would  be  willing  to  exchange  Rome 
for  Berlin.  He  demanded  a yearly  income  of  two  thousand 
thalers ; but  the  king  would  consent  only  to  one  half  of  the  sum, 
and  consequently  the  negotiation  ceased.  “ The  king  is  not 
aware  that  a man  who  forsakes  Rome  for  Berlin,  and  who  needs 
not  make  a tender  of  his  services,  should  receive  at  least  as 
much  as  one  to  * whom  a call  is  sent  from  the  Frozen  Ocean, 
from  St.  Petersburg.1  Yet  he  ought  to  know  that  I can  be  of 
more  advantage  than  a mathematician  ; and  that  the  experience 
merely  of  ten  years  in  Rome  is  far  more  expensive  than  just  the 
same  number  of  years  spent  in  calculating  proportions,  parabolic 
lines,  — which  can  be  done  in  Tobolsk  as  well  as  in  Smyrna.  The 
first  time,  it  was  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse-Cassel  that  started  me 
up ; no  one  will  succeed  in  doing  it  a third  time.  I can  say 
with  an  equal  degree  of  aptness  what  a castrato  said,  in  a simi- 
lar case,  at  Berlin  : — Eh , bene  ! faccia  cantare  it  suo  generate  ! 
— “ 0,  well  ! then  make  your  general  sing.” 

At  a later  period,  the  king  — having  received  as  a gift, 
through  Muzel  Stosch,  the  Monumenti  and  all  the  other  writings 
of  Winckelmann  — formed  from  them  an  extremely  favorable 
opinion  of  the  author,  the  assurance  of  which  was  communi- 
cated to  him  by  letter  through  Herr  von  Catt.  He  thought 
that  he  knew  Winckelmann,  — believing  him  to  have  once  been 
auditor  of  a regiment  in  his  army.  Bat  the  king  seems  to  have 
confounded  him  with  a certain  Ewald  of  Spandau,  who  was  for 
a long  time  roving  about  the  world,  and  who  finally  went  to 
Rome,  where  Winckelmann  had  much  trouble  with  him. 

We  shall  know  fully  how  busy  he  was  during  these  years,  if, 
to  his  other  occupations,  we  now  add  his  extensive  correspond- 
ence wfith  Franke,  Berends,  Heyne,  Muzel  Stosch,  Riedesel, 
Volkmann,  with  his  friends  in  Switzerland  and  Spain,  with 
1 Maupertuis. 


78 


LIFE  OF  W1NCKELMANN. 


learned  men  in  Italy  and  France,  with  travellers  in  Asia,  Greece, 
and  Egypt.  We  are,  therefore,  disposed  to  believe  him  readily, 
when  he  saVs  that  he  was  a tortured  worm,  and  that  he  did  not 
expect  any  rest  until  he  reached  that  place  to  which  the  Indian 
wished  to  go  with  his  beloved  dog.  At  times,  he  was  assailed 
by  letters  containing  a hundred  inquiries  ; and  in  many  of  them 
occurred  requests  of  so  strange  a character,  that  once  he  thought 
a desire  would  also  be  expressed  at  the  close  of  the  letter  for  a 
Roman  clothes-brush,  and  a pair  of  scissors  for  cutting  the  hairs 
in  the  nose. 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN, 


79 


CHAPTER  XI. 

FOURTH  JOURNEY  TO  NAPLES. 

In  the  spring  of  1765,  a favorable  opportunity  of  again 
visiting  Naples  — in  company  with  John  Wilkes,  the  celebrated 
champion  of  English  liberty  — presented  itself,  and  he  was 
desirous  of  taking  advantage  of  it.  But  he  supposed  that  his 
Account  of  the  Latest  Discoveries  at  Herculaneum  had  shut  against 
him  the  treasuries  of  art  in  that  city.  Camillo  Paderni  had 
renounced  all  friendship  towards  him  ; and  the  Spanish  colonel 
who  directed  the  excavations  was  so  little  satisfied  with  the 
notice  of  himself,  that  he  might  give  Winckelmann  a sound 
thrashing.  The  beating  would  have  been  still  more  disgraceful 
than  a gash  on  the  face,  with  which  Barthelemy  might  have  got 
quit  of  a duel  to  which  he  was  challenged,  when  in  Capua,  by 
an  officer ; the  latter  would  not  look  quite  so  badly  on  an  archae- 
ologist. But  after  several  years,  especially  from  the  expectation 
of  meeting  his  dear  friend  Riedesel,  he  put  all  considerations 
aside,  and  in  September,  1767,  he  started  off,  with  the  intention 
of  visiting,  not  only  Naples,  but  also  Sicily.  Contrary  to  his 
expectations,  he  found  fewer  enemies  than  he  had  anticipated. 
He  therefore  ventured  to  show  himself  at  court,  where  he  was 
graciously  received,  and  permitted  to  see  and  enjoy  everything 
to  his  wish. 

He  lodged  and  ate  with  D’  Hancarville,  with  whom  he  had 
been  brought  into  an  interchange  of  letters  by  means  of  Hamil- 
ton, the  English  Ambassador.  About  the  year  1750,  this  cele- 
brated adventurer  was  at  Berlin,  under  the  title  of  Count 
Hucourt,  and  allowed  the  French  Ambassador  to  present  him 
at  court.  But  as  the  police  of  Frankfort  came  in  search  of  him, 
either  on  account  of  his  drawing  false  bills  of  exchange  or  of 
his  debts,  he  was  imprisoned  ; and  it  then  appeared  that  he  was 
the  son  of  a trader  of  Marseilles.  This  circumstance  gave  rise 
to  the  epigram  on  him,  — 

“ He  attends  the  concert  and  the  supper  ; and  on  the  next 
Morning  he  is  — where  ? In  prison.” 


80 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


During  his  imprisonment,  he  had  his  Politique  Calculee 
printed.  Prince  Lewis  of  Wurtemberg,  who  at  that  time  was 
serving  as  a volunteer  under  Marshal  Daun,  paid  his  debts,  and 
took  him  into  his  service.  It  was  supposed  that  the  prince  was 
seeking  to  get  possession  of  the  island  of  Corsica,  and  to  win 
the  princess  of  Brazil  as  a bride,  and  that  he  made  use  of 
D’  Hancarville  as  a negotiator.  This,  however,  is  contradicted 
by  Count  Lamberg.  In  1759,  Winckelmann  became  acquainted 
with  him  in  Rome,  where  he  called  himself  the  Baron  du  Han. 
He  had  a wife,  or,  as  it  was  believed,  a mistress,  living  with 
him ; and,  on  account  of  his  debts,  he  was  obliged  to  sell 
everything  at  auction.  From  this  city  he  directed  his  course 
to  Naples,  where  the  English  Ambassador  received  him,  in 
whose  house  and  through  whose  assistance  he  published  the 
splendid  engravings  of  the  celebrated  Hamilton  Eases,  from 
which  he  made  a great  profit.  At  a later  period,  he  fell  out 
with  the  minister  Tanucci,  and  in  a panic  fear  fled  hastily  from 
the  kingdom.  The  Grand-Duke  of  Tuscany  gave  him  protec- 
tion, and  intrusted  him  with  the  superintendence  of  the  copper- 
plate engraving  of  the  Medici  family,  — by  which  he  might 
have  become  rich,  if  he  had  only  been  able  to  hold  fast  his  luck. 
Here  also  he  did  not  remain  a long  time  ; and  I learn  from 
one  who  became  acquainted  with  him  at  Venice  and  Padua,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  present  century,  that  he  resided  there  a 
longer  time. 

I have  thought  that  it  would  not  be  uninteresting  to  bring 
together  here,  briefly,  everything  known  to  me  relating  to  this 
notorious  individual.  Winckelmann  saw  that  his  heart  was  not 
bad ; and  he  was  very  much  attracted  by  his  ardent  letters, 
which  would  have  warmed  even  a cold-blooded  Scotchman. 

He  made  with  his  friend  Riedesel  and  him  a trip  to  Vesu- 
vius, as,  during  their  stay  at  Naples,  a fearful  eruption  of  the 
mountain  occurred.  It  began  on  Monday,  about  midnight, 
whilst  Winckelmann  wTas  at  Caserta  with  Vanvitelli,  the  royal 
architect.  Every  part  of  their  house  was  strained,  and  the 
whole  country  was  covered  with  ashes,  — which  is  a black 
gravel.  In  the  middle  of  the  week  he  went  back  to  Naples, 
and  towards  evening  of  the  same  day  he,  Riedesel,  and  D’  Han- 
carville, together  with  three  servants  with  torches,  and  a guide, 
betook  themselves,  like  Pliny  the  elder,  to  Portici,  and  over  the 
ancient  lava  towards  the  new.  After  a walk  of  two  hours,  — 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


81 


the  most  toilsome  that  Winckelmann,  though  otherwise  a good 
pedestrian,  ever  undertook  in  his  whole  life,  — they  were  forced, 
in  order  to  reach  the  mouth  of  the  crater,  to  pass  across  the 
burning  lava ; but  their  guide  refused  to  accompany  them. 
After  all  other  means  had  been  tried  and  had  failed,  he  was 
beaten  with  a stick  until  he  was  willing  to  go ; and  then 
D’  Hancarville  went  on  in  front  with  a torch,  and  his  two  com- 
panions followed  him.  The  leather  of  their  shoes  cracked,  and 
the  soles  were  even  scorched.  They  reached,  however,  the 
mouth  of  the  crater,  although  it  was  hard  to  be  distinguished 
on  account  of  the  quantity  of  ashes  about  it.  Here  they 
entirely  stripped  themselves,  in  order  to  dry  their  shirts,  which 
were  wet  with  perspiration.  They  laid  pigeons  on  the  fiery 
stream,  and,  naked  as  the  Cyclops,  made  their  repast.  About 
midnight  they  started  to  return,  and,  notwithstanding  much 
peril,  safely  reached  their  carriages  near  Resina,  where  they 
emptied  a couple  of  flasks  of  Lagrima  Christi  in  the  open  air,  amid 
the  tumult  caused  by  those  who  were  fleeing  on  account  of  the 
shaking  and  cracking  of  their  houses.  Winckelmann  says  that 
he  can  give  no  better  idea  of  the  roar  of  such  an  eruption,  than 
by  comparing  it  to  the  bombardment  of  a city  with  the  heaviest 
artillery.  If  the  fiery  stream  had  not  divided,  and  filled  a 
deep  valley  with  lava  as  high  as  a palace,  Portici  and  the 
Museum  of  Antiquities  there  would  have  been  destroyed. 

Winckelmann  wTould  have  considered  this  grand  spectacle 
of  nature  alone  a compensation  for  the  journey,  even  if  he  had 
seen  no  new  treasures  of  art.  He  saw,  however,  a number ; 
and  they  serve  as  embellishments  to  his  History  of  Art.  But 
the  jealousy  of  the  Neapolitans  was  even  greater,  if  possible, 
than  in  former  years ; thus,  for  example,  he  was  not  permitted 
to  walk  with  regular  steps,  because  it  was  supposed  that  he 
wTas  measuring  dimensions,  — which  was  actually  the  case  ; and 
certain  newly  discovered  articles,  which  were  considered  re- 
markable, were  at  first  kept  shut  up.  But,  on  this  account, 
he  in  return  could  not  be  induced  to  give  the  signification 
of  a very  beautiful  statue  which  had  been  discovered  at  Baiee, 
and  which  it  was  impossible  to  repair  without  a correct  knowl- 
edge of  what  it  was  intended  to  represent.  If  he  had  only  been 
permitted  to  take  an  outline  of  it,  he  would  have  been  pre- 
pared for  the  explanation. 

He  had,  heretofore,  received  from  Tanucci,  as  a present,  the 

VOL.  i.  6 


82 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


published  volumes  of  the  Herculaneum  Museum , immediately  on 
their  appearance  ; but  it  now  seemed  that  he  was  not  going  to 
get  the  fifth  volume,  containing  the  images  in  bronze,  although 
he  had  presented  to  the  minister  a copy  of  his  Monument i, 
superbly  bound.  Nothing  complete  and  concise,  however, 
could  be  given  in  that  work,  partly  on  account  of  the  singu- 
lar distribution  of  the  labor  among  the  members  of  the  Acad- 
emy, — to  whom  was  assigned  the  explanation  of  the  antiqui- 
ties of  Herculaneum,  — and  partly  on  account  of  an  inordinate 
desire  to  treat  everything  diffusely,  and  to  overload  with  quota- 
tions from  every  book  bearing  on  the  subject. 

The  most  learned  men  were  Mazzocchi  and  his  pupil  Mar- 
torelli.  The  eyes  of  all  were  turned  towards  them,  when  the 
king  was  seeking  a man  to  explain  the  antiquities.  But  the 
former  was  old,  infirm,  absorbed  in  other  pursuits,  and  ex- 
tremely modest ; the  latter  had  not  pleased  the  court  in  his 
Regia  Theca  Calamaria , “ The  Royal  Pencase.”  These  were 
the  reasons  which  brought  the  prelate  Baiardi  from  Rome,  and 
placed  him  in  the  direction.  His  inflammable  fancy  emitted 
flashes  ; his  memory  had  swallowed  all  the  branches  of  sacred 
and  profane  literature ; and  he  seemed  to  surpass  in  cultiva- 
tion the  many-sided  Bianchini,  Apostolo  Zeno,  and  Maffei. 
Great  expectations  were  formed  ; but  he  was  not  the  man  to 
satisfy  them.  The  king  was  desirous  of  responding  to  the  wish 
of  the  learned  men  of  Europe  ; and  he  requested  the  prelate  to 
write  upon  Herculaneum.  Baiardi  gives  his  memory  and  his 
note-book  a jog ; prepares  his  two  quartos  of  Preface,  — in 
which  he  assails  many  received  opinions  with  all  the  courage 
of  Bayard,  the  knight  “without  fear  and  without  reproach,” 
from  whom  he  claimed  descent ; speaks  of  Persian,  Babylonian, 
Egyptian,  and  Grecian  proportions  ; and  among  many  incur- 
sions into  ancient  geography,  mythology,  and  history,  falls  upon 
Heraclea,  Heracles,  Heraclidae,  — but  says  nothing  of  Hercula- 
neum. He  sends  into  the  world  the  third,  fourth,  and  fifth 
volumes  ; but  still  he  has  not  yet  got  into  his  subject ; — 

“ Semper  ad  eventum  festinat  et  in  medias  res 

. . . . . . auditorem  rapit.” 

He  is  always  hastening  to  a close,  and  carrying  his 

Hearer  into  the  midst  of  the  subject. 

He  was  now  entreated  to  come  to  a stop  on  this  smooth  road. 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


83 


Filled  with  spite,  he  returned  to  Home,  and  threatened  the 
Academy  and  the  whole  learned  world  to  continue  his  Preface 
to  its  conclusion,  — which  wmdd  be  in  the  seventh  volume. 
But  we  were  rescued  from  this  evil  by  means  of  the  seventh 
prayer.1 

After  a stay  of  two  months,  Winckelmann  left  Naples,  in 
November,  on  his  return  to  Rome. 

1 A reference  to  that  portion  of  the  Lord’s  Prayer  which  says,  “ But 
deliver  us  from  evil.”  — Tu. 


84 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN . 


CHAPTER  XII: 

LAST  RESIDENCE  IN  ROME.  — JOURNEY  TO  GERMANY. 

During  the  winter  he  was  employed  in  elaborating  his 
History  of  Art , — the  more  earnestly,  because  he  intended  to 
make  in  the  spring  a great  journey,  either  with  Riedesel  to 
Greece,  or  to  his  friends  in  Germany ; not  meaning,  however, 
to  leave  Rome  for  ever.  For  more  serious  attempts  were  made 
now  than  ever  before,  to  engage  him  by  an  appointment  for 
life  ; partly  because  the  proposal  of  the  king  of  Prussia  was 
known,  and  partly  because  it  was  seen  that  he  was  the  only 
man  in  Rome  who  possessed  a critical  knowledge  of  the  Greek 
language.  “ So  much  have  we  degenerated,”  he  writes  to  Mun- 
chausen ; “ and  this  is  the  result  of  education,  which  is  in  the 
hands  of  the  priesthood.  Mathematicians  start  up  like  mush- 
rooms, and  the  fruit  matures,  without  much  pains,  in  twenty- 
five  years ; whereas  fifty  years,  or  more,  are  requisite  for  the 
study  of  the  Greek  language.”  It  appears  that  the  place  of 
custodian  in  the  Vatican  would  not  have  been  beyond  his 
reach ; his  friend,  the  Cardinal,  was  very  active  in  his  favor, 
although  he  now  began,  on  account  of  his  increasing  years, 
to  have  occasionally  somewhat  singular  whims,  as  we  perceive 
in  several  of  Winckelmann’s  last  letters  to  Riedesel,  in  which  no 
one  but  Albani,  under  the  name  of  Brausewind,  is  meant; 
indeed,  he  even  showed  himself  a bigot.  Winckelmann,  pre- 
viously to  his  journey  to  Naples,  had  passed  an  unpleasant  visit 
with  him  at  his  villa,  of  which  his  sister,  the  Princess  Theresa 
Albani,  was  the  occasion.  She  spread  false  and  injurious  tales 
concerning  him  in  regard  to  religion,  because  she  believed  that 
he  stood  in  the  way  of  her  influence  over  the  Cardinal.  At- 
tempts were  made  to  extract  from  disconnected  words,  that 
were  wrung  from  him,  something  which  might  put  him  into  the 
power  of  the  most  fearful  of  all  tribunals,  although  he  asserts 
that  there  were  no  grounds  for  thinking  unfavorably  of  him  in 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


85 


this  particular.  These,  however,  were  ^only  passing  clouds ; 
his  friend’s  heart  was  manifestly  not  affected  by  them,  since 
Albani,  on  the  occasion  of  his  approaching  departure,  could 
not  refrain  from  showing  that  he  was  very  much  afraid  lest 
Winckelmann  might,  perchance,  remain  in  Germany. 

As  Winckelmann  had  concluded  to  give  to  a journey  into 
his  native  land  the  preference  over  that  to  Greece,  he  received, 
in  March,  1768,  from  his  friend,  the  Cardinal,  and  from  his 
superiors,  full  permission  to  depart.  But  he  was  not,  on  this 
account,  willing  to  give  up  the  intention  of  visiting  the  ever- 
memorable  sites  of  science  and  art.  Indeed,  he  designed  that 
this  journey  should  even  be  a help  to  the  other ; for  he  thought 
that,  by  the  assistance  of  the  great,  he  might  be  enabled  to  carry 
out  his  plan  of  undertaking  excavations  in  Elis.  On  this  proj- 
ect, a learned  man  has  only  a short  time  ago  again  commented 
to  Winckelmann’s  honor;  since,  from  several  valuable  discoveries 
made  there,  this  beautiful  idea  has  proved  to  be  also  a fortu- 
nate one.  It  is  doubtful  whether  England  would  now  be  in  pos- 
session of  the  Elgin  marbles,  so  called,  if  he  who  conceived  that 
idea  had  been  spared  to  execute  it. 

On  the  10th  of  April,  Winckelmann  left  Rome,  on  his  way  to 
Germany.  He  travelled  in  company  with  Cavaceppi,  a skilful 
sculptor,  who,  from  love  to  him,  and  a desire  to  see  foreign 
lands  and  new  things,  wished  to  make  the  journey  with  him. 
Their  way  lay  through  Loretto,  Bologna,  Yerona,  Venice,  and 
other  places,  in  all  which  they  visited  the  monuments  of  art. 
When  they  were  in  the  Tyrol,  — where  Winckelmann,  when  on 
his  journey  to  Rome,  was  so  much  affected  by  the  grandeur  of 
nature  that  he  could  not  find  words  to  describe  his  feelings,  — 
he  said  at  once  to  his  companion,  “See,  my  friend,  what  a fearful 
and  horrible  country ! what  mountains  of  immeasurable  height!” 
And  when  they  were  on  German  soil,  he  exclaimed,  in  a tone 
which  indicated  absolute  disgust,  “ What  a tasteless  style  of 
building ! only  look  at  the  peaked  roofs  ! ” Cavaceppi  at  first 
believed  him  to  be  in  jest ; but  when  he  saw  that  he  was 
serious,  he  said  that  these  mountains  struck  him  as  grand  and 
lofty,  and  that  he  looked  upon  them  with  pleasure  and  aston- 
ishment ; but  in  regard  to  the  houses,  they  ought  rather  to  be 
unpleasing  to  him,  as  he  was  an  Italian,  than  to  his  friend ; never- 
theless, the  climate  and  frequent  snows  rendered  this  style  of 
building  necessary.  Even  before  they  had  reached  Augsburg, 


86 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


Winckelmann  proposed  to  return  again  to  Italy ; but  Cavaceppi 
declined.  They  therefore  arrived  at  Augsburg,  and  thence 
went  to  Munich,  though  Winckelmann  felt  no  greater  pleasure 
in  Germany  than  before.  “ Let  us  return  to  Lome,”  he  re- 
peated a hundred  times. 

In  Munich,  much  honor  was  shown  him ; and,  among  other 
things,  he  was  presented  with  a beautiful  antique  gem  in  in- 
taglio, upon  which  he  set  great  value.  But  all  this  could  not 
dispel  his  melancholy ; and  not  without  difficulty  did  Cavaceppi 
get  him  to  Regensburg.  At  this  place,  he  firmly  made  up  his 
mind  to  return.  His  companion  represented  to  him  that,  in 
doing  so,  he  would  not  act  handsomely  by  his  friend,  who  from 
love  to  him  had  undertaken  the  journey,  and  who  would  find 
himself  deserted  in  a country  with  the  language  and  customs  of 
which  he  was  unacquainted ; and  finally  he  expressed  his  indig- 
nation at  such  treatment.  The  sole  reply  which  Winckelmann 
made  to  him  was,  that  he  was  well  aware  how  unkindly  he  was 
acting  towards  his  friend,  but  he  felt  so  strong  an  impulse  to 
do  as  he  was  doing,  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  act  other- 
wise. He  seated  himself,  and  wrote  two  letters  ; one  to  Albani, 
to  whom  he  announced  his  speedy  return ; the  other  to  the  en- 
graver Magalli,  his  friend,  whom  he  entreated  to  get  his  lodgings 
and  other  things  ready,  for  he  should  soon  have  occasion  to  use 
them.  Only  the  most  urgent  representations  induced  him  still 
to  accompany  his  friend  as  far  as  Vienna ; but  he  went,  down- 
cast and  sad.  They  arrived  there  on  the  12th  of  May,  and 
made  their  visits  immediately.  Prince  Kaunitz  — whom  Cava- 
ceppi had  found  an  opportunity  to  acquaint  with  the  strange 
mental  distraction  of  his  friend  — said  to  Winckelmann  : “ How 
can  you  have  the  heart  to  forsake  your  dear  friend  in  a foreign 
land  1 I entreat  you,  which  I can  do,  yet  to  change  your  mind.” 
It  was  in  vain.  Winckelmann  turned  pale ; his  eyes  became 
dim ; he  trembled,  and  was  struck  dumb.  At  the  sight  of  this 
manifest  suffering  of  soul  and  body,  Cavaceppi,  taking  him  by 
the  hand,  said,  in  a gentle  tone  of  voice,  “ Dear  friend ! you 
are  doing  wrong;  but  since  it  so  pleases  you,  think  only  of 
yourself.  May  God  protect  you  ! ” Winckelmann’s  emotion 
on  this  occasion  was  so  violent,  that  he  was  attacked  by  fever, 
which  compelled  him  to  keep  his  bed  for  several  days.  Cava- 
ceppi then  left  him  in  the  house  of  Herr  Schmidtmeyer,  — 
where  he  got  well,  — and  ceased  to  visit  him,  lest  his  presence 
might  be  an  annoyance  to  him. 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


87 


Winckelmann  lingered  here  until  near  the  end  of  May. 
During  this  time,  he  was  presented  by  the  Baron  Sperges  to  her 
Majesty,  the  Empress  Theresa,  who  treated  him  very  graciously, 
and  presented  him  with  two  silver  medallions,  and  with  one  of 
gold.  She  plainly  expressed  to  him  her  wish  that  he  would  re- 
main in  Vienna,  — a wish  which  was,  undoubtedly,  seconded  by 
the  Prince  Kaunitz,  who  also  gladdened  him  with  the  gift  of  a 
gold  medallion.  In  a letter  to  the  Cardinal  Albani,  he  mani- 
fested an  uncommon  degree  of  satisfaction  with  his  reception  at 
Vienna,  and  boasted,  in  particular,  that  Kaunitz  had  received 
him  con  la  solita  sua  gentilezza , “ with  his  accustomed  courtesy.” 
After  mentioning  the  advantageous  offers  which  had  been  made 
to  him,  he  adds,  Io  assicuro  V Eminenza  Vostra,  die  tutto  V oro 
del  mondo  non  potrebbe  mover  mi  da  Roma,  — “I  assure  your  Ex- 
cellency, that  all  the  gold  in  the  world  would  not  move  me  from 
Rome.”  On  the  28th  of  May,  he  departed ; and  in  the  middle 
of  the  week,  on  the  1st  of  June,  about  twelve  o’clock,  he  ar- 
rived quite  alone  in  a post-coach  before  the  great  hotel  on 
Peter’s  Square,  in  Trieste. 

Here  he  obtained  a room  which  had  two  windows  overlooking 
the  inner  harbor,  — named  Mandrachio,  — and  one,  the  area  of 
the  house.  Near  him,  in  a small  chamber,  lodged  an  unknown 
stranger,  who,  two  days  before,  almost  at  the  same  time  that 
Winckelmann  started  from  Vienna,  had  arrived,  without  lug- 
gage and  on  foot,  from  Venice.  The  two  were  also,  accident- 
ally, neighbors  again  at  table,  — the  service  of  which  began 
shortly  after  twelve  o’clock.  At  table,  Winckelmann  inquired  of 
the  host,  whether  there  was  a vessel  about  to  sail  for  Venice.  On 
the  host  replying  that  he  knew  of  none,  the  stranger  at  Winck- 
elmann’s  side  immediately  remarked  that  he  knew  of  one, 
namely,  that  of  the  Captain  Ragusini.  Winckelmann  begged  him 
to  point  out  the  vessel,  and  the  stranger  offered  to  show  it  to 
him,  after  dinner,  from  the  window,  for  it  was  then  lying  in  the 
Mandrachio.  When  this  was  done,  Winckelmann  asked  of  him 
the  further  favor,  to  accompany  him  to  the  harbor,  that  he  might 
speak  to  the  captain  himself.  They  found  him ; but  his  cargo  was 
not  yet  complete,  and  consequently  he  was  not  ready  to  sail. 
Winckelmann,  however,  heard  on  this  occasion  of  another  cap- 
tain, who  was  bound  to  Ancona,  and  who  would  certainly  sail 
during  the  week.  As  the  captain  happened  to  be  absent  at  the 
time,  they  returned  to  the  hotel,  in  order  to  take  their  midday 


88 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


repose.  They  awoke  about  five  o’clock,  and,  placing  them- 
selves at  the  window,  spoke  again  of  the  opportunity  of  getting 
to  Ancona,  and  went  out  together  for  the  purpose  of  seeking 
the  captain.  They  found  him,  and  Winckelmann  promised  him 
a gratuity  of  two  ducats  more  than  the  usual  passage-money,  if 
he  would  get  away  on  the  next  Saturday,  or  Sunday,  at  the 
latest ; and  the  captain  promised  to  do  it. 

Winckelmann  was  pleased  at  making  the  arrangement  which 
he  wished,  and,  thanking  his  polite  companion  for  his  trouble, 
the  two  went  into  a coffee-house  to  drink  a cup  of  coffee  to- 
gether, and  thence  to  their  hotel.  The  stranger  took  yet  an- 
other walk  through  the  city;  and,  on  his  return  to  the  hotel, 
had  three  cups  of  coffee  taken  to  his  chamber  at  different 
times ; one  of  them  he  sent  to  Winckelmann,  who  did  not  re- 
ceive it,  remarking  that  he  had  not  ordered  it.  Notwithstand- 
ing, after  twilight,  when  lights  were  brought,  he  visited  his 
neighbor  in  his  chamber,  and  engaged  in  trivial  conversation  of 
all  kinds  with  him,  until  the  servants  came  in  with  supper  for 
both,  — Winckelmann,  however,  according  to  his  custom,  par- 
taking only  of  bread  and  wTine. 

From  this  time  forward  they  went  every  morning  to  walk 
together,  and  then  to  breakfast  in  the  coffee-house.  Here  they 
also  met  once  or  twice  during  the  day.  In  like  manner,  they 
found  themselves  near  one  another  at  the  midday  meal  in  the 
hotel.  In  the  evening,  too,  they  took  a walk  in  company,  and 
Winckelmann,  on  his  return,  generally  ate  his  bread  and  wine 
in  his  neighbor’s  chamber. 

After  a companionship  of  three  days,  during  which  neither 
knew  the  family  name  of  the  other,  — since  they  addressed 
each  other,  after  the  Italian  custom,  only  as  Francis  and  John, 
— the  stranger  at  last,  whilst  they  were  walking  together,  ques- 
tioned his  companion  in  regard  to  his  standing  and  name,  under 
the  false  pretence,  not  of  gratifying  his  own  curiosity,  but  merely 
of  satisfying  the  inquiries  which  had  already  been  repeatedly 
made  of  him  by  their  host.  Winckelmann  replied,  that  he  was 
not  a suspicious  and  bad  character ; and  that,  on  their  return 
to  the  inn,  he  would  give  him  evidence  of  it.  This  he  actually 
did  ; for  he  showed,  not  only  his  passport,  but  also  a letter  of 
introduction  to  the  mercantile  houses  of  Lucchesi  in  Gorz  and 
Tamozzi  in  Venice,  and  added,  that  in  Vienna  he  had  received, 
as  gifts,  a gold  medallion  from  Prince  Kaunitz,  and  one  gold 
and  two  silver  ones  from  the  Empress. 


LIFE  OF  WIN CKELMANN. 


89 


The  stranger  was  named  Francis  Arcangeli.  So  far  from 
having  been  questioned,  in  regard  to  Winckelmann’s  character, 
by  the  host,  he  had,  on  the  contrary,  voluntarily  stated  to  the 
latter  that  he  was  a reputable  man.  He  narrowly  watched 
Winckelmann’s  actions ; consequently,  he  perceived  him  to  be 
a timid  man,  and  that,  for  instance,  when  he  bought  snuff,  or 
paid  for  anything,  he  was  embarrassed  by  the  reckoning. 

On  the  evening  of  the  4th,  or  early  on  the  5th  of  June,  whilst 
the  two  were  walking  together,  it  seems  that  Arcangeli,  in  talk- 
ing about  the  medallions  of  which  we  have  spoken,  induced 
Winckelmann  to  promise  that  he  would  show  them  to  him. 
This  he  did,  on  Sunday,  the  5th  of  June,  before  they  went  to 
the  midday  meal,  inviting  him  into  his  room,  and  showing  him 
the  coins.  In  the  afternoon,  Arcangeli  talked  about  them 
to  the  keeper  of  the  coffee-house,  with  the  remark  that  he 
presumed  the  owner  to  be  a Jew. 

The  vessel  bound  to  Ancona  had  not,  on  Sunday,  completed 
her  lading,  thereby  adding  to  Winckelmann’s  impatience.  On 
the  Monday  following,  he  made  the  skipper  give  him  earnest- 
money  to  the  amount  of  ten  pauls  (one  dollar),  as  a guaranty 
that  he  would  get  away,  without  fail,  on  Tuesday.  Neverthe- 
less, he  did  not  sail ; and  Winckelmann  now  declared  that, 
under  such  circumstances,  he  would  rather  travel  to  Venice  by 
land ; this,  however,  he  failed  to  do. 

It  was  the  middle  of  the  week.  Arcangeli  went  out  alone, 
without  saying  good  morning  to  his  neighbor.  Winckelmann 
followed  him  shortly  afterwards,  but  found  that  his  acquain- 
tance was  no  longer  in  the  coffee-house.  He  therefore  immedi- 
ately returned  to  his  lodgings,  took  off  his  upper  garments  and 
cravat,  and  seated  himself  at  a table  between  the  two  windows 
which  looked  towards  the  sea,  and  commenced  writing.  Arcan- 
geli came  into  the  room  towards  him.  Winckelmann  stood  up, 
and  advanced  to  meet  him  in  a friendly  way.  The. two  walked 
up  and  down  the  chamber,  talking  principally  of  the  approach- 
ing departure  of  the  latter  on  the  evening  of  that  day.  F nil  of 
joy  at  the  thought  of  seeing  Borne  again,  Winckelmann  invited 
his  acquaintance  to  come  there  ; told  him  about  the  palace  of 
his  patron,  the  Cardinal  Albani,  and  promised,  in  the  most 
cordial  manner,  to  show  him,  if  ever  he  should  come  to  Borne, 
this  building  with  its  works  of  art,  and  to  prove  to  him  how 
generally  he  was  esteemed  in  Borne. 


90 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


They  chatted  in  this  manner  until  after  ten  o’clock,  about 
which  time  Arcangeli  went  to  his  chamber,  confirmed  by  the 
conversation  in  his  opinion  that  Winckelmann  was  either  a 
Lutheran,  a Jew,  a spy,  or  a low  person;  but  he  returned  im- 
mediately, under  the  pretence  that  he  had  forgotten  his  hand- 
kerchief, and  he  inquired,  apparently  quite  accidentally,  if  he 
would  not  show  his  beautiful  coins  at  the  dinner-table.  Winck- 
elmann replied,  that  he  did  not  wish  to  draw  attention  to  him- 
self. Arcangeli  now  inquired  why  he  was  not  willing  to  tell 
frankly  who  he  was.  Winckelmann,  thinking  the  question  too 
bold,  said,  “ I do  not  wish  to  be  known  ” ; and  seated  himself 
at  his  writing-table  without  taking  any  further  notice  of  him. 

Upon  this,  Arcangeli  suddenly  threw,  from  behind,  a noose 
over  Winckelmann’s  head,  and  tightened  it.  Winckelmann 
sprang  up,  and  violently  pushed  him  away.  But  when  Arcan- 
geli drew  a knife,  they  wrestled  together.  Winckelmann  fell 
backward,  his  adversary  on  top,  who  gave  him  five  stabs.  In 
the  mean  time  a servant  came,  having  been  attracted  by  the 
noise,  and  saw  the  murderer  still  lying  on  Winckelmann,  and 
with  his  face  turned  towards  the  door.  As  soon  as  Arcangeli 
saw  him,  he  sprang  up,  thrust  him  away  from  the  door,  and  ran 
off  without  coat  or  hat. 

The  servant  went  to  raise  Winckelmann,  but  he  had  already 
lifted  himself  up.  Opening  his  shirt  and  showing  the  wounds, 
— from  which  much  blood  was  flowing,  — he  said,  “ See  what 
he  has  done  to  me  ! ” In  the  confusion,  the  servant  hastened 
to  get  a surgeon;  and  Winckelmann,  seeking  for  assistance, 
went  below  stairs.  Here  he  met  a maid-servant,  but  she,  in 
her  fright,  only  ran  for  a confessor  or  physician.  After  a con- 
siderable delay,  some  one  was  at  length  found  who  loosened 
the  noose  from  his  neck.  As  he  began  to  fall,  he  was  supported, 
carried  back  to  his  chamber,  and  laid  upon  the  couch. 

A physician  came.  He  examined  the  wounds.  Winckelmann 
looked  quietly  on,  and  inquired  if  they  were  fatal.  The  physi- 
cian replied,  that  two  in  particular  were  fatal.  Winckelmann 
said  nothing. 

He  was  undressed,  and  laid  upon  a mattress.  His  wounds 
were  dressed ; and  to  inquiries  that  were  made  in  regard  to  the 
occurrence,  he  made  signs  that  he  was  unable  to  speak.  He 
merely  said,  “ The  person  who  lodged  in  the  adjoining  chamber 
murderously  assailed  me.”  In  the  mean  while  a police-officer 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


91 


had  arrived,  who,  on  hearing  these  words,  immediately  gave 
directions  to  pursue  the  murderer. 

A Capuchin  heard  the  confession  of  the  unfortunate  man  ; 
and  another  priest  administered  the  sacrament  and  extreme 
unction. 

A judicial  commission  came  to  make  an  investigation.  Winck- 
elmann,  however,  although  desirious  of  writing,  was  unable  to 
do  so.  From  time  to  time,  as  he  recovered  himself,  the  com- 
mission put  inquiries  to  him.  To  the  first  question,  “ Who  are 
you!”  he  answered  that  he  was  too  much  oppressed  to  be  able 
to  speak,  but  he  pointed  to  his  portmanteau,  in  which  his  pass- 
port would  be  found.  It  said  : — Joanni  Winckelmann , prcefecto 
antiquitatum  Romce.  In  aimam  urbem  redit. — “To  John  Winck- 
elmann, Superintendent  of  Antiquities  of  Rome.  He  is  return- 
ing to  the  Holy  City.” 

In  the  afternoon,  his  will  was  legally  drawn  up ; but  at  that 
time  he  was  not  able  to  put  his  signature  to  it ; and  about  four 
o’clock  he  died. 

In  the  official  account  it  is  said  : “ He  died  with  heroic  cour- 
age and  true  Christian  piety,  making  no  complaint  against  his 
murderer,  but  rather  forgiving  him  from  his  heart,  as  his  fellow- 
man,  and  with  the  wish  that  he  were  near  him,  - — if  it  could  be 
done  without  danger,  — that  he  might  give  him  his  hand  in 
token  of  reconciliation.” 

His  will  reads  thus  : — 

“ In  the  name  of  God,  Amen.  In  the  middle  of  the  week, 
namely,  the  8th  of  June,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1768,  at  the 
hotel  situated  on  the  principal  Square  of  the  city  of  Trieste,  &c. 

“ John  Winckelmann,  who  lies  in  bed,  in  a chamber  — facing 
the  harbor  — of  the  said  hotel,  grievously  and  fatally  wounded, 
but  being  perfectly  in  his  senses,  has  by  the  present  public  will, 
declared,  not  written  ( quod  dicitur  sine  scriptis ),  disposed  of  his 
entire  possessions  in  the  following  manner. 

“ First  of  all,  he  recommends  his  soul  to  Almighty  God,  to 
the  holy  Virgin  Mary,  and  to  all  the  saints,  with  the  prayer 
that  they  may  intercede  with  the  Divine  Majesty  for  the  remis- 
sion of  his  sins,  and  that  God  may  be  pleased,  through  his  infi- 
nite mercy,  to  receive  his  soul,  when  it  shall  be  separated  from 
the  body,  among  the  number  of  the  blessed  in  heaven ; and, 
whilst  surrendering  his  body  to  its  mother  Earth,  he  directs 
that  it  may  receive  church  burial  (ecclesiastica  sepultura). 


92 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


“ He  also  orders  and  directs  that  three  hundred  and  fifty 
ducats  be  given  to  his  copper-engraver,  D.  Mogali,  who  is  well 
known  to  the  Lord-Cardinal  Albani.  This  sum,  and  the  place 
where  it  may  be  found,  are  already  known  to  the  musician 
Annibali. 

“ He  also  bequeathes  to  the  Abb6  Piremei,  and  directs  that 
one  hundred  ducats  be  given  to  him  outright.  This  sum  is  in 
the  keeping  of  the  painter  Maron. 

“ Also,  he  bequeathes  to  the  poor-box  of  Trieste  twenty  ducats. 

“ Also,  he  bequeathes  ten  scudi  (dollars)  for  masses  for  the 
salvation  of  his  soul. 

“ Also,  to  the  waiter  of  the  hotel,  ten  scudi. 

“ He  devises  and  wills  that  his  entire  remaining  property,  his 
claims,  simple  and  mixed,  including  his  rights,  both  tacit  and 
express,  without  any  exception,  be  disposed  of,  without  restric- 
tion, according  to  the  judgment  and  wish  of  the  Cardinal  Alexan- 
der Albani,  his  most  gracious  lord  and  patron.” 

Seals.  Signatures. 

Besides  this,  he  also  left  a literary  will,  relating  to  a future 
edition  of  his  History  of  Art,  written  by  his  own  hand,  as  if  he 
had  had  some  foreboding  of  his  end.  It  lay  upon  the  table ; 
the  murderer  surprised  him  before  it  was  entirely  completed. 

1.  The  proper  names  are  not  to  be  printed  in  larger  letters, 
because  this  mars  the  uniformity  of  the  page. 

2.  The  indices  are  to  be  arranged  in  the  following  manner, 

&c.  “ Precisely  as  we  have  arranged  them,”  add  the  publishers 

of  the  Vienna  edition.  But  it  would  have  been  better  if  they  had 
left  the  author’s  words  unabridged.  However,  they  there  stand 
in  the  following  order  : — 1.  Systematic  Index.  2.  Index  of  En- 
gravings. 3.  Index  of  Authors  quoted.  4.  Table  of  Contents. 

3.  The  passages  cited  are  to  be  arranged  in  their  numerical 
order,  and  not  opposite  one  to  another. 

4.  No  change  is  to  be  made  in  the  text ; also,  no  remarks  by 
others  shall  be  introduced. 

5.  There  shall (Here  fate  cut  the  thread.) 

This  testament  I made  to  comprehend  the  entire  works,  and 
sought  to  fulfil  it  conscientiously  in  its  essential  points.  Some 
deviations  which  it  was  necessary  to  make  are  to  be  ascribed, 
partly  to  a change  of  circumstances,  and  partly  to  the  fact  that 
Winckelmann  unquestionably  drew  up  these  directions  for  his 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


93 


intended  French  edition,  of  which  there  is  so  much  said  in  his 
last  letters  to  Muzel  Stosch ; but  here  is  a German  edition.  In 
consideration  of  this  difference,  may  his  Manes  look  kindly  down 
upon  the  deviation. 

List  of  Effects  found  on  him. 

In  the  right  pocket  of  his  breeches  were  one  piece  of  twenty 
kreuzers,  one  of  ten,  two  of  seventeen,  two  groschen,  thirteen 
imperial  soldi,  and  two  half-soldi. 

Also,  a green  silk  purse,  containing,  in  one  end,  eighty-four 
imperial  ducats ; and,  in  the  other  smaller  end,  twelve  Roman 
half-pauls  and  one  whole  one,  and  six  Florentine  half-pauls. 

In  the  left  pocket  was  another  green  silk  purse,  one  end  of 
which  held  seventy-nine  Papal  ducats  and  a half,  and  one  Dutch 
ducat ; the  other  smaller  end,  fourteen  Papal  ducats,  four  im- 
perial, two  Kremnitz,  and  two  Dutch  ducats,  and  five  Louis 
d’or. 

Also,  a magnifying-glass  with  a silver  setting,  in  a silver  box 
with  a leather  covering ; a Roman  measure  ; a key,  covered  with 
linen ; a pair  of  silver  buckles  for  the  breeches ; a gold  watch ; 
a pair  of  gold  buttons  with  carnelian. 

I do  not  know  how  to  explain  why  we  miss  in  this  list  the 
medallions  received  in  Vienna,  the  engraved  gem  given  him  at 
Munich,  his  noble  Homer,  the  manuscripts  and  the  box  for 
Albani,  — all  of  which  he  still  had  with  him. 

His  body  was  buried  without  display,  on  the  9th  of  June,  in 
the  cemetery  of  the  Church  of  St.  Justus,  in  the  allotment  be- 
longing to  a brotherhood.  Hence  it  happened,  that,  wdien  his 
earthly  remains  were  crowded  by  other  new  arrivals,  they  were 
collected  together,  and  thrown  into  the  general  ossuary,  and 
could  no  longer  be  recognized. 

Belonging  half  to  the  Germans,  and  half  to  the  Italians,  his 
torch  was  extinguished  on  the  boundary  line  of  the  two  coun- 
tries, even  as  it  had  enlightened  both.  In  vain  did  the  traveller 
from  foreign  lands  inquire  after  the  grave  of  the  son  of  the 
Muses,  born  at  Stendal ; no  one  knew  it.  Within  a few  years, 
the  noble  Dominico  Rosetti,  aided  by  those  who  honor  the  father 
of  the  history  of  art,  have  erected  to  him,  on  a public  square  in 
Trieste,  a beautiful  monument,  executed  from  Carrara  and  Vene- 
tian marble  by  the  sculptor  Antonio  Bosa. 


94 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


The  news  of  Winckelmann’s  murder  was  sad  tidings  to  all 
the  learned  world.  Cavaceppi,  his  travelling  companion,  heard 
it  with  amazement,  for  the  first  time,  from  the  mouth  of  the 
king  of  Prussia,  when  paying  his  respects  to  him  at  Berlin. 
But  no  one  appeared  to  have  felt  his  loss  more  deeply  than 
Lessing ; he  wrote  to  Nicolai : “ The  news  of  Winckelmann’s 
death  is  confirmed,  as  I learn  from  the  newspapers.  He  is  the 
second  author,  within  a brief  space,  to  whom  I would  cheerfully 
have  given  two  years  of  my  own  life.”  Praise  like  this  out- 
weighs the  most  brilliant  address  before  an  academy. 

It  seems  not  out  of  the  way,  here,  to  give  some  information 
concerning  the  relation  of  these  two  authors  to  each  other.  We 
know  that  Lessing,  in  his  Laocoon,  decries  the  History  of  Art , 
which  had  just  appeared,  and  makes  his  remarks  about  some 
passages  in  it.  Winckelmann  was  informed  of  this  by  letters 
from  his  friends  in  Germany  ; and,  in  consequence,  he  wrote  to 
the  bookseller  Walther,  of  Dresden:  “From  a letter  received 
to-day,  I learn  that  a professor  at  Halle,  of  the  name  of  Klotz, 
has  published  some  remarks  against  the  Allegory.  Lessing,  also, 
a well-known  poet,  as  I am  assured,  and  private  tutor  of  a stu- 
dent at  Halle,  has  written  against  me,  in  reference  to  the  Lao- 
coon. I beg  you  to  send  the  two  immediately,  for  I am  keeping 
back  the  Preface  [to  the  Notes  upon  the  History  of  Art]  thus  long, 
in  order  to  give  in  it  an  answer  to  both.”  At  an  earlier  date  he 
wrote  to  the  same  : “ I do  not  know  how  you  can  imagine  that  I 
should  be  willing  to  insert  even  a refutation  of  the  Halle  men 
— • one  of  whom  is  a young  bear-leader 1 — in  the  work  [the  Notes 
mentioned  above],  and  in  an  investigation  touching  venerable 
antiquity  and  high  art,  — which  must  remain  a mystery  to 
them  both.” 

He  received  the  Laocoon  of  Lessing,  and  read  it.  In  a letter 
to  Muzel  Stosch,  he  says  : “ I have  read  Lessing’s  book.  It  is 
beautifully  written,  although  not  free  from  conspicuous  errors  of 
language.  But  the  man  has  so  little  knowledge,  that  no  answer 
would  satisfy  him.  It  would  be  easier  to  convince  an  inhabitant 
of  the  Ukraine,  one  of  sound  understanding,  than  a college  wit 
who  wishes  to  distinguish  himself  by  paradoxes.  I may,  there- 
fore, be  excused  from  answering  him.”  This  judgment  — mani- 
festly as  unjust  as  the  opinion  that  Lessing  was  a private  tutor 
or  professor  at  Halle  is  erroneous  — is  the  result  of  offended 

1 Lessing. 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


95 


vanity,  unable  patiently  to  endure  censure,  though  in  the  softest 
tone,  and  with  the  most  delicate  turns  of  expression.  Lessing, 
even  in  his  inclinations,  was  averse  to  scholastic  learning,  and 
free  from  academic  bondage ; and,  from  whatever  place  his  wit 
originated,  it  certainly  did  not  originate  from  a university.  It 
is  honor  enough  to  him  to  say,  that  he  positively  refused  to  allow 
the  offensive  passage  cited  above  to  be  erased  from  the  letters 
to  Muzel  Stosch,  although  the  latter  wished  to  suppress  it,  and 
he  himself  had  the  entire  collection  a long  time  in  his  hands  for 
revision,  before  it  was  published.  Real  merit  is  rendered  more 
brilliant  by  groundless  censure.  But  Winckelmann  could  be 
unjust  only  when  in  a passion,  and  he  could  not  remain  so  with- 
out cause.  He  amends  his  fault  in  another  letter  to  one  of 
his  friends,  in  the  following  words  : “ The  extracts  from  Les- 
sing’s book  — which  to  me  are  a proof  of  no  common  friendship 

— are  more  meritorious  than  the  Description  of  the  villa  of  the 
Cardinal.  It  does  not  lessen  the  value  of  these  extracts,  that  I 
had  previously  received  the  work  itself  from  Dresden.  Lessing 

— of  whose  writings  I had,  alas  ! read  nothing  — writes  as  one 
would  wish  to  have  written  ; and,  if  I had  not  heard  from  you 
of  his  journey,  I should  have  written  a paper  in  anticipation  of 
him.  He  deserves,  therefore,  a fitting  reply  on  those  points 
which  can  be  defended.  As  it  is  honorable  to  be  praised  by  the 
worthy,  so  also  it  may  be  honorable  to  be  considered  deserving 
of  the  criticism  of  the  worthy.” 

When  Lessing,  in  the  autumn  of  1768,  was  about  to  travel  to 
Rome,  with  the  intention  of  residing  there  for  some  time,  every 
one  to  whom  he  spoke  of  it  thought  that  he  had  it  in  mind  to 
be  Winckelmann’s  successor.  “ But  what,”  he  says  in  a letter  to 
Ebert,  “ have  Winckelmann  and  the  plan  which  he  formed  for 
himself  in  Italy  to  do  with  my  journey  1 No  one  can  value  him 
more  highly  than  I do ; but  yet  I might  be  just  as  unwilling  to 
be  Winckelmann,  as  I often  am  to  be  Lessing.”  He  gave  a new 
proof  of  his  esteem  for  Winckelmann  by  wishing  to  publish  an 
edition  of  the  History  of  Art , with  corrections  and  additions  by 
his  own  hand,  — for  which  purpose  he  made  notes  on  the  margin 
of  his  copy.  Whatever  from  this  source,  and  from  his  other 
writings  relative  to  the  subject,  has  become  known  to  me,  I 
have  carefully  recorded  in  its  proper  place.  The  office  of  super- 
intendent of  antiquities  in  Rome  was  conferred  on  Battista  Vis- 
conti, and  then  on  his  worthy  son,  Ennius  Quirinus  Visconti,  — 
celebrated  by  his  Museo  Fio-Clementino. 


96 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


I have  very  faithfully  narrated  the  sad  fate  of  the  great  Ger- 
man, — great  in  his  department,  — from  the  official  account  in 
Rosetti’s  memoir,  The  Last  Week  of  Winclcelmanri s Life.  I will 
now  communicate  some  details,  also  from  the  same  source,  in 
regard  to  the  assassin  Arcangeli,  and  his  fate. 

Francesco  Arcangeli  was  a native  of  Campiglio,  a village  not 
far  from  Pistoia  in  Tuscany,  where  his  father  owned  several 
pieces  of  land.  In  the  sixteenth  year  of  his  age  he  went  under 
the  instruction  of  a cook  who  was  serving  a prince  in  Florence. 
At  the  expiration  of  two  years,  he  himself  became  cook  in  the 
house  of  a certain  Count  Bardi,  where  he  remained  five  years. 
He  then  performed  the  same  service  for  two  years  with  one  An- 
tonio Baldinotti,  until  he  was  engaged  to  accompany,  as  valet, 
one  of  his  sons  to  Vienna.  From  this  service,  in  which  he 
remained  only  five  weeks,  he  went  into  that  of  Count  Cottaldi. 
After  some  time,  he  stole  from  his  master  between  five  and 
six  hundred  pieces  of  gold.  He  fled  to  Presburg,  and,  having 
bought  a Hungarian  dress,  endeavored  in  this  disguise  to  get  to 
Italy  by  the  way  of  Vienna,  Gratz,  and  Laybach.  At  the  last 
place,  however,  he  was  arrested,  and,  the  stolen  money  having 
been  taken  from  him,  was  sent  to  Vienna.  He  was  brought  be- 
fore the  Criminal  Court,  by  which  he  was  sentenced,  in  May, 
1764,  to  four  years’  imprisonment  in  irons,  and  expulsion  from 
the  country  on  his  discharge. 

In  the  year  1767,  on  occasion  of  the  marriage  of  the  Arch- 
duke Leopold,  many  criminals  received  a remission  of  part  of 
their  term  of  imprisonment.  This  act  of  grace  was  extended 
also  to  Arcangeli.  He  obtained  his  release  on  the  14th  of 
May  of  the  same  year.  Before  leaving  the  imperial  territory, 
he  associated  with  himself  an  errand-girl,  who  had  probably 
been  in  the  same  prison  with  him.  He  gave  out  that  she  was 
his  wife;  and  with  her  he  betook  himself  to  Venice.  Here  he 
furnished  a small  dwelling  with  the  money  — about  four  hun- 
dred and  thirty-six  florins  ($170)  — which  she  is  said  to  have 
brought  him,  and  seventy  florins  of  his  own  money. 

In  August,  1767,  he  went  for  the  first  time  to  Trieste,  in 
search  of  a situation,  and  remained  there  fourteen  days.  In 
May,  1768,  fate  carried  him  there  again,  as  we  have  already 
seen. 

His  attempt  on  Winckelmann’s  life  was  fully  premeditated ; 
for  the  cord  — which  had  been  doubled  and  twisted  to  form  a 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


97 


noose  — and  the  sheath-knife  were  actually  bought  in  Trieste 
with  a view  to  this  horrid  deed,  by  which  he  hoped  to  obtain 
possession  of  the  two  gold  and  two  silver  medallions  that  he 
had  seen  in  his  neighbor’s  hands.  He  never  saw  Winckelmann 
have  any  other  gold-pieces  than  these ; ’the  latter,  indeed,  was 
careful  not  to  take  out  his  purse  of  gold  in  the  other’s  pres- 
ence, although  Arcangeli  once  tried  to  bring  him  to  do  so,  by 
asking  him  to  change  a seventeen-kreuzer  piece,  in  order  that 
he  might  pay  the  barber.  Winckelmann  preferred  to  give  him 
two  groschen  rather  than  to  change  the  gold-piece,  because  he 
would,  probably,  have  been  obliged  to  take  out  his  purse ; 
indeed,  he  once  even  expressed  a doubt  to  Arcangeli  whether 
he  should  have  money  enough  to  continue  his  journey.  If  any 
one,  therefore,  should  be  disposed  to  cast  censure  upon  the 
unfortunate  man  for  want  of  caution  towards  a stranger,  it 
must  be  limited  entirely  to  the  showing  of  the  medallions. 

The  assassin  fled  when  he  saw  the  waiter  at  Winckelmann’s 
door,  — as  I have  already  related,  — and  even  escaped  out  of 
the  city,  notwithstanding  the  suspicious  appearance  of  his  dress. 
But  he  was  hotly  pursued,  and,  on  the  13th  or  14th  of  June, 
was  arrested  at  Planina,  by  soldiers.  As  he  had  no  passport, 
the  commandant  sent  him  to  Adelsburg,  where  he  confessed  his 
crime  to  the  prefect  of  the  Circle,  even  on  his  first  examination. 
This  officer  ordered  him  to  be  taken  at  once,  under  a suitable 
escort,  to  Trieste,  where  he  arrived  on  the  15th  of  June,  about 
midday. 

The  trial  commenced  without  any  delay,  and  was  brought  to 
a close  on  the  12th  of  July.  On  the  18th,  sentence  was  pro- 
nounced upon  him  in  the  following  words  : “ For  the  crime  of 
murder,  done  by  you  on  the  body  of  John  Winckelmann,  on  the 
morning  of  the  8th  of  June  last,  the  honorable  imperial  royal 
Criminal  Court  has  decreed  that  you,  just  as  you  are,  shall  be 
broken  alive  on  the  wheel,  from  the  head  to  the  feet,  until  your 
soul  depart  from  your  body ; and  that  your  dead  body  shall 
remain  exposed  upon  the  wheel.”  This  sentence  was  executed 
on  the  20th  of  July,  at  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning. 


VOL.  I. 


7 


98 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN . 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

WINCKELMANN’ S PORTRAIT.  — HIS  MERIT. 

Winckelmann,  in  his  exterior,  was  of  a middling  stature, 
and  of  a strong  build.  He  had  a brownish  complexion,  lively 
black  eyes,  full  lips,  an  easy  but  noble  carriage,  and  a quick 
movement.  He  took  snuff,  yet  in  a very  cleanly  manner, 
though  without  any  apparent  carefulness.  He  spoke  German 
in  the  Saxon  dialect;  but  he  preferred  Italian,  whenever  he 
could  use  it  without  embarrassment  to  any  one.  His  voice 
was  not  loud,  but  clear  and  distinct ; words  flowed  rapidly 
from  his  lips  except  when  he  taught,  explained,  or  described. 
He  was  easily  roused  to  anger,  and,  on  subjects  which  excited 
his  admiration,  he  quickly  became  pathetic. 

He  allowed  his  portrait  to  be  painted  several  times ; hence, 
we  have  a number  of  portraits  of  him.  The  first  is  by  the 
Danish  painter,  Peter  Hals,  — executed  in  the  spring  of  1760, 
— with  which  Winckelmann  was  very  much  gratified.  It  is  not 
known  where  this  picture  now  is  ; probably  it  is  in  Denmark. 

Another  portrait  seems  to  have  been  not  a painting,  but 
only  a profile  drawing,  which  was  made  by  his  questionable 
friend  Casanova,  about  the  year  1763,  and  from  which  Bar- 
tholomew Folin  made  a copper-plate  engraving  for  the  third 
volume  of  the  New  Library  of  the  Fine  Arts , Leipsic,  1766. 

About  this  time,  a second  portrait  of  him  was  painted  by 
Raphael  Mengs,  also  his  friend,  which  represents  him  as  reading 
the  Iliad ; — handsomer  than  he,  and  yet  like  him,  as  the  pos- 
sessor of  it  affirmed.  This  portrait  belonged  to  Azara,  the 
Spanish  Ambassador  at  Rome,  and  undoubtedly  still  remains 
in  the  family.  A fine  copper-plate  engraving  of  it  was  made, 
from  a drawing  by  Salesa,  for  Jansen’s  Paris  edition  of  the 
History  of  Art ; and  a reduced  copy,  not  very  successfully  exe- 
cuted, was  made  from  this  quarto  sheet  by  Senff,  in  Dorpat,  for 
Morgenstern’s  Address  on  Winckelmann.  The  best  engraving 
made  is  by  Blot,  from  the  portrait  itself. 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


99 


The  third  portrait  of  him  — a half-length  — was  painted  in 
the  summer  of  1764,  by  the  celebrated  artist  Angelica  Kauff- 
man, of  Thornburen,  in  Bregenzerwald,  for  thirty  ducats.  It 
belongs  to  Henry  Fiiessly,  of  Zurich,  who  is  still  living.  He 
much  prefers  it  to  the  likeness,  presently  to  be  mentioned, 
executed  by  Maron  ; and  he  writes  to  me,  that  it  possesses  a 
truly  touching  resemblance,  united  with  the  friendly,  earnest 
expression  which  Winckelmann  showed  whenever  he  saw  any 
one  entering  his  room  while  he  was  in  the  midst  of  his  occu- 
pations. The  artist  etched  it  herself ; Mecheln  of  Basle  en- 
graved it  on  copper,  and  another,  probably  Reiffenstein,  on 
steel ; of  the  latter,  however,  only  a few  copies  were  distributed 
among  friends.  From  this  portrait  was  scraped  also  a copy,, 
page-size,  by  J.  C.  Haid ; and  another  was  etched  by  J.  L. 
Zentner,  for  the  Paris  edition  of  a collection  of  Winckelmann’s 
letters ; neither  is  of  much  merit. 

A fourth  portrait,  a knee-piece,  was  painted  for  Muzel  Stosch 
by  Antony  Maron,  the  brother-in-law  of  Raphael  Mengs,  who 
was  in  Rome  during  the  winter  of  1767.  Winckelmann  is 
represented  in  a fur  garment,  and  with  a silk  kerchief  about 
his  head.  This  picture  now  hangs  in  the  ducal  library  at 
Weimar.  Bause  has  carefully  engraved  it  on  copper  ; also,  G. 
Carattoni,  for  Fea’s  Italian  edition  of  the  History  of  Art ; and 
Lips,  of  Zurich,  for  the  first  volume  of  the  Dresden  collection 
of  Winckelmann’s  writings.  Lately,  there  has  appeared  an 
engraving  from  it,  of  life-size,  though  not  very  well  executed, 
by  Charles  Muller,  of  Weimar;  and  it  was  lithographed  for 
Rosetti’s  Sepolcro  di  Winckelmann  in  Trieste. 

If  Winckelmann’s  exterior  was  not  altogether  so  prepossessing 
as  to  attract  at  first  sight,  yet,  on  a longer,  familiar  acquaintance, 
he  was  so  much  the  more  certain  to  please  by  the  qualities  of 
his  head  and  heart.  His  earnestness  imparted  loftiness  to 
friendship ; his  wealth  of  knowledge  and  experience  gave  value 
to  his  conversation,  and  the  frankness  with  which  he  spoke  be- 
fore every  one  showed  the  man  of  decisive  character.  At  times, 
perhaps,  he  ought  to  have  put  a check  upon  this  openness,  for 
his  friends  trembled  more  than  once  on  his  account.  But  he 
had  firmly  resolved  : “ I will,  now  that  I am  forty  years  of  age, 
practise  what  I have  hitherto  learned;  I will  esteem  no  man 
who  does  not  merit  it ; and  I will  not  dissemble  in  the  least.” 

Whoever  made  acquaintance  with  him  might  rely  on  his  de- 


100 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


votion,  as  well  as  on  his  readiness  to  serve ; and  whoever  became 
his  friend  shared  with  him  his  soul.  It  seems,  however,  that 
the  lofty  qualities  which  he  required  in  a friend,  and  which  he 
himself  possessed,  were,  during  a long  period,  obscured  at  times 
by  excessive  sensitiveness.  His  kind  and  grateful  heart  is  visi- 
ble, from  his  earliest  youth  onwards,  in  regard  to  his  parents, 
his  patrons,  and  his  friends.  In  his  later  years,  it  manifested 
itself  in  a touching  manner  towards  Count  Bunau,  Father  Leo 
Rauch,  Fiiessly,  Wille,  towards  Albani,  Muzel  Stosch,  Riedesel, 
his  native  land,  and  desolated  Saxony. 

Having  become  great  in  the  school  of  poverty  and  crosses, 
but  having  been  moulded  by  the  teachings  of  the  lofty  wise 
men  of  antiquity,  he  could  not,  from  his  natural  disposition,  do 
otherwise  than  appropriate  to  himself  a strong  character,  and 
in  the  noblest  sense  human  character.  He  was  one  among  the 
few  of  his  time  who  valued  book-learning  less  than  their  own 
opinions,  and  who  strove  to  make  both  applicable  to  life.  On 
this  account,  he  felt  it  especially  incumbent  on  him  to  become 
an  instructor  of  youth,  — an  inclination  which  accompanied 
him  even  to  his  later  years.  Fate  led  him  on  a different  track; 
he  was  destined  to  become  a universal  teacher,  a teacher  of 
the  beautiful ; — 2} iraprav  eA.ayes,  ravrrjv  Kocquei,  Thou  didst  ob- 
tain Sparta;  adorn  it ; — and  trustily  he  fulfilled  his  calling. 

In  other  respects,  his  life  was  simple  and  temperate  ; he 
knew  neither  luxury  nor  revelling  ; he  thrust  himself  nowhere  ; 
he  had  no  longing  after  places  of  honor,  but  he  was  earnestly 
desirous  that  his  merit  should  be  recognized.  If  at  times,  in 
letters  to  his  friends,  he  expresses  himself  without  the  cus- 
tomary reserve  upon  the  excellences  of  his  works,  we  forgive 
him  ; it  is  the  kind  of  vanity  from  which  every  admirable  book 
is  born.  He  valued  money  understand ingly ; he  did  not  wish 
to  be  rich  ; neither  was  he  willing  to  be  poor.  After  his  death, 
it  was  discovered  that  he  had  been  benevolent  in  a quiet  way ; 
and  the  schedule  of  the  property  which  he  left  is  an  evidence 
of  judicious  economy. 

He  found  satisfaction  only  in  the  charms  of  nature,  and  the 
beauties  of  art,  in  study,  and  intercourse  with  wise  men,  — for 
which  abundant  opportunities  were  furnished  him  by  a happy 
destiny.  He  realized  his  good  fortune  ; his  heart  was  satisfied  ; 
and  he  numbered  the  years  of  his  life  solely  from  the  com- 
mencement of  his  residence  at  Rome ; just  as  Marcus  Plautius 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


101 


Silvanus  — who  had  been  consul  with  Augustus,  and  had  tri- 
umphed over  the  Illyrians  — directed  nine  years  only  to  be  put 
upon  his  tomb  as  the  duration  of  his  life,  namely,  the  time 
which  he  spent  by  himself  in  his  country-seat  at  Tivoli. 
“ Winckelmann,  like  an  unencumbered  pedestrian,  departed 
with  a joyous  countenance  from  this  world,  as  poor  as  he 
came  into  it.” 

It  might  seem  superfluous  to  bestow  a word  upon  the  estima- 
tion of  his  merit,  if  a celebrated  learned  man,  who  has  written  a 
eulogy  upon  him,  had  not  strangely  overlooked  the  pearls,  and 
sought  everywhere  for  grains  of  corn.  Winckelmann’s  highest 
distinction  by  no  means  consists  in  his  having  been  a distin- 
guished archaeologist ; to  place  it  on  this  ground  would  be  like 
taking  the  moon  for  the  sun.  He  shines  most  brightly  — and 
even  to  the  present  day  he  has  not  been  outshone  — as  an  in- 
nate connoisseur  and  philosophic  teacher  of  the  beautiful  and 
grand  in  plastic  art,  at  a time  wThen  not  only  good  taste,  but 
even  the  principles  of  good  taste,  appeared  to  have  been  lost. 
It  required  uncommon  talent,  united  with  self-relying  boldness, 
to  introduce  other  ideas  on  ancient  art,  and  its  relation  to 
modern  art,  into  the  place  of  general,  deep-rooted  prejudices, 
and  artistic  degradation.  He  felt  both  within  himself,  and  he 
obeyed  the  call  of  nature ; he  proved  his  power,  considered  the 
wants  of  the  age,  calculated  the  results,  and  with  modest  cour- 
age stepped,  like  a well-trained  fighter,  on  the  field,  before  se- 
vere and  in  part  corrupt  judges.  Here,  mere  talk  was  of  no 
avail ; it  was  necessary  to  teach  fundamentally  ; to  make  preju- 
dices manifest ; to  show  causes,  illustrations,  differences,  and  si- 
militudes; indeed,  to  unveil,  so  far  as  it  was  possible,  the  nature 
of  beauty  itself.  The  numerous  passages  in  his  writings  in 
which  he  appeared  as  such  a teacher  exceed  in  value  and  dig- 
nity everything  else  which  his  genius  produced.  No  one  had, 
as  yet,  written  in  this  manner  on  the  nature  and  aim  of  art. 
His  elementary  principles,  especially  in  sculpture,  also  stand 
there,  confirmed,  even  at  the  present  day,  not  only  in  them- 
selves, but  also  by  the  most  pleasing  results.  We  cannot  cen- 
sure the  enthusiasm  with  which  most  of  his  teachings  of  this 
kind  are  laid  down,  without  fear  of  angering  the  Graces,  which 
floated  around  him,  even  in  the  breezes. 

The  creation  of  a History  of  Ancient  Art — at  w7hich,  before 
his  time,  not  even  the  slighest  attempt  had  ever  been  made  — 


102 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


takes  the  second  rank  in  the  scale  of  his  merit.  From  writings, 
and  from  fragments,  he  gathered  together  the  scattered  mate- 
rials for  the  purpose,  and,  like  Herodotus,  first  displayed  to 
view  an  image  in  which  were  incorporated  the  most  beautiful 
essays  of  man’s  artistic  capacity.  No  intelligent,  impartial 
person  would  be  willing  to  degrade  the  historian  to  the  rank 
of  the  mere  archaeologist  or  antiquarian,  — for  the  latter  as- 
sist the  former  only  as  subordinates,  — unless  the  words 
antiquarian  and  archaeologist  are  employed  with  a significa- 
tion which  is  foreign  to  our  language.  Winckelmann,  more- 
over, is  not  merely  an  historian  of  ancient  art,  but  his  work 
is  composed  in  a philosophic  and  dogmatic  sense,  since  it 
not  only  investigates  the  grounds  and  causes,  the  influences 
and  circumstances,  bearing  upon  the  origin,  cultivation,  and 
perfection,  the  deterioration  and  downfall,  the  difference  and 
resemblance,  of  the  formative  arts  among  nations,  but  it  also 
draws  therefrom  precepts  for  practical  use ; so  that  what  was, 
at  first,  a pleasing  narrative,  is  made  instructive. 

I know  that  he  was  frequently  wrong  in  his  statement  of  rea- 
sons ; that  he  has  confounded  or  distorted  facts ; that,  instead 
of  substantial  vouchers,  he  has  offered  authorities  in  part  de- 
fective, and  in  part  suspicious,  and  has  made  very  hazardous 
conjectures.  How  was  it  possible  for  him  to  complete  his 
journey  without  misstep  in  a province  in  which  he  saw  no  one 
before  him  to  point  out  the  way  % Notwithstanding  this  need, 
the  work  is  as  perfect  as  could  be  expected  from  erring  man. 
He  showed  the  probable  origin  of  sculpture,  its  descent  and 
similarity  in  different  places ; he  pointed  out  the  marks  which, 
in  the  works  of  art  now  remaining,  denote  a higher  or  lower 
antiquity,  a better  or  a worse  style,  this  or  that  country ; he 
distinguished  certain  schools,  or  defined  them  more  exactly ; 
he  established  epochs  in  art,  which  have,  as  yet, undergone  only 
slight  modification ; he  communicated  a knowledge  of  the 
materials,  and  mode  of  working,  of  the  ancient  masters;  cor- 
rected numerous  errors ; and,  finally,  unsealed  the  eyes  of  the 
world  to  the  immortal  wonders  of  art,  both  of  the  grand  and  of 
the  beautiful  styles.  All  this  he  drew  directly  from  the  purest 
sources,  namely,  notices  by  Greek  and  Roman  authors,  and  his 
own  oft-renewed  observation,  examination,  and  comparison  of 
the  remains  of  ancient  art  in  places  where  they  were  collected 
together  in  greater  numbers  than  anywhere  else.  An  inborn 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


103 


lofty  sense  of  the  beautiful,  an  eye  trained  by  practice,  a clear 
judgment,  acuteness  of  intellect,  a happy  memory,  and  a love 
for  his  subject  which  mounted  quickly  to  rapture,  faithfully 
accompanied  him  in  all  his  investigations,  and  in  the  record  of 
them. 

That  the  defects  and  mistakes,  — some  of  which  have  been 
indicated  above,  — pointed  out  by  subsequent  writers  lacking 
the  talent  of  the  father  of  art-history,  might  easily  have  been 
rectified  by  diligence  and  accuracy,  and  now  are,  in  fact,  recti- 
fied, scarcely  needs  to  be  mentioned  to  those  who  know  that, 
after  the  period  when  Winckelmann  ceased  to  be  an  oracle, 
scarcely  any  one  wrote  upon  art  or  antiquity  who  did  not  have 
recourse,  more  or  less,  to  the  sleeping  lion.  Lessing,  Visconti, 
and  Quatremere  de  Quincey  praised  and  censured  in  a dig- 
nified manner ; Fea  and  Meyer  subjected  the  whole  to  exami- 
nation, and  to  them  in  particular  are  we  indebted  for  the 
emendations  of  the  History  of  Art. 

Another  of  Winckelmann’s  merits  is,  unquestionably,  his 
excellence  as  a writer,  in  the  more  limited  sense  of  the  term. 
Merely  to  write  about  art,  and  to  impart  thorough  instruction 
from  personal  observation  as  well  as  profound  investigation, 
was  far  from  being  sufficient  in  this  case,  because  the  subject 
demanded,  more  perhaps  than  any  other,  a beautiful,  and  occa- 
sionally an  elevated  presentation,  — if  the  form  was  meant  to 
correspond  to  the  material. 

Winckelmann  created  for  himself  an  original  style.  Equally 
removed  from  hardness  and  stiffness  as  from  ornament  and 
diffuseness,  it  manifests  its  beauty  by  repose  and  quiet  gran- 
deur, like  Xenophon’s  writings,  and  the  sculptures  of  high  art, 
which  seem  to  have  served  him  as  a model.  With  simple 
means  and  gentle  movement,  he  produces  wonderful  represen- 
tations, all  of  which  may  be  called  beautiful  in  their  kind,  so 
different  are  they  in  their  peculiar  character,  like  the  youthful 
and  adult,  the  terrestrial  and  celestial,  divinities  of  the  Greeks. 
In  narrating,  brief  without  scantiness ; in  criticising,  accurate 
and  acute ; in  teaching,  circumstantial  and  clear ; cautious  in 
refuting ; artless  in  comparing ; — he  becomes  grand  when 
treating  of  beauty,  and  the  essential  of  art ; and  in  his  reflec- 
tions on  the  Apollo,  Hercules,  Laocoon,  and  Niobe,  he  soars 
until  his  enthusiasm  equals  that  which  first  created  them. 

His  language  is  throughout  pure,  calm,  arranged  without 


104 


LIFE  OF  WINCKELMANN. 


breaks  in  soft  waves,  and  lucid  even  to  the  bottom,  when  the 
bed  is  the  clearest.  Allusions  and  illustrations  he  draws  in 
abundance  from  his  treasury  of  ancient  reading ; but  he  gen- 
erally selects  images  from  familiar  objects,  and  oftentimes  from 
objects  apparently  inferior,  to  which  he  imparts  dignity  by  his 
use  of  them.  This  sometimes  gives  offence  to  those  — and 
they  are  many  — who  have  no  taste  for  modest  and  unostenta- 
tious beauties.  To  such  he  says  : Vide  quam  sim  antiquorum 
hominum  / — “ Behold  how  much  of  an  ancient  I am  ! ” 

“ Winckelmann’s  style  resembles  an  ancient  work  of  art. 
Each  thought  steps  forth,  fashioned  in  all  its  parts,  and  stands 
there,  noble,  simple,  lofty,  complete  : it  is.  Let  it  have  existed 
no  matter  where  or  how,  whether  in  a Greek  or  in  Winckel- 
mann ; enough,  that,  through  the  latter,  it  stands  there  and 
lives  at  once,  like  Minerva  from  the  head  of  Jupiter.  As  one 
on  the  shore  of  a thought-sea,  who  beholds  the  water  and  the 
clouds  commingling  in  the  distance,  so  stand  1 by  his  writings, 
and  survey  them.  A field  full  of  soldiers,  who  have  been 
recruited  from  far  and  wide,  at  first  view  gives  the  idea  of 
vastness ; but  when,  at  last,  the  eye  returns  from  its  extended 
survey,  loftier  in  its  reach,  it  will  fix  itself  on  each  single 
soldier  ; and  we  ask,  ‘ Whence  came  he  3 ’ and  we  speculate  who 
he  may  be  ; and  then  we  may,  from  many  individuals,  learn  to 
know  the  career  of  a hero.”  1 

Heyne,  in  his  Eulogy  on  Winckelmann , has  estimated  him, 
as  an  archaeologist,  in  so  masterly  a manner,  that  it  is  unneces- 
sary for  me  to  say  anything  on  the  point. 

As  I am  the  first  to  venture  to  present  a biography  of  this 
classic  author  of  Germany,  drawn  from  the  purest  sources,  I 
throw  myself  on  the  fairness  of  my  critics ; but  I should  not  be 
sorry  if  I were  soon  to  see  it  surpassed  by  a better  attempt. 


1 Herder. 


THE  HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


PREFACE. 


1.  The  History  of  Ancient  Art  which  I have  undertaken  to 
write  is  not  a mere  chronicle  of  epochs,  and  of  the  changes 
which  occurred  within  them.  I use  the  term  History  in  the 
more  extended  signification  which  it  has  in  the  Greek  language ; 
and  it  is  my  intention  to  attempt  to  present  a system.  In  the 
first  part,  — the  treatise  on  the  Art  of  Ancient  Nations,  — I 
have  sought  to  execute  this  design  in  regard  to  the  art  of  each 
nation  individually,  but  specially  in  reference  to  that  of  the 
Greek.  The  second  part  contains  the  History  of  Art  in  a more 
limited  sense,  that  is  to  say,  as  far  as  external  circumstances 
were  concerned,  but  only  in  reference  to  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 
In  both  parts,  however,  the  principal  object  is  the  essential  of 
art,  on  which  the  history  of  the  individual  artists  has  little 
bearing ; the  reader,  therefore,  need  not  expect  to  find  here 
those  details  which  have  been  gathered  together  on  this  point 
by  others.  On  the  other  hand,  those  monuments  of  art  which 
can  in  any  way  elucidate  the  subject  are  carefully  noticed  even 
in  the  second  part. 

2.  The  History  of  Art  is  intended  to  show  the  origin,  prog- 
ress, change,  and  downfall  of  art,  together  with  the  different 
styles  of  nations,  periods,  and  artists,  and  to  prove  the  whole, 
as  far  as  it  is  possible,  from  the  ancient  monuments  now  in 
existence. 

3.  A few  works  have  been  published  under  the  title  of  a 
History  of  Art.  Art,  however,  had  but  a small  share  in  them, 
for  their  authors  were  not  sufficiently  familiar  with  it,  and 
therefore  could  communicate  nothing  more  than  what  they  had 
learned  from  books  or  hearsay.  There  is  scarcely  one  who 
guides  us  to  the  essential  of  art,  and  into  its  interior ; and  those 


108 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


who  treat  of  antiquities  either  touch  only  on  those  points  in 
which  they  can  exhibit  their  learning,  or,  if  they  speak  of  art, 
they  do  so  either  in  general  terms  of  commendation,  or  their 
opinion  is  based  on  strange  and  false  grounds.  Of  this  kind  is 
Monier’s  History  of  Art , amd  Durand’s  translation  and  explana- 
tion of  the  last  Books  of  Pliny,  under  the  title  of  History  of 
Ancient  Painting.  Turnbull’s  Treatise  on  Ancient  Painting 
also  belongs  to  this  class.  Aratus,  who,  as  Cicero  says,  did 
not  understand  astronomy,  was  able  to  write  a celebrated  poem 
on  it ; but  I doubt  whether  even  a,  Greek  with  no  knowledge 
of  art  would  have  been  able  to  say  anything  worthy  of  it. 

4.  In  the  large  and  valuable  works  descriptive  of  ancient 
statues  which  have  hitherto  been  published,  we  seek  in  vain  for 
research  and  knowledge  in  regard  to  art.  The  description  of  a 
statue  ought  to  show  the  cause  of  its  beauty,  and  the  peculiarity 
in  its  style.  It  is  necessary,  therefore,  to  touch  upon  particu- 
lars in  art  before  it  is  possible  to  arrive  at  a judgment  on  works 
of  art.  But  where  are  we  taught  the  points  in  which  the  beauty 
of  a statue  consists  ? What  writer  has  looked  at  beauty  with 
an  artist’s  eyes  1 What  has  been  written  of  this  kind  in  modern 
days  is  not  better  than  the  Statues  of  Callistratus.  This  meagre 
sophist  might  have  described  even  ten  times  as  many  as  he  did, 
without  ever  having  seen  a single  one.  Our  ideas  contract  over 
most  descriptions  of  this  sort,  and  what  was  great  shrinks  to  the 
compass  of  an  inch. 

5.  A figure  is  usually  determined  to  be  of  Greek  or  Roman 
origin  by  its  dress  or  its  excellence.  A mantle,  clasped  on  the 
left  shoulder,  will  show  that  the  work  was  executed  by  Greeks, 
— in  Greece,  in  fact.  It  has  even  been  suggested  to  seek  the 
native  land  of  the  artist  who  made  the  statue  of  Marcus  Au- 
relius in  the  beautiful  hair  on  the  head  of  the  horse.  Some 
resemblance  to  an  owl  has  been  found  in  it ; and  by  this  resem- 
blance the  artist  intended  to  signify  Athens. 

A good  figure,  merely  because  not  dressed  as  a senator,  is 
immediately  pronounced  to  be  Greek;  yet,  notwithstanding^ 
there  are  senatorial  statues  by  Greek  artists  whose  names  are 
known.  A group  in  the  Borghese  villa  is  presumed  to  be  Mar- 
cius  Coriolanus  with  his  mother ; and  it  is  so  called.  From 
this  presumption  the  inference  is  drawn  that  the  work  was  ex- 
ecuted at  the  time  of  the  republic ; and,  on  this  account,  it  is 
considered  worse  than  it  actually  is.  The  name  of  Egizzia,  the 


PREFACE. 


109 


Gypsy,  has  been  bestowed  upon  a marble  statue  in  the  same 
villa ; hence,  the  real  Egyptian  style  has  been  discovered  in  the 
head,  which  shows  anything  else,  and  which,  together  with  the 
hands  and  feet,  likewise  of  bronze,  was  the  work  of  Bernini. 
This,  in  architecture,  is  accommodating  the  style  to  the  edifice. 
Not  less  unfounded  is  the  appellation  — universally  adopted 
without  attentive  observation  — which  has  been  given  to  the 
presumed  group  of  Papirius  with  his  mother,  in  the  Ludovisi 
villa ; and  Du  Bos  finds  in  the  countenance  of  the  young  man 
a crafty  smile,  though  there  is,  in  reality,  not  the  slighest  indi- 
cation of  such  an  expression  (1).  It  rather  represents  Phaedra 
and  Hippolytus,  for  his  face  shows  consternation  at  a declara- 
tion of  love  from  a mother.  The  incidents  represented  by 
Greek  artists  — and  Menelaus,  the  artist  of  this  work,  was  a 
Greek  — were  drawn  from  their  own  mythological  and  heroic 
history. 

6.  In  regard  to  the  superiority  of  a statue,  it  is  not  enough 
to  consider  the  statue  of  Pasquin,  the  most  beautiful  of  all  the 
ancient  statues,  — as  Bernini  did  (2),  probably  from  thought- 
less boldness  ; but  a writer  must  also  assign  his  reasons  for 
claiming  such  superiority.  In  precisely  the  same  manner  he 
might  have  adduced  the  Meta  Sudans,  in  front  of  the  Coliseum, 
as  an  example  of  ancient  architecture. 

7.  A few  writers  have,  from  a single  letter,  boldly  designated 
the  artist ; and  the  author  who  omits  to  mention  the  names  of 
a few  artists  found  on  statues,  — as,  for  example,  of  Papirius, 
or  rather  Hippolytus,  to  which  I have  just  referred,  and  Ger- 
manicus,  — pronounces  the  Mars  of  John  of  Bologna,  in  the 
Medici  villa,  to  be  an  antique  statue  : others  have  been  misled 
by  the  assertion.  Another,  in  order  to  describe  a bad  antique 
statue,  — the  supposed  Narcissus  (3)  in  the  Barberini  palace,  — 
instead  of  a good  figure,  relates  the  fable  concerning  him ; and 
the  author  of  a treatise  on  three  statues  in  the  Campidoglio  — 
Boma,  and  the  two  Barberini  captive  kings  — gives  the  reader, 
quite  unexpectedly,  a history  of  Numidia ; in  other  words,  as  the 
Greeks  say,  “ Leucon  bears  one  thing,  and  his  ass  another.” 

8.  Descriptions  of  extant  antiquities,  of  the  galleries  and 
villas  at  Borne,  afford  quite  as  little  instruction  : they  rather 
mislead  than  instruct.  In  the  catalogues  of  the  statues  of  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke,  and  of  the  Cardinal  Polignac,  two  statues  of 
Hersilia,  the  wife  of  Bomulus,  and  a Yenus  by  Phidias  in  Pina- 


110 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


roli,  have  the  heads  of  Lucretia  and  Caesar,  copied  from  life. 
Among  the  statues  at  Wilton,  the  seat  of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke, 
in  England,  which  have  been  etched  badly  enough  by  Cary  Creed 
on  forty  plates,  large  quarto,  there  are  said  to  be  four  by  a Greek 
artist,  named  Cleomenes.  It  is  impossible  not  to  feel  astonish- 
ment at  the  confidence  in  the  credulity  of  mankind,  when  it  is 
asserted  in  the  same  work  that  an  equestrian  statue  of  Marcus 
Curtius  was  executed  by  a sculptor  whom  Polybius  — the  gen- 
eral, I presume,  of  the  Achaean  league,  and  the  historian  — 
brought  with  him  from  Corinth  to  Rome.  It  would  not  have 
been  more  impudent  to  have  pretended  that  he  sent  the  artist 
to  Wilton. 

9.  Richardson  has  described  the  palaces  and  villas  in  Rome, 
and  the  statues  in  them,  like  one  who  had  seen  them  only  in  a 
dream.  Many  palaces  he  did  not  see  at  all,  on  account  of  his 
brief  stay  in  the  city,  and  some,  according  to  his  own  state- 
ment, he  visited  but  once  ; and  yet  his  work,  in  despite  of  its 
many  deficiencies  and  errors,  is  the  best  we  have.  We  must  not 
be  too  severe  if  he  has  regarded  a modern  painting,  in  fresco, 
from  the  hand  of  Guido,  as  an  antique.  Keissler’s  Travels  are 
not  even  to  be  taken  into  account  in  regard  to  what  he  alleges 
of  works  of  art  in  Rome  and  other  places ; for  he  has  copied, 
for  this  purpose,  the  most  trashy  books.  Manilli,  with  great 
industry,  has  made  a book  especially  about  the  Borghese  villa, 
and  yet  he  has  not  noticed  three  very  remarkable  pieces  in  it. 
One  of  them  is  the  arrival  of  Penthesilea,  Queen  of  the  Ama- 
zons, near  Priam,  in  Troy,  to  whom  she  offers  her  assistance  ; 
the  second  is  Hebe,  who,  having  been  deprived  of  her  office  of 
serving  the  deities  with  ambrosia,  is  on  her  knees,  entreating 
the  forgiveness  of  the  goddesses,  as  Jupiter  had  already  installed 
Ganymedes  in  her  place  ; the  third  is  a beautiful  altar,  on  which 
Jupiter  is  represented  as  riding  a Centaur,  — which  has  not  been 
noticed  either  by  him  or  any  other  person,  because  it  stands  in 
the  cellar  of  the  palace. 

10.  Montfaucon,  having  compiled  his  work  at  a distance  from 
the  treasuries  of  ancient  art,  saw  with  the  eyes  of  others,  and 
formed  his  opinions  from  engravings  and  drawings,  by  which  he 
has  been  led  into  great  errors.  Hercules,  with  Antaeus,  in  the 
Pitti  palace,  at  Florence,  — a statue  of  inferior  rank,  and  of 
which  more  than  one  half  is  of  modern  restoration,  — is,  accord- 
ing to  him  and  Maffei,  nothing  less  than  a work  of  Polycletus. 


PREFACE. 


Ill 


The  statue  of  Sleep,  of  black  marble,  by  Algardi,  in  the  Bor- 
ghese  villa,  he  pronounces  an  antique ; and  one  of  the  large 
modern  vases,  of  the  same  sort  of  marble,  executed  by  Silvio  of 
Yeletri,  which  are  ranged  near  the  statue,  and  which  he  found, 
in  an  engraving,  placed  near  it,  is  intended  to  denote  a vase 
containing  a soporific  juice.  How  many  remarkable  things  he 
has  neglected  ! He  acknowledges  that  he  never  saw  a marble 
Hercules  with  a horn  of  plenty ; yet  in  the  Ludovisi  villa  the 
hero  is  so  represented,  of  life-size,  in  the  shape  of  a Hermes ; 
and  the  horn  is  really  antique.  On  a broken  burial-urn  among 
the  fragments  of  antiquities  belonging  to  the  Barberini  family, 
which  were  sold  a short  time  since,  is  a Hercules  with  the  same 
symbol.  If  occurs  to  me  that  another  Frenchman,  Martin  by 
name,  — who  presumes  so  far  as  to  declare  that  Grotius  did  not 
understand  the  Septuagint,  — decisively  and  boldly  declares  that 
the  two  Genii  on  ancient  urns  cannot  denote  Sleep  and  Death ; 
and  yet  the  altar  on  which  they  are  seen  in  this  significance, 
with  the  ancient  superscription  of  Sleep  and  Death,  is  publicly 
exposed  in  the  court  of  the  Albani  palace.  Another  of  his 
countrymen  charges  the  younger  Pliny  with  falsehood  in  his 
description  of  his  villa  ; but  the  ruins  convince  us  of  its  truth. 

11.  The  approval  of  certain  mistakes,  committed  by  writers 
on  antiquities,  and  the  lapse  of  time,  have,  as  it  were,  secured 
them  against  refutation.  An  engraving  of  a round  marble 
wTork,  in  the  Giustiniani  villa,  to  which  certain  additions  have 
given  the  form  of  a vase,  with  a Bacchanal  scene  in  relievo,  has, 
since  it  was  first  made  known  by  Spon,  been  introduced  into 
many  books,  and  has  served  the  purpose  of  illustration.  In- 
deed, a lizard  creeping  up  a tree  has  led  to  a conjecture  that  the 
work  on  which  it  is  found  may  be  from  the  hand  of  Sauros, 
who,  in  connection  with  Batrachus,  built  the  portico  of  Marcel- 
lus ; nevertheless,  it  is  of  modern  workmanship.  The  reader 
may  find  in  the  Notes  upon  Architecture  my  remarks  in  reference 
to  these  two  architects.  So  too  the  vase  on  which  Spon  has 
written  a special  treatise  must  be  modern,  as  its  appearance 
denotes  to  the  eyes  of  connoisseurs  of  antiquity  and  of  good 
taste. 

12.  The  mistakes  of  learned  men  in  regard  to  things  of  an- 
tiquity proceed  mostly  from  inattention  to  restoration,  as  many 
of  them  have  been  unable  to  distinguish  the  repairs  by  which 
mutilated  and  lost  portions  have  been  replaced  from  those  really 


112 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


antique.  A large  volume  might  be  written  about  mistakes  of 
this  kind,  for  the  most  learned  antiquarians  have  failed  in  this 
particular.  From  a relievo  in  the  Mattei  palace,  which  repre- 
sents a hunt  by  the  Emperor  Gallienus,  Fabretti  wished  to 
prove  that  horseshoes,  nailed  upon  the  foot  in  the  mode  of  the 
present  day,  had  already  come  into  use  at  that  time  : he  did 
not  know  that  the  leg  of  the  horse  had  been  repaired  by  a 
sculptor  not  versed  in  such  matters.  Restorations  have  given 
occasion  to  laughable  explanations.  For  example,  Montfaucon 
sees  in  the  roll  or  baton  in  the  hand  of  Castor  or  Pollux,  in  the 
Borghese  villa,  which  is  modern,  an  emblem  of  the  laws  of 
horse-racing  at  the  games  ; and  in  a similar  roll  of  modern  addi- 
tion, which  is  held  by  a Mercury  in  the  Ludovisi  villa,  he  finds 
an  allegory  of  difficult  elucidation ; just  as  Tristan,  in  respect 
to  a strap  on  a shield,  held  by  a figure  presumed  to  be  Germani- 
cus,  on  the  celebrated  agate  at  St.  Denis,  has  regarded  it  as  a 
peaceful  appendage.  In  other  words,  St.  Michael  baptized  a 
Ceres.  Wright  looks  upon  a modern  violin,  which  has  been 
placed  in  the  hand  of  an  Apollo,  in  the  Negroni  villa,  as  a gen- 
uine antique  ; and  refers  to  another  modern  violin,  belonging  to 
a small  bronze  figure,  at  Florence,  which  Addison  also  mentions. 
The  former  believes  himself  to  be  vindicating  the  honor  of 
Raphael,  since  there  is  a probability,  as  he  thinks,  that  this 
great  artist  borrowed  the  shape  of  the  violin  which  he  placed 
in  the  hand  of  Apollo  on  Parnassus,  in  the  Vatican,  from  the 
statue  mentioned  above,  which  was  repaired  for  the  first  time  by 
Bernini  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  the  paint- 
er’s time.  An  Orpheus  with  a violin,  on  an  engraved  gem, 
might  be  cited  with  just  as  much  propriety.  In  the  same  way 
persons  imagined  that  they  saw  among  the  paintings  that  for- 
merly covered  the  ceiling  of  the  ancient  temple  of  Bacchus,  out- 
side of  Rome,  a small  figure  with  a modern  violin ; but  Santes 
Bartoli,  who  made  a drawing  of  the  figure,  allowed  himself  tp 
be  better  informed,  and  erased  the  instrument  from  his  copper- 
plate, — as  I see  by  the  impression  which  he  has  added  to  his 
colored  drawings  of  ancient  paintings  in  the  museum  of  the 
Cardinal  Alexander  Albani.  The  ball  in  the  hand  of  the  statue 
of  Caesar  in  the  Campidoglio  was  intended  by  the  ancient  artist 
— according  to  the  commentary  of  a later  Roman  poet  — to 
signify  his  desire  for  absolute  sovereignty : he  did  not  see  that 
the  hands  and  arms  are  modern.  Mr.  Spence  would  not  have 


PREFACE. 


113 


found  fault  with  the  sceptre  of  a Jupiter,  if  he  had  noticed  that 
the  arm  is  modern,  and  consequently  the  staff  also. 

13.  Restorations  ought  to  be  pointed  out,  either  in  the  en- 
gravings, or  in  the  explanations  of  them  ; for  the  head  of  the 
Ganymedes  in  the  gallery  at  Florence,  as  seen  in  the  engraving, 
must  produce  an  unfavorable  impression  ; and  it  is  still  worse 
in  the  original.  How  many  other  heads  of  ancient  statues  in 
that  place  are  modern,  which  have  never  been  considered  as 
such  ! as,  for  example,  the  head  of  an  Apollo,  whose  laurel 
crown  is  cited  by  Gori  as  something  singular.  The  statues  of 
Narcissus,  of  the  so-called  Phrygian  priest,  of  a seated  Matron, 
of  the  Venus  Genetrix,  have  modern  heads ; the  heads  of  a 
Diana,  of  a Bacchus  with  a Satyr  at  his  feet,  and  of  another 
Bacchus  holding  a bunch  of  grapes  on  high,  are  frightfully  ugly. 
Most  of  the  statues  that  belonged  to  Christina,  queen  of  Swe- 
den, and  which  now  stand  at  St.  Ildefonso,  in  Spain,  likewise 
have  modern  heads ; and  of  the  eight  Muses  there,  the  arms 
also  are  modern. 

14.  Many  mistakes  of  authors  originate  from  incorrect  draw- 
ings ; as,  for  example,  in  Cuper’s  explanation  of  the  Apotheosis 
of  Homer.  The  draughtsman  considered  Tragedy  to  be  a male 
figure,  and  the  buskin,  which  is  very  visible  in  the  marble,  was 
not  observed.  Moreover,  a scroll,  instead  of  a plectrum,  is 
placed  in  the  hand  of  the  Muse  which  stands  on  high.  The 
commentator  wishes  to  make  an  Egyptian  Tau  out  of  a sacred 
tripod,  and  he  asserts  that  he  sees  three  lappets  on  the  mantle  of 
the  figure  in  front  of  the  tripod  : they  are,  however,  not  to  be 
found. 

15.  Hence  it  is  difficult,  indeed  almost  impossible,  to  write 
in  a thorough  manner  of  ancient  art,  and  of  unknown  an- 
tiquities, anywhere  but  in  Rome.  Even  a residence  there  of  two 
years  is  insufficient  for  the  purpose,  as  I learn  by  the  laborious 
preparation  required  in  my  own  case.  We  must  not,  therefore, 
be  astonished,  if  some  one  says  that  he  has  been  unable  to 
discover  in  Italy  any  unknown  inscriptions.  This  is  true ; and 
none  of  those  which  are  above  ground,  especially  in  public 
places,  have  escaped  the  attention  of  the  learned.  Yet  he  who 
has  time  and  opportunity  is  still  always  finding  obscure  inscrip- 
tions, which  were  discovered  a long  time  ago  ; and  those  -which 
I have  cited  in  this  wrork,  as  well  as  in  the  Description  of  the 
Engraved  Gems  of  the  Stosch  Cabinet , are  of  this  kind.  But  wTe 

VOL.  i.  8 


114 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


must  strive  to  understand  them ; and  a traveller  will  not  be 
likely  to  find  them. 

16.  Much  more  difficult,  however,  is  the  knowledge  of  art  in 
the  works  of  the  ancients,  in  which  we  are  continually  making 
discoveries,  even  after  looking  at  them  a hundred  times.  Most 
persons,  nevertheless,  think  that  this  knowledge  is  to  be  ob- 
tained in  the  same  way  as  they  get  theirs  who  gather  their 
erudition  from  monthly  periodicals ; and  they  venture  to  pass 
judgment  on  Laocoon,  as  the  latter  do  on  Homer,  even  in  the 
presence  of  one  to  whom  both  have  been  a study  for  many 
years.  Whereas,  in  reality,  they  speak,  like  Lamothe,  of  the 
greatest  of  poets,  and,  like  Aretino,  of  the  most  perfect  of 
statues.  In  general,  the  greater  number  of  writers  on  these 
subjects  resemble  rivers  which  rise  when  their  water  is  not 
needed,  and  remain  dry  in  a period  of  drought. 

1 7.  In  this  History  of  Art  I have  exerted  myself  to  discover 
the  truth,  and,  as  I have  had  every  desirable  opportunity  of 
leisurely  investigating  the  works  of  the  ancients,  and  have 
spared  no  pains  to  obtain  the  requisite  kinds  of  knowledge,  I 
believed  myself  competent  to  undertake  it.  From  youth  up- 
ward, a love  for  art  has  been  my  strongest  passion  ; and  though 
education  and  circumstances  led  me  in  quite  another  direction, 
still  my  natural  inclination  was  constantly  manifesting  itself. 
All  the  pictures  and  statues,  as  well  as  engraved  gems  and 
coins,  which  I have  adduced  as  proofs,  I have  myself  seen,  and 
seen  frequently,  and  been  able  to  study ; but  for  the  purpose  of 
aiding  the  reader’s  conception,  I have  cited,  besides  these,  both 
gems  and  coins  from  books,  whenever  the  engravings  of  them 
were  tolerably  good. 

18.  It  must  not  occasion  surprise  that  I have  omitted  to 
notice  some  few  -works  of  ancient  art  bearing  the  name.of  the 
artist,  and  some  which  have  become  remarkable  from  other 
circumstances.  Those  which  I have  silently  passed  by  are 
objects  wdiich  either  afford  no  help  in  determining  a style  or 
a period  in  art,  or  else  they  are  no  longer  in  Home,  or  are 
entirely  destroyed  ; for,  in  modern  times,  this  misfortune  has 
befallen  very  many  glorious  pieces,  — as  I have  remarked  in 
several  places.  I would  have  described  the  torso  of  a statue 
with  the  name  Apollonius  of  Athens,  son  of  Nestor,  upon  it, 
which  was  formerly  in  the  Massimi  palace  ; but  it  is  lost.  A 
painting  of  the  goddess  Roma,  — not  the  known  one  in  the 


PREFACE. 


115 


Barberini  palace,  — which  is  adduced  by  Spon,  is  also  no  longer 
in  Rome.  The  Nymphseum  described  by  Holstein  has  gone  to 
decay,  through  negligence,  it  is  asserted,  and  is  no  longer 
shown.  The  relievo  on  which  Painting  was  making  a portrait 
of  Varro,  which  belonged  to  the  celebrated  Ciampini,  is  like- 
wise no  longer  in  Rome,  lost  without  the  slightest  further  infor- 
mation in  regard  to  it.  The  Hermse  of  the  head  of  Speusippus, 
the  head  of  Xenocrates,  and  several  others,  bearing  either  the 
name  of  the  person  or  of  the  artist,  have  had  a similar  fate. 
It  is  impossible  to  read,  without  sorrow,  notices  of  so  many 
antique  monuments  of  art,  which  were  destroyed,  both  in  Rome 
and  elsewhere,  in  the  days  of  our  forefathers  ; and  of  many  no 
information  even  has  been  preserved.  In  an  unpublished  letter 
of  the  celebrated  Peiresc  to  the  commendator  Del  Pozzo,  I 
recollect  an  account  of  many  rilievi  in  the  baths  at  Pozzuolo, 
near  Naples,  which  still  existed  there  in  the  popedom  of  Julius 
III.,  on  which  were  represented  persons  afflicted  with  all  sorts 
of  diseases,  whose  health  had  been  restored  by  these  baths. 
This  is  the  sole  notice  of  them  that  is  to  be  found.  Who 
could  believe  that  in  our  day,  from  the  torso  of  a statue  of 
which  the  head  is  in  existence,  two  other  statues  were  made  ? 
Yet  this  has  been  the  case  at  Parma,  in  the  very  year  in  which 
I write,  with  the  colossal  trunk  of  a Jupiter,  the  beautiful  head 
of  which  is  in  the  Academy  of  Painting  in  that  city.  The  two 
new  figures  cut  out  of  the  antique  one,  of  a sort  that  can  easily 
be  imagined,  stand  in  the  ducal  garden.  A nose  has  been 
affixed  to  the  head  in  the  most  bungling  manner;  and  the 
modern  sculptor,  intending  to  improve  the  forms  which  the 
ancient  master  gave  to  the  forehead,  cheeks,  and  beard,  has 
removed  what  seemed  to  him  superfluous.  I forgot  to  state 
that  this  Jupiter  was  found  in  the  buried  city  of  Velleia,  in  the 
Parmesan  territory,  of  which  the  discovery  has  recently  been 
made.  Moreover,  within  the  memory  of  man,  indeed  since  my 
residence  in  Rome,  many  celebrated  pieces  have  been  carried  to 
England,  where,  as  Pliny  expresses  it,  they  are  exiled  to  remote 
country-seats. 

19.  As  Greek  art  is  the  principal  point  which  this  History 
has  in  view,  I have,  consequently,  been  obliged  in  the  chapter 
upon  it  to  enter  more  into  detail ; yet  I should  have  been  able 
to  say  more  if  I had  written  for  the  Greeks,  and  not  in  a modern 
tongue,  which  imposes  on  me  certain  restrictions.  For  this 


116 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


reason,  I have,  although  reluctantly,  left  out  a Dialogue  upon 
Beauty , after  the  manner  of  the  Phcedrus  of  Plato,  which 
would  have  served  to  elucidate  my  remarks  when  speaking  of 
it  theoretically. 

20.  All  the  monuments  of  art,  whether  antique  paintings,  fig- 
ures in  stone,  engraved  gems,  or  coins  and  vases,  which  I have 
introduced  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  chapters  or  their  divi- 
sions, both  for  embellishment  and  demonstration,  have  never 
before  been  published ; and  I have,  for  the  first  time,  had  draw- 
ings and  engravings  executed  from  them. 

21.  I have  ventured  to  present  a few  speculations  of  which 
the  proofs  may  not  appear  sufficiently  strong ; but  they  may, 
perhaps,  help  others  onward  who  wish  to  penetrate  into  the  art 
of  the  ancients;  and  how  often  it  happens  that  a conjecture  is,  by 
a later  discovery,  converted  into  a truth  ! Conjectures  — those, 
I mean,  which  are  attached,  at  least  by  a thread,  to  something 
firm  — are  no  more  to  be  banished  from  a treatise  of  this  kind, 
than  hypotheses  from  natural  philosophy.  They  resemble  the 
frame  of  a building ; they  are  indispensable  indeed,  if,  in  the 
want  of  different  kinds  of  knowledge  relative  to  ancient  art, 
we  do  not  wish  to  make  great  leaps  across  many  vacant  spots. 
Several  of  the  reasons  which  I offered  in  regard  to  things  not 
so  clear  as  the  sun  give,  when  taken  separately,  only  a proba- 
bility, but  collectively  and  connectedly  amount  to  proof. 

22.  The  list  of  works  which  I have  prefixed 1 does  not  in- 
clude all  that  I have  cited ; as,  for  instance,  Nonnus  is  the  sole 
one  among  them  of  the  ancient  poets,  because,  in  the  rare  first 
edition  of  which  I made  use,  only  the  verses  on  each  page,  and 
not  the  books  in  the  poem,  are  numbered,  as  is  the  case  with 
the  other  poets.  Of  the  ancient  Greek  historians,  the  editions 
from  which  I have  quoted  are  for  the  most  part  those  of  Robert 
and  Henry  Stephens,  which  are  not  divided  into  chapters ; on 
this  account  I have  indicated  the  lines  on  each  page. 

23.  My  worthy  and  learned  friend,  Herr  Franke,  the  very 
deserving  director  of  the  celebrated  and  superb  Biinau  library, 
having  taken  great  interest  in  the  completion  of  this  work,  I 
am  bound  to  express  to  him  publicly  the  thanks  wffiich  he  de- 
serves ; for  his  kind  heart  could  not  have  given  me  any  more 
valuable  proof  of  the  friendship  existing  between  us,  which 

1 The  catalogue  of  books  quoted  is  given  in  the  last  volume. 


; PREFACE . 


117 


has  been  fostered  by  our  long-continued  and  mutual  retired 
habits  of  life. 

24.  I cannot  omit  also  — since  the  expression  of  gratitude  on 
every  occasion  is  commendable,  and  cannot  be  reiterated  suffi- 
ciently often — to  testify  anew,  in  this  place,  my  obligations  to  my 
valued  friends,  Herr  Fiiessly  of  Zurich,  and  Herr  Wille  of  Paris. 
The  remarks  published  by  me  relative  to  the  discoveries  at  Her- 
culaneum ought  more  properly  to  be  attributed  to  them ; for 
without  solicitation,  from  a voluntary  mutual  impulse,  and  a pure 
love  of  art  and  the  extension  of  knowledge,  they  supported  me, 
— a stranger  to  them,  moreover,  — on  my  first  journey  to  that 
place,  by  a generous  contribution.  Men  of  this  stamp  are,  for 
one  such  act  alone,  deserving  of  eternal  remembrance,  won  by 
their  own  merit. 

25.  I,  likewise,  announce  to  the  public  a work,  written  in  the 
Italian  language,  which  will  be  published  at  Rome  during  the 
ensuing  spring,  at  my  own  expense,  in  royal  folio.  It  is  an 
explanation  of  antique  monuments  of  all  kinds,  never  before 
published,  especially  rilievi  in  marble.  Among  them  are  very 
many  which  it  was  difficult  to  explain  ; of  the  others,  some 
have  been  pronounced  by  skilful  antiquarians  to  be  riddles,  in- 
capable of  solution,  and  some  have  been  explained  altogether 
erroneously.  By  these  monuments  the  domain  of  art  has  been 
more  enlarged  than  ever  before.  In  them  are  seen  conceptions 
and  images  wholly  new,  of  which,  in  a measure,  also,  no  traces 
are  to  be  found  in  the  accounts  of  the  ancients ; and  many 
passages  in  their  writings,  which  hitherto  have  not  been  under- 
stood, and  even  could  not  be  understood  without  the  help  of 
these  works,  are  explained,  and  set  in  a proper  light.  The  vol- 
ume is  composed  of  more  than  two  hundred  engravings  on 
copper,  executed  by  the  greatest  draughtsman  in  Rome,  John 
Casanova,  a pensioned  painter  of  the  king  of  Poland  ; so  that  no 
work  of  antiquities  can  exhibit  drawings  which  have  so  much 
correctness,  taste,  and  knowledge  of  antiquity  to  recommend 
them.  In  regard  to  the  other  embellishments  of  the  volume, 
nothing  has  been  omitted  on  my  part ; and  all  the  initial  letters 
are  engraved  on  copper. 

The  History  of  Art  I dedicate  to  Art  and  the  Age,  and 
especially  to  my  friend,  Antonio  Raphael  Mengs. 


Rome,  July,  1763. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NOTES. 


1.  It  was  not  my  intention  to  present  these  Notes  in  a sepa- 
rate form ; but  by  means  of  them  I expected  to  be  enabled  to 
produce  an  enlarged  and  improved  edition  of  the  History  of 
Art.  The  large  impression  of  this  work,  however,  and  the 
French  translation  of  it,  have  induced  me  to  collect  the  obser- 
vations which  I have  from  time  to  time  noted  down.  For,  on 
the  one  hand,  to  say  what  I deemed  essential  would  have  ne- 
cessitated still  a long  delay ; but,  on  the  other  hand,  as  the 
History  of  Art  was  becoming  more  generally  known  in  a strange 
garb,  although  awkwardly  and  ignorantly  donned,  I esteemed 
it  my  duty  to  make  it  more  complete  through  the  present 
additions. 

2.  I do  not  shrink  from  acknowledging  the  deficiencies  of  the 
History  of  Art ; but  as  it  is  no  disgrace,  when  hunting  in  a 
wood,  not  to  capture  every  wild  beast,  or  to  make  bad  shots,  I 
hope  to  be  excused  wherever  I have  failed  to  mention  or  ob- 
serve anything,  or  whenever  I have  not  hit  the  mark.  On  the 
other  hand,  I can  also  assert  that  much,  both  here  and  there, 
has  been  intentionally  omitted,  partly  because  a notice  without 
engravings  would  have  been  either  unintelligible  or  imperfect, 
and  partly  because  I should  have  been  obliged  to  enter  into 
learned  investigations,  which  would  have  led  too  far  from  my 
object.  In  treatises  upon  art,  learning  should  constitute  the 
least  part ; for  where  it  teaches  nothing  essential,  it  should  be 
valued  at  nothing,  and  regarded — as  the  cough  of  shallow 
speakers  or  bad  lute-players  usually  is  (to  make  use  of  an  ex- 
pression of  the  ancients)  — as  an  indication  of  poverty.  I am 
also  willing  to  acknowledge  that  I have  occasionally  failed  to 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NOTES . 


119 


state  a few  trifles  quite  correctly,  because  one  often  trusts  too 
much  to  memory,  or  wishes  to  avoid  journeys  to  distant  places. 
This  charge,  however,  would  be  less  serious  than  that  justly 
brought  against  Prideaux,  that,  when  he  was  at  Oxford,  where 
the  Arundelian  marbles  stand  together  in  one  place,  he  did  not 
himself  examine  them  for  the  elucidation  of  obscure  passages. 

3.  The  reader  will  not,  I hope,  be  displeased,  if,  in  this  pream- 
ble, — for  no  future  opportunity  may  perhaps  occur,  — I point 
out,  for  his  instruction,  the  course  which  I pursued  in  the  in- 
vestigation of  antiquities  and  works  of  art. 

4.  I did  not  come  to  Rome  at  the  expense  of  a court,  as  per- 
sons imagine,  and  still  less  under  the  patronage  of  the  noble- 
man whom  I served  in  Saxony,  — as  an  ill-informed  scribbler 
asserts,  — but  supported  by  a worthy  friend,  to  whom  I have 
publicly  expressed  my  gratitude.  I came  hither  for  the  purpose 
of  learning,  with  a view,  at  the  same  time,  to  becoming  a teacher; 
and  as  I believed  that,  of  the  works  of  ancient  art  which  had 
been  made  known,  there  were  few  which  had  been  discussed  in 
books  in  a philosophic  spirit  and  with  a well-grounded  exposi- 
tion of  the  truly  beautiful  in  them,  I hoped  that  my  journey 
would  not  be  entirely  fruitless.  For  this  purpose  I had  made 
previous  preparation,  so  far  as  the  scanty  portion  of  time  of 
which  I was  master  permitted,  and  from  my  meditations  at  that 
time  proceeded  the  essay  on  the  Imitation  of  the  Ancients  in 
Painting  and  Sculpture.  In  pursuit  of  the  objects  which  I had 
in  view,  I rejected  every  proposal  made  to  me  by  two  well- 
known  cardinals,  both  before  my  departure  for  Rome,  and  also 
after  my  arrival  there ; for  unless  I had  been  my  own  master,  I 
should  have  failed  in  my  purpose. 

5.  During  the  whole  of  the  first  year  I looked  and  contem- 
plated, without  forming  any  definite  plan  ; for  although  I kept 
the  essential  always  in  view,  still  it  was  difficult  for  me  to  pro- 
ceed with  the  success  that  I desired,  along  the  untrodden  path 
on  which  I travelled ; many  times,  indeed,  I was  led  astray  by 
artists,  whose  judgments  contradicted  my  feelings  and  my 
knowledge.  But  being  invincibly  firm  in  the  belief  that  the 
Good  and  the  Beautiful  are  the  same,  and  that  only  one  path 
leads  to  them,  whilst  many  go  to  the  Evil  and  the  Ugly,  I 
sought  to  test  and  establish  my  observations  by  a systematic 
application  of  knowledge. 

6.  In  the  first  place,  I determined  to  pay  less  attention, 


120 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


at  the  outset,  to  the  antiquities  of  places,  sites,  and  regions, 
and  the  ancient  ruins  of  buildings,  because  much  is  uncertain, 
and  because  that  which  can  be  known,  and  that  which  cannot 
be  known,  has  been  discussed  with  sufficient  fulness  by  more 
than  one  writer.  Besides,  I could  not  undertake  to  seek  out 
everything,  for  I had  not  the  means  wherewith  to  pay  those 
who  were  able  to  serve  me  as  guides.  Now  as  this  kind  of 
knowledge  can  be  acquired  without  any  talent  whatever,  I took 
with  me  on  my  expedition  no  more  of  it  than  I could  discover 
and  investigate  for  myself.  I compared  it  to  bibliography, 
which  has,  not  unfrequently,  hindered  those  wTho  have  had  an 
opportunity  of  acquiring  it  from  knowing  the  contents  of  books. 
He  wTho  seeks  to  penetrate  into  the  reality  of  knowledge  has  to 
guard  not  less  against  the  danger  of  becoming  a man  of  letters, 
than  against  what  is  commonly  understood  by  the  term  anti- 
quarian. For  of  these  occupations  one  is  as  fascinating  as  the 
other,  because  they  flatter  our  indolence  and  a sluggish  indis- 
position to  think  for  ourselves.  It  is,  for  instance,  a pleasing 
thing  to  know  in  what  part  of  Rome  the  ancient  Carinse  were, 
and  to  be  able  to  point  out  almost  the  exact  spot  where  Pom- 
pey  dwelt ; and  the  guide  who  can  show  to  the  traveller  these 
localities  does  so  with  acertain  self-satisfaction.  But  wrhen  wTe 
have  seen  the  latter  place,  on  which  there  does  not  remain  the 
slightest  trace  of  an  ancient  edifice,  what  more  do  we  know  1 
7.  For  the  same  reason,  I did  not  trouble  myself  much  about 
Roman  coins,  partly  because  it  is  difficult  at  the  present  day  to 
discover  any  novelties  in  them,  and  partly,  also,  because  I per- 
ceived that  persons  without  any  learning  had  acquired  great 
skill  in  this  department.  The  rarest  Roman  coins  — the  medal- 
lions excepted,  on  account  of  the  beauty  of  their  impression  — 
are  to  be  compared  to  rare  books,  which  have  become  so  because 
a bookseller  would  gain  nothing  by  a reprint  of  them,  and  a 
rare  Pertinax  or  Pescennius  of  silver  or  gold  should  not  be 
valued  more  than  one  of  Giordano  Bruno’s  books.  On  the  other 
hand,  I endeavored  to  see  the  coins  of  Greek  lands  and  cities, 
for  which  no  particular  search  is  made  by  the  purchasers  of 
coins,  because  it  is  not  easy  to  form  a series  of  them,  as  it  is 
of  the  Roman.  Moreover,  in  the  study  of  these  antiquities,  the 
learner  will  not  waste  his  thoughts  on  trifles,  if  he  considers 
them  as  the  productions  of  men  whose  thoughts  were  of  a loftier 
and  more  manly  strain  than  ours ; and  thus  viewed,  the  investi- 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NOTES. 


121 


gation  of  them  is  able  to  elevate  us  above  ourselves  and  above 
our  age.  A thinking  person,  on  the  shore  of  the  wide  sea,  can- 
not occupy  himself  with  low  ideas  ; the  illimitable  view  expands 
also  the  bounds  of  the  soul,  which,  though  at  first  seeming  to 
be  lost,  returns  again  enlarged. 

8.  As  I soon  made  the  further  discovery  that  very  many 
works  of  ancient  art  were  either  not  known,  or  had  not  been 
understood  or  explained,  I endeavored  to  unite  erudition  with 
art.  But  the  greatest  difficulty  in  things  dependent  on  learn- 
ing usually  is,  to  know  what  others  have  produced,  in  order  not 
to  labor  in  vain,  or  say  what  has  been  already  many  times  re- 
peated. When,  however,  I re-examined  the  works  on  ancient 
monuments  of  art,  this  apprehension  was  removed ; and  I satis- 
fied myself  that  it  was  hardly  possible  to  explain  correctly,  at  a 
distance  from  Rome,  that  which  has  not  been  interpreted  in 
Rome  itself.  The  free  use  of  the  great  library  of  the  Cardinal 
Passionei  gave  me  facilities  for  this  study  until  I took  charge  of 
the  library  and  museum  of  the  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani  ; and 
afterwards,  as  Greek  professor  in  the  Vatican  library,  I had  the 
privilege  of  exploring  the  treasures  which  it  contained  subser- 
vient to  my  design. 

9.  But  a critical  examination  of  art  continued  to  be  my 
principal  occupation.  In  such  a study,  the  first  step  must  be 
skill  to  distinguish  the  modern  from  the  ancient,  and  the  genuine 
from  the  additions.  I soon  discovered  the  general  rule,  that 
the  detached  parts  of  statues,  especially  the  hands  and  arms, 
are  for  the  most  part  to  be  looked  upon  as  new,  and  conse- 
quently the  emblems  also  assigned  to  them.  At  first,  however, 
it  wTas  extremely  difficult  for  me  to  decide  of  myself  in  regard  to 
a few  heads.  Once,  when  preparing,  with  this  view,  to  examine 
the  head  of  a female  statue  more  nearly,  it  fell  over,  and  I came 
nigh  being  crushed  and  buried  beneath  it.  Here  I must 
acknowledge,  that  it  is  only  within  a few  years  that  I have 
discovered  an  Apollo,  wrought  in  relief,  in  the  Giustiniani 
palace,  to  be  a modern  work,  though  it  is  universally  regarded 
as  an  antique,  and  has  been  pronounced  by  a travelled  writer 
to  be  the  most  beautiful  piece  in  the  collection. 

10.  But  as  it  is  more  easy  to  find  the  bad  — which  is  usually 
the  modern  addition  — than  the  good,  so  it  was  more  difficult,  far 
more  difficult,  for  me  to  discover  the  beautiful,  when  it  exceeded 
my  knowledge.  I did  not  look  upon  the  works  of  art  as  he  did, 


122 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


who,  when  he  saw  the  ocean  for  the  first  time,  said,  “ It  is  a 
pretty  sight.”  ' KOavpaa-ia,  or  non-wonderment,  which  Strabo 
extols,  because  it  begets  composure  of  mind,  I prize  highly  in 
ethics,  but  not  in  art : here  indifference  is  prejudicial.  The 
general  celebrity  enjoyed  by  a few  works  has  been  occasionally 
useful  to  me,  during  this  investigation,  by  preoccupying  my 
judgment : it  compelled  me  to  acknowledge  something  beauti- 
ful, at  least,  in  them,  and  to  convince  myself  of  its  existence. 
The  torso  of  a Hercules,  from  the  hand  of  Apollonius  of  Athens, 
of  which  I have  given  a description,  may  serve  as  an  instance  to 
the  point.  I obtained  no  light  upon  this  work  at  my  first  view 
of  it ; I could  not  reconcile  the  moderate  rendering  of  the  parts 
in  this  statue  with  the  strong  prominence  in  other  statues  of 
Hercules,  especially  the  Farnese.  On  the  other  hand,  I set 
before  myself  the  high  regard  of  Michael  Angelo,  and  of  all 
subsequent  artists,  for  this  piece.  Their  opinion  was,  neces- 
sarily, almost  an  article  of  faith  with  me,  yet  so  qualified  that 
I could  not  without  reasons  yield  my  approbation.  My  doubts 
were  perplexed  by  the  attitude  which  Bernini  and  the  whole 
host  of  artists  have  given  to  this  mutilated  image,  for  they 
imagine  it  to  be  a Hercules  spinning.  At  last,  after  repeated 
contemplation,  and  after  convincing  myself  that  the  supposed 
attitude  of  the  figure  was  an  erroneous  notion,  and  that  in  this 
case  a Hercules  reposing,  with  his  right  arm  placed  on  his 
head,  as  if  occupied  in  musing  on  his  achievements,  has,  with 
more  likelihood,  been  represented,  I believed  that  I had  discov- 
ered the  ground  of  the  difference  between  it  and  other  statues 
of  Hercules.  For  both  attitude  and  conformation  showed  it  to 
be  a Hercules  who  had  been  received  among  the  gods,  and  there 
had  rested  from  his  labors,  precisely  as  a rilievo  in  the  villa  of 
the  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani  represents  him  reposing  on 
Olympus,  with  the  epithet  of  ANAnAYOMENOS,  The  Repos- 
ing ; consequently,  in  the  celebrated  torso  we  see  an  image  of 
Hercules  as  a deity,  not  as  a mortal.  Having  now  succeeded  in 
finding  in  statues  representing  him  under  each  form  the  pre- 
sumed grounds  of  the  esteem  in  which  they  were  held,  and  of 
their  beauty,  I steadily  continued  so  to  study  the  remainder, 
that  I put  myself  in  the  position  of  one  who  was  going  to  give 
an  account  of  them  before  an  assemblage  of  connoisseurs  ; and  I 
imposed  upon  myself  the  rule  of  not  turning  back  until  I had 
discovered  some  beauty,  and  the  grounds  of  it. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NOTES. 


123 


] 1.  In  accordance  with  some  light  which  I had  obtained,  I 
attempted  to  define  the  styles  of  the  Egyptian  and  Etruscan 
artists,  and  also  to  determine  the  difference  between  the  art  of 
the  Etruscans  and  that  of  the  Greeks.  The  characteristic  marks 
of  Egyptian  works  seemed  to  present  themselves  at  once,  but  I 
was  not  equally  successful  with  the  style  of  the  Etruscans  ; and 
I do  not  undertake,  even  now,  to  assert,  as  a matter  beyond 
dispute,  that  some  rilievi  which  are  seemingly  Etruscan  may 
not  be  works  of  the  earliest  style  of  the  Greeks.  With  greater 
apparent  certainty  I discovered  several  periods  in  Greek  works, 
but  some  years  elapsed  before  I obtained  any  proofs  of  the  lofty 
antiquity  of  a Muse  in  the  Barberini  palace. 

12.  The  study  of  art  had  so  entirely  occupied  the  first  two 
years  of  my  residence  in  this  city,  that  I was  able  to  give  only 
a passing  thought,  as  it  were,  to  the  knowledge  of  antiquity 
derived  from  books  alone.  I was,  however,  put  in  this  direction 
by  the  task  of  preparing  a description  of  the  intaglio  gems  of  the 
Baron  von  Stosch,  — who  had  died  prior  to  that  time,  — which 
I sketched  out  in  the  rudest  manner  during  the  nine  months 
of  my  stay  at  Florence,  and  afterwards  finished  at  Borne.  Here 
I learnt  in  regard  to  engraved  gems,  that,  in  every  instance,  the 
more  beautiful  the  workmanship,  so  much  the  more  natural  is 
the  representation  ; and  consequently  the  explanation  is  so  easy, 
that  those  gems  upon  which  are  the  names  of  the  artists  are 
understood  by  every  one.  Further  experience  satisfied  me,  that 
on  Greek  works  of  this  kind  there  are  fewer  obscure  images  than 
on  the  Etruscan,  and  that  the  most  ancient  are  usually  the  most 
abstruse  ; just  as  the  mythology  of  the  earliest  Greek  poets,  of 
Pamphos  and  Orpheus,  for  example,  is  more  obscure  than  that 
taught  by  their  successors.  Here  I came,  for  the  first  time, 
upon  the  trace  of  a truth  which  was  afterwards  of  the  greatest 
use  to  me  in  the  explanation  of  the  most  difficult  monuments. 
This  truth  consists  of  the  principle,  that  the  images  on  en- 
graved gems,  as  well  as  on  rilievi,  are  very  seldom  drawn  from 
events  occurring  posterior  to  the  Trojan  war,  or  later  than  the 
return  of  Ulysses  to  Ithaca,  unless,  perhaps,  we  except  those 
connected  with  the  Heraclidse,  or  the  descendants  of  Hercules  ; 
for  their  history  still  lies  on  the  borders  of  fab^e,  and  fable  was 
the  especial  subject  of  artists.  Nevertheless,  I know  only^a 
single  picture  taken  from  the  history  of  the  Heraclidce,  — re- 
peated with  slight  modifications  on  several  antique  gems; 


124 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


namely,  the  lot  cast  by  Cresphontes  and  Temenus,  — illegiti- 
mate grandsons  of  Hercules,  — and  the  two  sons  of  their 
brother  Aristomachus,  about  the  partition  of  the  Peloponnesus, 
after  they  had  taken  possession  of  it  with  the  armed  hand.  This 
gem  is  wrongly  explained  by  Beger  and  Gori.  I was  especially 
confirmed  as  to  the  truth  of  the  principle  mentioned  above,  by 
a more  frequent  examination  of  twenty-eight  thousand  impres- 
sions in  sulphur,  made,  by  direction  of  the  Baron  von  Stosch, 
from  every  antique  gem  which  he  had  ever  seen,  or  of  which  he 
had  ever  heard.  As  a result  of  my  experience,  I came  to  a 
conclusion  adverse  to  the  antiquity  of  all  gems  on  which  Roman 
incidents  are  represented,  — a conclusion  which  is  obvious  to 
connoisseurs  from  the  very  workmanship  of  such  gems.  It  is 
shown  beyond  dispute  by  two  cameos  in  the  Strozzi  museum,  at 
Rome,  on  which  Quintus  Curtius  is  engraved  in  the  act  of 
throwing  himself,  on  horseback,  into  the  chasm.  These  beauti- 
fully executed  modern  gems  have  been  published  and  described 
by  Gori  as  antique.  The  remark  which  I now  make  in  refer- 
ence to  Roman  history  must  not  be  extended  to  works  in  marble 
which  were  executed  in  Rome,  and  were  public  monuments ; 
for  a figure  of  the  same  Curtius  is  found  on  a small  rilievo  in 
the  Campidoglio,  and  another,  of  the  size  of  life,  in  the  Bor- 
ghese  villa  (1). 

13.  When,  after  having  finished  the  Description  mentioned 
above,  and  completed  the  History  of  Art,  I proceeded  to  eluci- 
date these  monuments  of  antiquity  which  had  not  yet  been  pub- 
lished, the  principle  just  named  was  my  guide.  Although 
it  explains  nothing  in  itself,  nor  of  itself,  still  it  confines  the  at- 
tention to  a more  limited  range  of  representation,  and  the 
imagination  does  not  rove  about  among  stories  beyond  the 
mythic  circle. 

14.  In  this  work  I established  another  test,  no  less  useful; 
namely,  that  the  ancient  artists  have  not,  especially  on  rilievi 
consisting  of  several  figures,  designed  any  merely  ideal  pictures, 
that  is  to  say,  pictures  not  representing  any  known  history,  but 
that  all  are  referrible  to  the  mythology  either  of  the  gods  or  of 
the  heroes.  Bacchanalia,  dances,  &c.  are  always  to  be  excepted. 
If  those  who  have  occupied  themselves  in  the  explanation  of 
ancient  monuments  had  taken  this  principle  as  a basis,  the 
knowledge  of  antiquities  would  have  been  far  more  thorough 
and  learned.  The  following  examples  will  illustrate  my  remark. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NOTES. 


125 


Bellori  designates  a rilievo,  engraved  by  Bartoli,  by  the  title 
Epithalamium ; but  he  should  have  investigated  whether  it 
might  not  rather  be  the  marriage  of  Cadmus  with  Harmonia, 
or  that  of  Peleus  with  Thetis,  as  the  latter  has  been  represented 
in  the  Aldobrandini  Nuptials,  so  called.  The  scene  termed  by 
the  same  author  a “Funeral  Procession,”  Pompa  Funeralis , 
which  is  wrought  on  the  cover  of  a sepulchral  urn  in  the  Bar- 
berini  palace,  represents  the  burial  of  Meleager,  and  of  his  wife, 
Cleopatra,  wTho  dies  by  her  own  hand.  So  too  the  figures  on 
another  funeral  urn  in  the  same  palace  are  not  to  be  embraced 
under  the  general  appellation  of  a Passage  across  into  the  Ely- 
sian  Fields , and  a Mourning,  but  we  see  therein,  quite  clearly, 
the  whole  history  of  Protesilaus,  as  it  is  told  by  Homer  and 
other  mythic  writers.  Another  work,  — of  which  there  are  many 
repetitions,  — where  Bellori  dismisses  the  reader  with  the  title 
A Fearful  Deed , is  the  death  of  Agamemnon  (2).  I have  also 
been  convinced,  that  what  has  often  seemed  a riddle  beyond 
solution  is  not  an  obscure  and  far-fetched  allegory,  in  Lyco- 
phron’s  style.  Nevertheless,  it  is  not  without  advantage,  when 
other  traces  are  wanting,  to  presuppose  allegories  of  such  a 
nature,  and  to  pursue  them  as  far  as  they  go,  because  we  often 
meet  with  unexpected  things.  Such  conjectures  I have,  occa- 
sionally, not  rejected,  but  presented  them  to  the  reader,  when 
the  information  conveyed  by  them  is  of  a rare  kind. 

15.  In  the  first  design  of  this  work  I had  in  view  only  those 
monuments  which  are  the  most  difficult  to  be  explained,  and 
the  new  course  of  my  reading  of  the  ancient  authors  was 
directed  entirely  to  them.  But  my  plan  gradually  became  en- 
larged by  the  addition  of  other  remarkable  and  partly  obscure 
pieces  which  I found  afterwards,  and  of  which  I had  not  thought 
in  my  reading,  so  that  my  task  became  laborious,  and  was 
doubled.  Hence,  it  happened  that  I was  obliged  to  peruse 
anew  and  repeatedly  most  of  those  authors,  especially  those 
which  promised  me  any  information.  How  easy  to  overlook  a 
single  word  upon  which  the  entire  meaning  depends ! Through 
the  single  word  a porpevwv,  ploughing , in  the  scholiast  of  Pindar, 
I found  the  true  signification  of  the  statue  of  Quintus  Cincinna- 
tus,  erroneously  so  called,  but  properly  a Jason, — as  I have 
pointed  out  in  the  second  part  of  these  Notes.  If,  hereafter, 
any  one  should  make  a gleaning  of  the  ancient  monuments 
which  I have  left  behind,  or  which  have  since  been  discovered, 


126 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


let  him  endeavor  to  improve  what  I,  for  want  of  abilities  and 
means,  have  neglected.  Let  him  not  do  as  I did,  and  as  they 
do  who  erect  a building  piecemeal,  and,  as  it  were,  without  any 
previous  plan ; but  if  he  has  the  means  of  undertaking  a great 
work  at  his  own  expense,  let  him  beforehand  determine  pre- 
cisely all  the  pieces  which  he  intends  to  publish,  and  then,  when 
he  has  them  perfectly  familiar  to  his  memory,  let  him  begin  to 
read  all  the  ancient  authors,  without  a single  exception.  Of 
modern  authors  who  might  be  of  immediate  assistance  in  the 
elucidation  of  ancient  monuments,  I cannot  propose  any  other 
than  the  learned  Buonarroti ; but  his  writings  are  applicable 
merely  to  points  of  abstruse  learning,  and  they  explain  only 
coins,  — which  is  not  difficult.  In  obscure  mythology  and 
heroic  history,  we  must  stick  to  the  ancients,  for  Banier  has 
not  drawn  from  the  original  sources  ; the  principal  authority  in 
his  work,  as  the  reader  will  perceive,  is  Huet,  with  his  evangeli- 
cal proof,  and  under  his  guidance  he  has  endeavored  to  derive 
everything  from  the  Bible  and  to  trace  everything  back  to  it. 
But  that  I may  not  seem  to  throw  aside  all  other  modern 
writers,  I recommend,  in  an  undertaking  of  the  kind  of  which  I 
now  speak,  Henning’s  Theatrum  Genealogicum i.  This  rare  work, 
little  known  and  still  less  read,  especially  in  Italy,  imparts  more 
information  than  all  the  works  of  all  other  nations  united,  — 
I mean  those  which  treat  of  fable  and  of  Greek  heroic  history. 
Neither  do  I wish  to  assert  that  no  critical  essays  upon  ancient 
authors,  and  no  treatises  upon  antiquities,  may  throw  any  light 
on  the  subject ; but  they  should,  as  far  as  it  is  possible,  be  looked 
over. 

16.  My  greatest  satisfaction  in  elucidating  works  of  ancient 
art  has  been  when  they  enabled  me  to  explain  or  amend  an 
ancient  author.  Such  discoveries  have,  for  the  most  part,  pre- 
sented themselves  to  me  unsought,  — as  the  case  usually  is  with 
all  discoveries,  — and  may,  therefore,  be  less  far-fetched  than 
many  other  attempts  made  by  learned  men  of  merit  in  this 
department.  I cannot  deny  that  I once  felt  the  vanity  of  test- 
ing my  powers  in  this  way  ; but  since,  in  my  work  now  in  press, 
explaining  the  unknown  monuments  of  antiquity,  I have  suc- 
ceeded in  satisfying  my  desire,  I am  the  more  content  at  not 
having  wasted  the  short  period  of  my  life  on  old,  w7orn-out 
manuscripts,  — for  which  I had  every  desirable  opportunity. 
For  the  purpose  of  restraining  this  itching,  I have  always  had 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NOTES. 


127 


before  my  eyes  the  example  of  the  celebrated  Orville,  who,  dur- 
ing a residence  of  two  years  at  Rome,  went  every  morning  to 
the  Vatican  library,  for  the  purpose,  partly  of  collating  the 
Heidelberg  Codex  of  Greek  Anthology  with  the  printed  copy, 
and  partly  of  emending  and  restoring  the  latter  by  means  of 
the  former.  For  I hold  the  time  thus  passed  so  much  the 
worse  employed,  because,  at  the  outset,  I undertook  the  very 
same  task,  but  relinquished  it  in  season,  as  I perceived  that 
wfyat  is  wanting  in  the  printed  edition  is  not  worthy  of  being 
brought  to  light.  For  these  epigrams,  in  every  instance  in 
which  wit  is  still  to  be  found,  are  full  of  nastiness ; and  it  can- 
not redound  to  the  honor  of  him  who  published,  in  Holland,  a 
few  of  them  from  Orville’s  manuscripts,  — inasmuch  as  they 
jest  upon  unnatural  obscenities. 

17.  To  this  historical  statement  of  the  method  which  I 
adopted,  I have  a few  remarks  to  add  upon  several  points  which 
occurred  to  me  after  the  discussion  in  the  Notes.  In  the  second 
chapter  of  the  first  book  of  the  History  of  Art , I might  have 
made  mention  of  the  skill  of  the  ancients  in  executing  mosaic- 
work  in  relief.  But  there  is  only  a single,  small  piece  of  the 
kind  known,  — representing  a young  Hercules  near  the  tree  of 
the  golden  apples  in  the  garden  of  the  Hesperides,  — which 
was  taken  from  Rome  to  England,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
present  century,  by  the  distinguished  knight,  Fountain.  The 
same  idea  occurred  as  original  to  a skilful  artist  in  Rome,  a 
native  of  Urbino,  who  had  no  knowledge  of  this  fact ; and  he 
made  a happy,  successful  experiment,  which  induced  the  Car- 
dinal Alexander  Alban i,  the  great  patron  and  promoter  of  the 
arts,  to  take  him  into  his  service ; and  he  has  actually  begun  to 
execute  the  five  goddesses  of  the  Seasons,  as  they  are  called,  in 
the  Borghese  villa,  in  this  difficult  kind  of  work,  compared  with 
which  the  usual  flat  mosaic-work  may  appear  exceedingly  easy. 
For,  besides  the  labor  of  the  workmanship,  the  artist  must  be 
skilful  in  modelling,  — which  is  not  necessary  in  the  other  case  ; 
but  the  most  difficult  part  of  this  art  consists  in  the  polishing ; 
in  the  folds  of  the  drapery,  indeed,  it  appears  even  inconceivable. 

18.  In  the  same  place,  also,  I ought  to  have  explained  myself 
more  clearly  in  regard  to  the  forming  of  ivory  figures  on  a 
lathe.  This,  in  my  opinion,  is  the  art  termed  by  the  ancients 
ropevTLKr],  in  which  Phidias  was  eminently  distinguished.  It  is 
well  known  that,  in  modern  days,  rilievi  of  considerable  size 


128 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


have  been  turned  from  ivory ; but  no  figures  hollowed  under- 
neath can  be  produced  in  this  way,  because  the  tool  can  act 
only  on  the  surface.  If  any  one,  therefore,  should  be  disposed 
to  imagine  that  the  statues  which  Phidias  composed  of  pieces 
of  ivory,  joined  together,  were  turned  upon  a lathe,  I must 
acknowledge  that  I do  not  well  understand  how  it  can  be  done, 
— for  example,  in  regard  to  the  head  of  a figure,  — by  any 
skill  which  the  art  has  attained  in  modern  days.  For  as  the 
head,  though  previously  composed  of  pieces,  must  be  conceived 
of  as  a whole  when  in  the  act  of  being  turned,  it  would  be 
necessary  to  presume  that  it  moved  steadily  under  the  instru- 
ment ; hence,  the  oblique  deep  parts  could  not  have  been  exe- 
cuted on  the  lathe ; these  must  have  been  done  with  a chisel. 

19.  In  the  same  book  and  chapter  might,  also,  be  introduced 
a remark  relative  to  the  mistake  into  which  others  besides 
Berkeley  have  probably  fallen,  — that  the  art  of  painting  on 
walls  was  first  introduced  in  the  time  of  Augustus,  and  that 
Ludius  was  the  inventor.  The  writer  just  named  has  drawn 
this  inference  from  a misunderstood  statement  in  Pliny;  for 
Pliny  does  not  say  that  Ludius  was  the  first  in  Rome  who 
painted  on  walls,  but  that  he  was  the  first  to  embellish  with 
landscapes,  and  similar  inanimate  objects,  the  walls  of  rooms, 
on  which,  prior  to  his  time,  none  but  historical  pieces  were  rep- 
resented. Gronovius,  in  his  notes  to  Berkeley,  has  overlooked 
this  error ; yet  he  ought  to  have  observed  it,  because  among 
the  artists  who  painted  on  walls  he  also  names  Pausias,  not- 
withstanding he  lived  two  hundred  years  before  Augustus ; for 
he  was  a pupil  of  Pamphilus,  and  the  teacher  of  Apelles. 

20.  An  idea  of  Dion  Chrysostomus,  in  the  fourth  chapter  of 
Art  among  the  Greeks , might,  if  true,  give  occasion  to  further 
reflection.  This  writer,  speaking  of  his  own  time,  under  Tra- 
jan, says  : “ Beauty  of  conformation  is  less  common  among 
men  ; of  beautiful  women  there  is  no  lack  ; but  either  the 
number  of  handsome  men  born  is  very  limited,  or,  if  they  do 
exist,  they  remain  concealed,  either  because  we  have  ceased  to 
pay  regard  to  manly  beauty,  or  because  we  do  not  know  how  to 
prize  it,  — as  the  ancient  Greeks  did.”  Notwithstanding,  the 
same  writer  says  of  a young  athlete  of  his  time,  of  very  beau- 
tiful conformation,  that,  “if  he  had  not  made  himself  cele- 
brated in  bodily  exercises,  he  would  have  become  so  solely  by 
the  beauty  of  his  shape.” 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NOTES. 


129 


21.  The  notes  upon  drapery,  in  the  same  chapter,  may  recall 
to  the  reader’s  remembrance  an  unfounded  opinion  in  regard  to 
a clasp,  shaped  like  a cross,  upon  the  straps  of  the  sandals, 
which  I noticed  in  the  Essay  on  Allegory.  When  I wrote  that 
remark,  there  was  not  to  be  found  in  Rome  on  any  statue,  nor 
on  any  of  the  feet  in  the  notable  collection  formed  by  the 
sculptor  Bartolommeo  Cavaceppi,  a cross  of  the  kind,  from 
which  I might  have  obtained  further  refutation  of  that  opinion. 
A short  time  since,  however,  the  sculptor  just  named  obtained 
a beautiful  foot  of  a male  statue,  which  must  have  been  far 
larger  than  life,  on  which  there  is  such  a cross-clasp.  On  the 
same  principle,  a child’s  head  between  two  wings,  — as  we  are 
accustomed  to  represent  angels,  — which  is  the  ornament  of 
just  such  a clasp  on  the  feet  of  a beautiful  Bacchus  in  the 
Ludovisi  villa,  might,  if  the  feet  had  been  found  separate  from 
the  trunk,  have  been  supposed  to  indicate  a Christian  image. 

22.  In  the  second  part  of  these  Notes , — where  it  has  been 
shown  that  the  period  designated  by  Pliny  as  the  flourishing 
age  of  great  artists  generally  corresponds  to  the  cessation  of 
wars,  — the  reader  may  notice  the  Greek  proverbial  saying, 
<t>eiSias  TrpocrrjKZL  dprjvrj,  “ Phidias  belongs  to  peace.”  It  has 
been  quoted  by  Suidas,  but  is  not  understood  by  him  any  better 
than  by  others.  He  explains  it  in  an  unintelligible  and  ridicu- 
lous manner,  by  saying  that  peace  belongs  to  Phidias,  because 
he  is  an  artist ; for  Peace  is  represented  as  beautifully  shaped. 
It  will  easily  be  perceived  from  the  proofs  wdiich  I have  pre- 
sented in  their  proper  place,  that,  if  this  were  actually  a prov- 
erb, — of  which  Kiister  doubts,  — it  must  be  understood  of  a 
state  of  peace,  in  which-  alone  the  arts  flourish. 

23.  I have  been  still  more  confirmed  in  my  opinion,  that  the 
Niobe  is  to  be  attributed  to  Scopas  rather  than  to  Praxiteles,  by 
a cast  in  gypsum  of  the  head  of  Niobe  herself ; and  this  cast  is 
the  only  one  extant  in  Rome  ; but  the  head  from  wThich  it  was 
taken  is  no  longer  to  be  found  here.  On  comparison  of  the 
head  of  Niobe  with  that  single  cast,  more  roundness  is  observ- 
able in  the  latter,  and  the  mouth  also  is  found  to  be  of  a better 
shape  ; hence  some  persons  have  inferred  a greater  probability 
that  the  cast  was  taken  from  the  true  head  of  Niobe,  and  that 
the  head  now  on  the  statue  is  an  antique  repetition  of  the  same 
work,  but  from  the  hand  of  an  inferior  artist.  But  they  had 
not  reflected  upon  the  nature  of  the  grand  style,  — of  which 

VOL.  i.  9 


130 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


roundness  had  not,  as  yet,  become  wholly  an  attribute,  — and 
that  the  round  manner  of  forming  the  eyebrow-bones  points 
to  a later  age.  Furthermore,  they  had  not  observed  that  the 
mouth  of  the  statue  had  been  much  injured,  and  that  the  two 
lips  had  been  badly  repaired  with  gypsum.  The  head  from 
which  the  cast  was  taken,  which  is  truly  beautiful,  might  there- 
fore, on  account  of  its  greater  softness  and  roundness,  be  looked 
upon  as  an  antique  repetition  of  this  work  in  the  beautiful 
style,  and  perchance  as  a copy  from  the  hand  of  Praxiteles.  A 
comparison  of  the  two  heads  teaches  the  distinctive  points  of  the 
latter  as  well  as  of  the  former  style. 

24.  In  those  places  where  I have  mentioned  the  sculptor 
Ctesias,  Ctesilaus  must  be  read.  I have  spoken  of  him  fully  at 
the  beginning  of  the  second  part  of  these  Notes.  From  the 
research  made  in  that  place,  it  appears  that  the  Dying  Gladiator, 
so  called,  in  the  Campidoglio,  cannot  be  his  work,  especially  as 
Pliny  speaks  of  a dying  hero,  and  not  of  a gladiator. 

25.  On  reconsidering  the  Farnese  Bull,  in  reference  to  the 
names  of  the  two  artists  by  whom  the  wrork  was  executed, 
which  were  formerly  inscribed  on  it,  but  are  now  no  longer  to 
be  seen,  I find  that  the  inscription  may  have  been  engraved 
upon  the  trunk  of  a tree  which  serves  as  a support  po  the  figure 
of  Zethus,  — for  this  was  the  most  conspicuous  place  for  it,  — 
and  also  that  the  actual  trunk  is  mostly  new. 

26.  In  regard  to  the  heroic  manner  of  representing  the  statue 
of  Pompey,  I have  expressed  my  belief  that  it  is  the  sole  statue 
of  a Roman  republican  which  is  formed  entirely  nude.  But  the 
supposed  statue  of  Agrippa,  — which  is  likewise  treated  hero- 
ically, — in  the  Grimani  mansion  at  Venice,  might  be  adduced 
as  proof  to  the  contrary.  I might  obviate  this  objection  by  the 
consideration,  that  republican  modesty  and  moderation  wTere  no 
longer  sought  for,  even  in  art,  during  the  reign  of  Augustus. 
But  it  is  not  yet  proved  that  this  statue  represents  Marcus 
Agrippa  ; and  if  there  be  any  resemblance  in  the  head  of  it  to 
the  heads  of  images  of  him,  then  an  investigation  must  be  made 
at  the  place  where  the  statue  stands,  for  the  purpose  of  ascer- 
taining whether  the  head  belongs  to  it. 

27.  Against  the  appellation  of  the  statue  falsely  termed 
Seneca  in  the  Bath,  in  the  Borghese  villa,  I might  have  adduced 
clear  proof  from  a statue  of  white  marble,  of  the  size  of  life,  in 
the  Pamfili  villa,  which  perfectly  resembles  it  even  in  counte- 


PREFACE  TO  THE  NOTES. 


131 


nance,  and  which  carries  in  its  left  hand  a vessel  shaped  like  a 
basket.  Two  small  statues  in  the  Albani  villa  are,  again,  similar 
to  this  latter  statue,  and,  like  it,  they  carry  a basket.  At  the 
feet  of  one  of  them  is  a comic  mask  ; so  that  wre  clearly  see  that 
the  latter,  as  well  as  the  former,  represent  servants  in  a comedy, 
who,  like  Sosias,  at  the  opening  of  the  Andrias  of  Terence,  were 
sent  out  to  buy  food. 

28.  I might  have  supported  my  conjecture, — that  the  Tro- 
phies of  Marius,  as  they  are  called,  are  rather  to  be  attributed 
to  Domitian,  — by  adducing  a few  pieces  of  other  trophies  in 
the  Barberini  villa,  at  Castel-Gandolfo,  which  were  disinterred 
here,  where  once  stood  the  villa  of  Publius  Clodius,  and  after- 
wards of  Domitian.  The  elegance  of  the  workmanship  on  these 
fragments  does  not  yield  in  the  slightest  degree  to  the  skill  dis- 
played by  those,  and  it  must  be  inferred,  not  without  reason, 
that  they  are  to  be  esteemed  as  works  of  the  same  period,  if 
not  by  the  same  artist.  Now,  as  trophies  were  raised  by  Domi- 
tian’s  command  in  his  villa,  he  may  also  have  ordered  them  to 
be  erected  near  an  aqueduct  on  which  some  improvements  had 
perhaps  been  made  by  him. 

29.  In  conclusion,  I must  lament  the  fate  that  has  befallen 
the  History  of  Art  in  the  French  translation,  which  has  been 
published  at  Paris,  by  Saillant,  in  two  volumes,  octavo.  On 
changing  the  size,  it  was  thought  better  to  set  the  subject  of 
each  section  over  the  section  to  which  it  related,  instead  of 
placing  it  in  the  margin,  and  to  make  so  many  distinct  divisions 
and  paragraphs.  But  this  dismemberment  breaks  the  connec- 
tion ; and  as  each  one  portion  is  thus  separated  from  another, 
they  appear  like  independent  members,  — and  the  more  so,  as 
the  translator  has,  in  many  places,  either  changed  or  entirely 
omitted  the  connecting  words.  The  size  of  the  volumes  might 
perhaps  have  been  offered  as  an  excuse  for  not  placing  the  con- 
tents in  the  margin  ; but  no  excuse  can  be  urged  for  making  sec- 
tions where  there  are  none  in  the  original,  and  where  there  ought 
not  to  be  any,  — which  is  the  case  at  the  beginning  of  the  second 
part.  Here  the  translator  has  cut  up  into  quite  small  scraps 
that  part  which  contains  a list  of  the  earliest  artists  prior  to  the 
time  of  Phidias ; and  the  brief  notices  of  these  artists  are 
again  detached,  with  particular  numbers,  and  translated  names, 
as  if  he  were  apprehensive  the  reader  might  get  out  of  breath  if 
he  did  not  snip  a portion  from  each  end  of  the  connected  pas- 
sage. From  one  single  head  he  has  made  twenty-four. 


132 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


30.  But  on  the  translation  itself  I cannot  think  without  dis- 
gust, for  I do  not  believe  that  it  would  be  easy  to  treat  a work 
worse,  in  translating  it  from  its  own  into  another  tongue.  I 
began  by  noticing,  on  the  margin,  mistakes  in  the  meaning  ; but 
I became  weary  of  this,  because  not  a single  page  was  free  from 
them.  The  translator  not  only  shows  gross  ignorance  in  the 
most  common  acquirements  in  art,  but  innumerable  passages 
prove  that  he  does  not  fully  understand  German. 

31.  I should  have  been  ready  to  revise  and  correct  the  trans- 
lation with  the  greatest  attention,  if  those  interested  in  it  had 
made  me  such  a request.  But  I knew  nothing  about  it ; and 
when  I heard,  two  years  ago,  — I know  not  how,  — of  a trans- 
lation of  this  work  of  mine,  I made  inquiry  concerning  it  of 
some  persons  in  Paris  whom  I knew ; I learnt,  however,  nothing 
further.  At  last,  when  the  rumor  in  regard  to  the  translation 
was  confirmed,  I caused  a request  to  be  made  to  the  lieuten- 
ant of  police  at  Paris,  that  it  might  not  pass  the  censorship 
until  I had  examined  and  approved  it ; I believe,  however,  that 
the  request  was  made  too  late.  Plato  says,  that  no  one  is  in- 
tentionally bad ; the  present  instance  seems  to  contradict  the 
saying;  for  those  interested  might  have  furnished  a correct 
translation  without  expense ; but  they  did  not  wish  it : and 
therefore  this  monster  saw  the  light. 

32.  I am  now  able  to  announce  the  publication  of  my  work 
in  the  Italian  language  on  the  hitherto  unpublished  monuments 
of  antiquity.  It  has  been  printed  at  my  own  expense,  and 
without  a subscription  list,  and  will  appear  about  next  Christ- 
mas, in  two  volumes,  large  folio.  In  addition  to  the  ornamental 
engravings,  it  contains  two  hundred  and  ten  plates  of  the  ancient 
monuments  which  are  explained  and  illustrated  in  it,  together 
with  a Full  Preliminary  Treatise  on  the  Art  of  Drawing  among 
the  Egyptians,  Etruscans , and  especially  the  Greeks. 


Rome,  September  l,  1766. 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


BOOK  I. 

THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART,  AND  THE  CAUSES  OF  ITS  DIFFERENCE 
AMONG  DIFFERENT  NATIONS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  SHAPES  WITH  WHICH  ART  COMMENCED. 

1.  The  arts  which  are  dependent  on  drawing  have,  like  all 
inventions,  commenced  with  the  necessary ; the  next  object  of 
research  was  beauty ; and,  finally,  the  superfluous  followed  : 
these  are  the  three  principal  stages  in  art. 

2.  In  the  infancy  of  art,  its  productions  are,  like  the  hand- 
somest of  human  beings  at  birth,  misshapen,  and  similar  one  to 
another,  like  the  seeds  of  plants  of  entirely  different  kinds ; but 
in  its  bloom  and  decay,  they  resemble  those  mighty  streams, 
which,  at  the  point  where  they  should  be  the  broadest,  either 
dwindle  into  small  rivulets,  or  totally  disappear. 

3.  The  art  of  drawing  among  the  Egyptians  is  to  be  com- 
pared to  a tree  which,  though  well  cultivated,  has  been  checked 
and  arrested  in  its  growth  by  a worm,  or  other  casualties ; for 
it  remained  unchanged,  precisely  the  same,  yet  without  attain- 
ing its  perfection,  until  the  period  when  Greek  kings  held  sway 
over  them  ; and  the  case  appears  to  have  been  the  same  with 
Persian  art.  Etruscan  art,  when  in  its  bloom,  may  be  com- 
pared to  a raging  stream,  rushing  furiously  along  between  crags 
and  over  rocks ; for  the  characteristics  of  its  drawing  are  hard- 
ness and  exaggeration.  But,  among  the  Greeks,  the  art  of 


134 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


drawing  resembles  a river  whose  clear  waters  flow  in  numerous 
windings  through  a fertile  vale,  and  fill  its  channel,  yet  do  not 
overflow. 

4.  As  art  has  been  devoted  principally  to  the  representation 
of  man,  we  might  say  of  him  more  correctly  than  Protagoras 
did,  that  “ he  is  the  measure  and  rale  of  all  things.”  The 
most  ancient  records  also  teach  us,  that  the  earliest  essays, 
especially  in  the  drawing  of  figures,  have  represented,  not  the 
manner  in  which  a man  appears  to  us,  but  what  he  is ; not  a 
view  of  his  body,  but  the  outline  of  his  shadow.  From  this 
simplicity  of  shape  the  artist  next  proceeded  to  examine  pro- 
portions; this  inquiry  taught  exactness ; the  exactness  hereby 
acquired  gave  confidence,  and  afterwards  success,  to  his  endeav- 
ors after  grandeur,  and  at  last  gradually  raised  art  among  the 
Greeks  to  the  highest  beauty.  After  all  the  parts  constituting 
grandeur  and  beauty  were  united,  the  artist,  in  seeking  to  em- 
bellish them,  fell  into  the  error  of  profuseness  ; art  consequently 
lost  its  grandeur ; and  the  loss  was  finally  followed  by  its  utter 
downfall. 

The  following  is,  in  a few  words,  the  design  of  this  treatise 
on  the  History  of  Art.  In  the  first  place,  I shall  speak,  gen- 
erally, of  the  shape  with  which  art  commenced^  next,  of  the 
different  materials  upon  which  it  worked ; and  lastly,  of  the 
influence  of  climate  upon  it. 

5.  Art  commenced  with  the  simplest  shape,  and  by  working 
in  clay,  — consequently,  with  a sort  of  statuary ; for  even  a 
child  can  give  a certain  form  to  a so*ft  mass,  though  unable  to 
draw  anything  on  a surface,  because  merely  an  idea  of  an  object 
is  sufficient  for  the  former,  whereas  for  the  latter  much  other 
knowledge  is  requisite ; but  painting  was  afterwards  employed 
to  embellish  sculpture. 

6.  Art  appears  to  have  originated  in  a similar  way  among  all 
the  nations  by  which  it  has  been  cultivated  ; and  there  is  no 
sufficient  reason  for  assigning  any  particular  country  as  the 
land  of  its  birth,  for  every  nation  has  found  within  itself  the 
first  seed  of  those  things  which  are  indispensable;  and  although 
Art,  like  Poetry,  may  be  regarded  as  a daughter  of  Pleasure, 
still  it  cannot  be  denied  that  pleasure  is  as  necessary  to  human 
nature  as  those  things  are  without  which  existence  cannot  be  con- 
tinued; and  it  can  be  maintained  that  painting  and  the  forming 
of  figures,  or  the  art  of  painting  and  figuring  our  thoughts,  are 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


135 


older  than  the  art  of  writing  them,  — as  proved  by  the  history 
of  the  Mexicans  and  other  nations.  But  as  the  earliest  essays 
appear  to  have  been  made  on  figures  of  the  divinities,  the  era 
in  which  art  was  invented  consequently  differs  according  to  the 
age  of  each  nation,  and  the  earlier  or  later  introduction  of  relig- 
ious worship ; so  that  the  Chaldreans  or  Egyptians  probably 
represented  for  worship,  under  a material  form,  the  higher 
powers,  whose  existence  they  had  imagined  at  an  earlier  period 
than  the  Greeks.  For  it  is  the  same  in  this  case  as  with  other 
arts  and  discoveries,  — take,  for  instance,  the  example  of  the 
purple  color,  — which  were  earlier  discovered  and  practised  in 
the  East.  The  accounts  of  wrought  images,  in  the  Holy  Scrip- 
ture (1),  are  older  than  anything  that  we  know  of  the  Greeks. 
The  figures,  which  were,  at  the  outset,  carved  from  wood,  and 
others  that  were  cast  in  brass,  have  each  one  a special  name  in 
the  Hebrew  language.  After  a time,  the  former  were  gilded,  or 
overlaid  with  gold-leaf.  But  those  who  speak  of  the  origin  of  a 
custom,  as  well  as  of  an  art,  and  their  communication  from  one 
nation,  to  another,  commonly  err  by  confining  themselves  to 
isolated  points  between  which  there  is  a resemblance,  and  draw- 
ing from  them  a general  conclusion;  just  as  Dionysius  attempts 
to  maintain  that  the  Romans  are  descended  from  the  Greeks, 
because  the  athletes  of  both  nations  wore  a band  about  the 
hips.  Even  if  we  were  willing  to  admit  that  art  was  introduced 
from  Egypt  among  the  Greeks,  we  must,  at  least,  also  acknowl- 
edge that  the  same  thing  may  have  happened  to  it  as  to  the 
mythology ; for  the  fables  of  the  Egyptians  were  seemingly  born 
anew  beneath  the  skies  of  Greece,  and  took  an  entirely  different 
form,  and  other  names. 

7.  In  Egypt  art  had  been  flourishing  from  the  remotest  peri- 
ods ; and,  if  Sesostris  lived  more  than  three  hundred  years 
before  the  Trojan  war,  then  the  tallest  obelisks  (2)  now  in 
Rome,  — the  work  of  his  reign,  — and  the  largest  edifices  at 
Thebes,  of  which  mention  has  already  been  made,  existed  at  a 
time  when  darkness  and  obscurity  still  rested  upon  art  among 
the  Greeks.  The  causes  why  art  flourished  at  an  earlier  date 
among  the  Egyptians  appear  to  have  been  the  dense  population 
of  the  country,  and  the  power  of  their  kings  ; the  latter  was 
able  to  carry  into  execution  the  inventions  growing  out  of  the 
industrious  habits  to  which  the  former  necessarily  gave  birth. 
But  the  populousness  of  the  country,  as  well  as  the  power  of 


136 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


its  kings,  was  favored  by  its  position  and  its  climate.  The  latter, 
from  its  uniform  temperature  and  warm  skies,  enabled  the  peo- 
ple to  pass  life,  in  general,  pleasantly,  and  find  support  easily  ; 
and  propagation  wTas  encouraged,  because  their  children  went 
naked  until  maturity.  By  the  former,  that  is,  the  position  of 
Egypt,  nature  has  apparently  intended  it  for  a single,  indivisi- 
ble, and  consequently  mighty  kingdom,  since  it  is  traversed  by 
one  large  river,  and  its  boundaries  are  the  sea  on  the  north,  and 
lofty  mountains  on  other  sides,  — for  the  river,  and  the  plain 
surface  of  the  land,  were  unfavorable  to  partition ; and  if  sev- 
eral kings  once  ruled  there  at  the  same  time,  still  it  was  a con- 
dition of  things  that  had  but  a short  duration.  Hence,  Egypt 
enjoyed  in  a greater  degree  than  other  kingdoms  tranquillity 
and  peace,  — by  which  the  arts  were  brought  into  being  and 
nurtured.  Greece,  on  the  contrary,  was  divided,  even  naturally, 
by  numerous  mountains,  rivers,  islands,  and  promontories,  and, 
in  the  most  remote  periods,  there  were  as  many  kings  as  cities, 
the  repose  of  which  was  disturbed  by  disputes  and  wars,  to 
which  their  proximity  gave  frequent  occasion,  — a state  of 
things  unfavorable  to  the  increase  of  population,  and  conse- 
quently also  to  industry  and  invention  in  arts.  It  is  therefore 
easy  to  be  understood  why  art  should  have  been  cultivated  less 
early  in  Greece  than  in  Egypt. 

8.  Among  the  Greeks,  art  commenced  with  the  same  simpli- 
city as  in  Eastern  lands  ; insomuch  that  they  cannot  have  derived 
the  first  seeds  of  it  from  any  other  people  : they  appear  to 
have  been  original  discoverers.  For  they  had  already  among 
themselves  thirty  divinities,  whom  they  honored  under  visi- 
ble forms;  and,  not  having  yet  learned  to  fashion  them  after 
the  likeness  of  man,  they  were  contented  to  signify  them 
by  a rude  block  or  square  stone,  as  the  Arabians  and  Ama- 
zons did  ; and  these  thirty  stones  existed  in  the  city  of  Pherse, 
in  Achaia,  even  as  late  as  the  time  of  Pausanias.  This  was 
the  shape  of  the  Juno  at  Thespim,  and  the  Diana  at  Icarus. 
Diana  Patroa  and  Jupiter  Milichus  at  Sicyon  were,  like  the 
most  ancient  Venus  at  Paphos,  nothing  more  than  a sort  of 
columns  ; Bacchus  was  worshipped  under  the  form  of  a pillar ; 
and  even  Cupid  and  the  Graces  were  represented  merely  by 
blocks  of  stone ; hence,  the  word  klwv,  a pillar,  continued  to 
signify  a statue  even  in  the  best  days  of  Greece.  Among  the 
Spartans,  Castor  and  Pollux  were  in  the  form  of  two  parallel 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


137 


blocks  of  wood,  connected  by  two  cross  sticks ; and  this  primi- 
tive mode  of  representing  the  twins  is  seen  in  the  sign  II,  by 
which  they  were  denoted  in  the  zodiac. 

9.  In  course  of  time,  heads  were  set  upon  these  stones. 
Among  many  others,  a Neptune  at  Tricoloni  and  a Jupiter  at 
Tegea,  both  places  in  Arcadia,  were  of  this  kind  ; for  here,  more 
than  in  any  other  part  of  Greece,  the  people  adhered  to  the 
most  ancient  form  in  art.  Even  in  the  time  of  Pausanius  there 
was  still  to  be  found  in  Athens  itself  a statue  of  Venus  Ura- 
nia thus  shaped.  The  first  images  of  the  Greeks,  therefore, 
manifest  originality  in  the  invention  and  production  of  a figure. 
The  Holy  Scriptures  (3),  too,  allude  to  heathen  idols  which 
had  no  other  part  of  the  human  form  than  the  head.  Four- 
cornered  stones  with  heads  on  them  were  termed  by  the  Greeks, 
as  it  is  well  known,  Hermse  (4),  that  is,  big  stones ; and  artists 
constantly  kept  a supply  of  them. 

10.  The  accounts  in  authors  and  the  ancient  monuments  will 
enable  us  to  follow  the  progressive  improvement  in  the  confor- 
mation of  this  rough  draught  and  rude  beginning  of  a figure. 
At  the  commencement,  there  was  observable  on  the  middle  of 
these  stones  with  heads  merely  the  difference  in  sex,  which  an 
ill-shaped  face  probably  left  doubtful.  When,  therefore,  it  is 
said  that  Eumarus  of  Athens  first  showed  in  painting  the  dif- 
ference of  sex,  the  remark  is  probably  to  be  understood  par- 
ticularly of  the  conformation  of  the  face  in  youth,  in  which 
this  painter  perhaps  denoted  the  sex  of  young  persons  by  the 
features  and  charms  peculiar  to  each.  This  artist  flourished 
before  the  age  of  Romulus,  and  not  long  after  the  restoration 
of  the  Olympic  games  by  Iphitus.  At  last,  the  upper  part  of 
the  figure  received  its  form,  while  the  lower  portion  still  retained 
its  previous  shape  of  a Hermes,  yet  so  far  modified  that  the 
separation  of  the  thighs  was  denoted  by  an  incision,  as  we  see 
in  a naked  female  figure  of  this  Find  in  the  Albani  villa.1  I 
mention  this  figure,  not  as  being  a work  of  the  earliest  days  of 
art,  — for  it  was  in  reality  executed  at  a much  later  date,  — 
but  as  a proof  that  artists  were  acquainted  with  such  primitive 
figures,  the  form  of  which  they  intended  hereby  to  represent. 
We  do  not  know,  however,  whether  the  Hermse  designated  by 
the  female  nature,  which  were  set  up  by  order  of  Sesostris  iu 
those  conquered  lands  that  had  offered  no  resistance,  were 

1 Plate  I. 


138 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


thus  shaped,  or  whether  they  bore  the  sign  of  a triangle  (5), 
after  the  Egyptian  manner  of  indicating  the  female  sex. 

11.  At  last,  Daedalus,  according  to  the  opinion  most  com- 
monly received,  began  to  separate  entirely  the  lower  half  of  these 
Hermae,  in  the  form  of  legs ; and,  as  there  was  not  sufficient 
skill  in  art  at  that  time  to  fashion  an  entire  human  figure  from 
a single  block  of  stone,  he  wrought  in  wood  ; and  from  him  the 
first  statues  are  said  to  have  received  the  name  of  Daedali. 
We  can  form  some  idea  of  his  works  from  the  opinion  of  the 
sculptors  of  the  time  of  Socrates,  as  quoted  by  him.  “ If  Dae- 
dalus,” he  says,  “ should  live  again,  and  produce  works  simi- 
lar to  those  which  pass  under  his  name,  he  would,  as  the 
sculptors  say,  be  an  object  of  ridicule.” 

12.  Among  the  Greeks  the  first  outlines  of  these  images  were 
simple,  and,  for  the  most  part,  straight  lines ; and  it  is  proba- 
ble, that,  in  the  infancy  of  art,  whether  among  the  Egyptians, 
Etruscans,  or  Greeks,  there  was  no  difference  in  this  respect ; 
and  this  probability  is  also  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  the 
ancient  authors. 

In  regard  to  Greek  art,  this  method  of  delineation  is  visible 
in  one  of  the  oldest  Greek  figures  in  bronze,  which  may  be 
found  in  the  Nani  museum,  at  Venice,  — on  the  base  of  which 
is  the  following  inscription,  IIOAYKPATE2  ANE0EKE,  that 
is,  Dedicated  by  Polycrates,  — who  was  not,  probably,  the 
artist  of  it.  To  this  flat  style  of  drawing  is  also  to  be  attrib- 
uted the  resemblance  of  the  eyes  in  heads  on  the  oldest  Greek 
coins,  and  of  Egyptian  figures ; in  both  cases  they  are  without 
convexity,  and  somewhat  long,  — as  I shall  state  more  in  de- 
tail hereafter.  It  is  probable  that  Diodorus  wished  to  signify 
such  eyes,  where  he  says,  in  speaking  of  the  figures  of  Dse- 
dalus,  that  they  were  made  o/x/xacn  fxeixvKora,  which  translators 
have  rendered  by  luminibus  clausis , “ closed  eyes.”  This  is 
not  probable ; for  if  he  wished  to  make  eyes,  it  is  likely  that  he 
made  them  open.  Moreover,  the  translation  is  utterly  at  vari- 
ance with  the  proper  and  invariable  meaning  of  the  word  fivew, 
which  means  to  wink,  nictare , in  Italian,  sbirciare , and  must 
be  rendered  by  conniventibus  oculis,  “half-shut  eyes,”  just  as 
fjLefAVKOTci  yetAea  means  half-opened  lips.  But  the  first  paintings 
were  monograms,  as  Epicurus  termed  the  gods,  that  is,  uni- 
linear outlines  of  the  shadow  of  the  human  figure. 

13.  From  such  lines  and  forms  must,  therefore,  necessarily 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


139 


arise  a kind  of  figures  which,  from  their  conformation,  we  are 
accustomed  to  call  Egyptian  ; that  is,  they  are  perfectly  straight 
and  motionless ; and  the  arms  are  not  detached,  but  lie  close  to 
the  sides,  precisely  in  the  manner  in  which  a statue  of  an  Arca- 
dian victor  in  the  Games,  by  the  name  of  Arrhachion,  was  exe- 
cuted, even  as  late  as  the  twenty-fourth  Olympiad.  But  this 
resemblance  does  not  prove  that  the  Greeks  learnt  their  art 
from  the  Egyptians.  In  fact,  they  had  no  opportunity  of  doing 
so  ; for  prior  to  the  reign  of  Psammetichus,  one  of  the  last 
Egyptian  kings,  foreigners  were  not  allowed  to  enter  Egypt ; 
but  the  Greeks  had  cultivated  art  long  before  this  time.  The 
voyages  to  that  country  by  the  wise  men  of  Greece  — not 
undertaken,  however,  until  after  its  conquest  by  the  Persians  — 
were  made  principally  with  a view  to  become  acquainted  with 
its  form  of  government,  and  to  penetrate  into  the  secret  knowl- 
edge of  its  priests  : they  had  no  reference  to  art.  Those  who 
derive  everything  from  Eastern  lands  would,  on  the  contrary, 
find  greater  probabilities  on  the  side  of  the  Phoenicians,  with 
whom  the  Greeks  had  commercial  intercourse  at  a very  early 
date,  and  from  whom  they  are  said  to  have  received,  through 
Cadmus,  their  first  letters.  The  Etruscans,  also,  who  were 
powerful  on  the  sea,  had  been  allies  of  the  Phoenicians  in  the 
remotest  times,  before  the  age  of  Cyrus.  One  proof  of  this, 
among  others,  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  these  two  nations 
equipped  a fleet  in  common  to  act  against  the  Phocseans. 

14.  This,  however,  will  not  convince  those  who  are  aware 
that  a few  Greek  authors  have  acknowledged  the  derivation  of 
their  mythology  from  the  Egyptians,  and  that  the  priests  of  this 
people  asserted  that  they  could  show  the  Greek  deities  in  their 
own,  though  under  different  names  and  a peculiar  symbolic 
form,  as  Diodorus  in  particular  relates.  If  this  testimony  * 
should  not  be  contradicted,  I confess  that  a strong  argument 
against  my  opinion  might  be  deduced  from  the  alleged  commu- 
nication to  the  Greeks  of  the  religious  system  of  the  Egyptians. 
For  if  this  communication  be  assumed  as  proved,  it  might  be 
inferred  therefrom  that  the  Greeks  consequently  derived  also 
from  the  Egyptians  the  shapes  of  the  gods  themselves,  and 
their  figures.  But  I cannot  admit  this  pretension.  I am  more 
disposed  to  believe,  that  after  the  conquest  of  Egypt  by  Alex- 
ander, where  his  successors,  the  Ptolemies,  reigned,  the  priests 
— in  order  to  show  their  conformity  with  the  Greeks,  and  in- 


140 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


duce  them  to  forbearance  in  regard  to  their  ancient  religious 
rites  — invented  the  idea  of  this  close  relationship  between 
the  deities  of  the  two  nations,  since  they  must  necessarily  have 
felt  an  apprehension  of  appearing  ridiculous  in  the  eyes  of  their 
keen-witted  conquerors,  on  account  of  the  strange  shape  of 
their  deities,  and,  perchance,  experiencing  a fate  similar  to  that 
which  happened  to  them  through  Cambyses.  This  supposition 
acquires  the  greatest  probability  from  the  account  given  us  by 
Macrobius  of  the  worship  of  Saturn  and  Serapis,  which  was 
introduced  among  the  Egyptians  by  the  Ptolemies,  not  until 
after  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  with  religious  services 
corresponding  to  those  paid  to  them  by  the  Greeks  of  Alexan- 
dria. Now,  since  the  Egyptian  priests,  and  the  people  too, 
were  obliged,  on  the  one  hand,  to  acknowledge  and  honor  Greek 
deities,  the  best  course,  consequently,  for  them  to  pursue  was 
to  pretend,  on  the  other  hand,  that  their  divinities  were  not 
different  from  those  of  the  Greeks  ; and  if  the  Greeks  admitted 
this,  they  must  also  have  admitted  the  reception  of  their  re- 
ligious worship  from  the  Egyptians,  because  they  were  the  older 
people  (6).  Moreover,  it  is  well  known  to  all,  that  the  Greeks 
possessed  but  little  information  in  regard  to  the  religion  of 
other  nations.  Their  ignorance  in  this  respect  is  proved, 
among  other  instances,  by  the  long  list  of  Persian  deities  of 
which  they  give  us  the  names  ; whereas  this  people  worshipped 
one  god  alone,  the  Sun,  in  his  emblem  of  fire. 

15.  Though  this  is  not  the  place  for  me  to  originate  objec- 
tions which  I may  find  it  difficult  to  answer,  still  1 cannot  but 
suppose  that  thoughts  of  the  same  kind  will  suggest  themselves 
to  many  of  my  readers  as  well  as  to  myself.  If,  for  example, 
any  one  should  see  a scarab  cut  on  obelisks,  or  engraved  on  the 
convex  side  of  Egyptian  (7)  and  Etruscan  gems,  as  an  image  of 
the  sun,  he  might  consequently  infer  that  the  Etruscans  had 
borrowed  the  emblem  from  the  Egyptians,  thereby  rendering 
it  probable  that  they  had  likewise  derived  their  art  from  the 
same  source.  Certainly  it  must  appear  strange  to  us,  that  an 
insect  so  vile  should  have  become  a sacred  symbol  with  the  one, 
and  apparently  with  the  other  nation  also  ; and  there  is  reason 
to  suppose  that  even  the  Greeks  attached  some  peculiar  mean- 
ing to  the  beetle.  As  Pamphus,  one  of  their  earliest  poets, 
hides  his  Jupiter  in  the  dung  of  a horse,  we  might  interpret  the 
idea  to  be  an  image  of  the  presence  of  divinity  in  all  things, 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


141 


even  the  meanest ; but  it  seems  to  me  that  this  low  metaphor 
may,  perchance,  be  drawn  precisely  from  the  scarab,  which 
rakes  over,  and  lives  in,  horse-dung.  But,  that  I may  not  enter 
into  any  further  analysis  of  this  unpleasant  image,  I am  willing 
to  acknowledge  that  the  Etruscans  received  it  from  the  Egyp- 
tians. It  is,  however,  possible  that  it  may  have  been  com- 
municated through  a particular  channel,  not  involving  the 
necessity  of  a visit  to  Egypt,  which,  as  mentioned  above,  was 
a privilege  not  permitted  to  foreigners,  at  the  period  of  which 
we  speak.  But  the  case  is  different  in  regard  to  art ; it  could 
not  be  learnt  in  any  other  way  than  by  drawing  after  their 
works. 

16.  The  opinion  of  a few  Greek  writers,  that  Greece  derived 
its  art  from  Egypt,  will  not  be  regarded  as  proof  of  the  asser- 
tion, even  though  all  of  them  assented  to  it,  by  those  who  know 
the  fondness  of  the  human  mind  for  everything  foreign,  — a 
fondness  from  which  the  Greeks  were  not  more  exempt  than 
other  men;  since  even  the  dwellers  in  the  island  of  Delos 
alleged  that  their  river,  the  Inopus,  came  from  the  Nile, 
beneath  the  sea,  and,  on  reaching  them,  again  burst  forth  in 
springs. 

17.  I might  also  adduce,  in  opposition  to  the  common  opin- 
ion, the  different  customs  of  the  artists  of  the  three  nations  of 
which  we  now  speak ; for  we  know  that  it  was  usual  among  the 
Etruscans  and  most  ancient  Greeks  to  place  the  inscription  on 
the  figure  itself.  This  is  not  the  case  with  any  Egyptian  work  ; 
here,  the  hieroglyphs  are  on  the  socle,  and  on  the  shaft  which 
serves  as  a support  to  the  figure  (8).  Needham  attempted  to 
show  the  contrary  by  means  of  a head  of  blackish  stone,  in  the 
royal  museum  at  Turin,  the  face  of  which  was  entirely  covered 
with  incised  unintelligible  signs,  which  were,  as  he  thought, 
Egyptian  letters,  and  similar  to  the  Chinese  (9).  But  the 
Turin  head  has  not  the  least  resemblance  to  other  Egyptian 
heads ; and  it  is  wrought  from  a soft  stone,  a kind  of  slate, 
termed  Bardiglio,  and  must  consequently  be  considered  as  an 
imposture. 

18.  In  the  course  of  time,  increasing  knowledge  taught  the 
Etruscan  and  Greek  artists  how  to  forsake  the  stiff  and  motion- 
less conformations  of  their  earliest  essays,  to  which  the  Egyp- 
tians adhered,  — compulsorily  adhered,  — and  enabled  them  to 
express  different  actions  in  their  figures.  But,  in  art,  knowl- 


142 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


edge  precedes  beauty  ; being  based  on  exact,  severe  rules,  its 
teachings  at  the  beginning  have  necessarily  a precise  and  vig- 
orous definiteness.  Consequently,  the  style  of  drawing  was 
regular,  but  angular ; expressive,  but  hard,  and  frequently  ex- 
aggerated, — as  the  Etruscan  works  show.  This  is  just  the 
way  in  which  sculpture  has  been  improved  in  modern  days  by 
the  celebrated  Michael  Angelo.  Works  in  this  style  have  been 
preserved  on  rilievi  in  marble,  and  on  engraved  gems,  — which 
I shall  notice  in  their  proper  place  ; and  this  is  the  style  which 
the  writers  mentioned  above  compare  with  the  Etruscan,  and 
which,  as  it  appears,  continued  to  be  a peculiarity  of  the  school 
at  yEgina ; for  the  artists  of  this  island,  which  was  inhabited  by 
Dorians,  seem  to  have  adhered  to  it  longer  than  any  others. 
Strabo,  in  the  use  of  the  word  o-koXios,  distorted  (10),  appar- 
ently intends  to  signify  that  exaggeration  which  artists  still 
retained  in  the  position  and  action  of  their  figures,  though 
they  had  forsaken  the  shapes  of  the  earliest  times.  He  relates 
that  there  were  at  Ephesus  many  temples,  some  of  which  had 
been  built  in  the  most  remote  periods,  and  others  at  a later 
date ; that,  in  the  former,  there  were  ancient  statues  of  wood, 
apyattt  $oava,  but  in  the  others,  ctkoXlcl  epy a.  Now  it  is  not 
probable  that,  by  the  latter  expression,  he  means  to  say  that 
the  statues  in  the  more  modern  temples  were  bad  and  faulty, 
— as  Casaubon  has  understood  it,  translating  o-koMos  by  pravus , 
“bad,”  — because  the  censure  wmuld  be  far  more  applicable  to 
the  most  ancient  figures  (11). 

19.  The  word  dp66s  seems  to  signify  just  the  opposite  of 
ctkoXlos,  which,  where  it  is  applied  to  statues,  — as  in  Pausanias, 
in  regard  to  a statue  of  Jupiter  from  the  hand  of  Lysippus,  — is 
explained  by  translators  to  mean  an  upright  posture,  whereas 
it  ought  rather  to  denote  a figure  in  a quiet  attitude,  without 
action. 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


143 


CHAPTER  II. 

MATERIALS  USED  IN  STATUARY. 

1.  The  second  chapter  of  this  book  treats  of  the  materials 
in  which  sculpture  executed  its  works,  and  also  shows  the  differ- 
ent stages  of  its  development ; in  the  first  of  which  it  wrought 
in  clay ; then,  carved  from  wood ; next,  from  ivory ; and, 
finally,  applied  itself  to  stone  and  metal  (1). 

2.  Even  the  ancient  forms  of  expression  point  to  clay  as  the 
earliest  material  of  art ; for  the  workmanship  of  the  potter,  and 
of  the  shaper  or  image-cutter,  is  denoted  by  the  same  word. 
In  the  time  of  Pausanias  there  were  still,  in  different  temples, 
figures  of  the  divinities,  formed  of  clay,  as,  for  example,  at 
Tritia  in  Achaia,  in  the  temple  of  Ceres  and  Proserpine ; and  a 
clay  image  of  Amphictyon,  who  hospitably  entertained  Bacchus 
together  with  other  deities,  stood  in  a temple  of  Bacchus  at 
Athens;  and  in  this  same  city,  in  the  portico  named  Cerami- 
cus  (2),  from  its  works  in  clay,  stood  Theseus  in  the  act  of 
throwing  Sciron  into  the  sea,  and  also  Aurora  carrying  away 
Cephalus ; both  of  these  works  were  in  clay.  Even  in  the 
buried  city  of  Pompeii,  four  statues  of  burnt  clay  have  been 
found,  which  are  now  set  up  in  the  Herculaneum  museum ; two 
of  them,  a little  less  than  life,  represent  comic  figures  of  differ- 
ent sexes,  and  have  masks  upon  their  faces  ; the  other  two, 
which  are  somewhat  larger  than  life,  are  an  AEsculapius  and  an 
Hygeia.  A bust  of  Pallas,  of  the  size  of  life,  with  a small  round 
shield  on  the  left  breast,  was  also  discovered  there.  Images  of 
this  kind  were  occasionally  painted  of  a red  color  (3),  as  shown 
by  a male  head  of  clay,  which  was  found  in  ancient  Tusculum ; 
likewise,  by  a small  figure,  clothed  as  a senator,  which  is  formed 
in  one  piece  with  the  socle ; on  the  back  of  the  socle  is  the 
name  of  the  figure,  CRVSCVS.  The  figures  of  Jupiter,  in 
particular,  were  said  to  have  their  faces  painted  with  this 
color,  and  there  was  one  of  the  kind  at  Phigalia  in  Arcadia ; 
Pan,  also,  -was  painted  red;  and  the  same  thing  is  done  even 


144 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART 


now  by  the  Indians  (4).  The  epithet  of  <J>o«/iK07re£a,  Red- 
footed,  applied  to  Ceres,  is  apparently  derived  from  this  prac- 
tice. 

3.  Even  subsequently,  not  only  during  the  flower  of  art,  but 
also  when  that*period  had  passed,  clay  continued  to  be  the  first 
material  employed  by  artists,  partly  in  rilievi,  and  partly  in 
painted  vases.  The  former  were  not  only  introduced  into  the 
friezes  of  temples,  but  they  also  served  the  artists  as  models  ; 
and  in  order  to  multiply  them,  copies  were  made  from  a mould, 
previously  prepared.  The  numerous  fragments  of  precisely  the 
same  representation  are  a confirmation  of  what  I say.  These 
impressions  were  then  worked  over  with  the  modelling-stick,  as 
can  easily  be  seen.  Occasionally,  these  models  were  strung  on 
a cord,  and  suspended  in  the  workshops  of  artists ; for  in 
the  middle  of  some  of  them  there  is  a hole,  made  for  the 
purpose  (5). 

4.  The  ancient  artists  not  only  prepared  models  to  assist 
them  in  their  work,  and  for  the  workshop,  but  they  also  strove 
to  distinguish  themselves,  even  in  the  most  brilliant  period  of 
art,  by  a public  display  of  works  in  clay,  as  well'  as  in  marble 
and  bronze.  In  fact,  the  practice  of  exposing  models  of  this 
kind  to  the  public  gaze  was  continued  even  until  a few  years 
after  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great ; that  is  to  say,  until 
the  time  of  Demetrius  Poliorcetes.  This  exposition  occurred 
sometimes  in  Boeotia,  sometimes  in  the  cities  about  Athens,  and 
especially  in  Platsea,  at  the  celebration  of  the  festivals  which 
were  held  in  commemoration  of  Dgedalus,  one  of  the  earliest 
artists.  Besides  the  emulation  in  this  kind  of  work  which  such 
a public  display  of  models  maintained  among  the  artists,  it  also 
tended  to  make  the  judgment  of  others  as  to  their  skill  more 
correct  and  thorough,  since  modelling  in  clay  is  to  the  sculp- 
tor what  drawing  on  paper  is  to  the  painter.  For  as  the  first 
gush  of  the  grape-juice  from  the  press  forms  the  finest  wine,  so 
in  the  soft  material,  and  on  paper,  the  genius  of  the  artist  is 
seen  in  its  utmost  purity  and  truth  ; whilst,  on  the  contrary, 
it  is  concealed  beneath  the  industry  and  the  polish  required  in 
a finished  painting  and  a completed  statue.  Now  as  this  kind  of 
workmanship  continued  in  high  estimation  among  the  ancients, 
it  so  happened  that,  when  Corinth  rose  from  her  ashes  through 
a colony  sent  thither  by  Julius  Caesar,  search  was  made  amid 
the  rubbish  of  the  destroyed  city,  and  in  its  ditches,  not  less 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


145 


for  works  of  art  fashioned  in  clay  than  for  those  in  bronze. 
This  is  related  by  Strabo  in  a passage  which,  apparently,  has 
not  hitherto  been  clearly  understood.  For  if  Casaubon,  his 
commentator,  — whom  others  have  followed,  — had  formed  a 
distinct  idea  of  his  statement,  he  would  not  have  translated 
what  that  writer  terms  ropevpara  oarpaKiva  by  testacea  opera , 
“ works  in  tiles,”  but  by  anaglypha  Jigulina , “ reliefs  in  clay  ” ; 
for  ropevpara,  as  I shall  show  hereafter  in  full,  means  “raised 
works.”  The  experience  of  modern  days  shows  that  this  esteem 
for  works  in  clay  was  well  deserved  ; and  it  may  be  stated,  as  a 
general  rule,  that  nothing  bad  of  this  kind  is  ever  found,  — an 
assertion  that  cannot  be  made  of  rilievi  in  marble. 

5.  The  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani  has  placed  some  of  the 
most  beautiful  fragments  in  his  magnificent  villa  ; among  them 
is  Argos  at  work  upon  the  vessel  of  the  Argonauts,  together 
with  another  figure,  probably  Tiphys,  the  helmsman  of  it,  and 
Minerva,  who  is  attaching  the  sail  to  a mast.  This  piece,  and 
two  other  fragments  that  were  formed  in  the  same  mould, 
together  with  other  sherds  of  such  rilievi  in  clay,  were  found  in 
the  wall  of  a vineyard  in  front  of  the  Porta  Latina,  where  they 
had  served  instead  of  tiles* 

6.  The  usual  size  of  rilievi  of  this  kind  is  generally  that  of 
the  large  tablets  of  clay  — we  cannot  call  them  bricks  — that 
are  used  in  forming  arches.  They  are  about  three  palms  (2  ft. 
2 in.  Eng.)  square  superficially,  and  are  baked,  like  the  rilievi, 
in  such  a manner  that,  on  being  struck,  they  give  a sharp 
ring ; and  they  are  not  injured  either  by  dampness,  heat,  or 
cold. 

7.  In  this  place  I cannot  forbear  to  notice  a remark  by 
Pliny,  from  which  it  would  seem  as  if  the  ancient  artists  who 
worked  in  bronze  prepared  the  paste  of  their  moulds  from  a 
composition  of  clay  and  the  finest  wheaten  flour. 

The  account  given  by  Pliny  of  the  forming  of  statues  in  a 
mould,  which  the  brother  of  Lysippus  is  said  to  have  invented, 
is  not  credible,  in  the  manner  in  which  he  relates  it ; for  in 
things  relating  to  art  he  is  not  always  veracious,  and  frequently 
he  appears  to  speak  only  from  hearsay.  The  portraits  of  cele- 
brated men  which  were  sent  by  Yarro  into  all  countries,  as  this 
same  writer  mentions,  were  probably  formed  of  gypsum,  like 
the  images  of  the  deities  intended  for  the  poor. 

8.  Of  the  other  kind  of  monuments  of  workmanship  in  clay, 

vol.  i.  10 


146 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


namely,  the  painted  vases  of  the  ancients,  several  thousands 
have  been  preserved  : I shall  speak  of  them  more  in  detail 
hereafter.  Earthen  vessels  continued,  from  the  earliest  ages, 
to  be  employed  in  sacred  and  religious  offices,  even  after  the 
increase  of  luxury  had  driven  them  out  of  use  among  the 
burghers.  With  the  ancients,  many  of  them  were  a substitute 
for  porcelain,  and  served  for  ornament,  not  for  utility,  for  some 
are  found  which  have  no  bottom. 

9.  As  the  edifices  of  the  most  ancient  Greeks  were  made  of 
wood  earlier  than  of  stone  and  marble,  so  also  were  statues ; 
this  was  even  the  case  with  the  palaces  of  the  Median  kings. 
There  are  found  in  Egypt,  even  at  the  present  day,  primeval 
figures  made  of  wood,  — which  is  sycamore  ; and  many  muse- 
ums have  such  to  exhibit.  Pausanias  enumerates  the  different 
kinds  of  wood  of  which  the  ancient  images  were  carved  ; and 
according  to  Pliny  the  wood  of  the  fig-tree  was  preferred,  on 
account  of  its  softness.  Even  in  the  time  of  the  former  of 
these  two  authors,  statues  of  wood  were  still  to  be  found  in  the 
most  celebrated  places  in  Greece.  Among  others,  there  were 
at  Megalopolis,  in  Arcadia,  a Juno  of  this  kind,  an  Apollo 
w7ith  the  Muses,  likewise  a Venus,  and  a Mercury  by  Damophon, 
one  of  the  most  ancient  artists ; even  the  statue  of  Apollo,  at 
Delphi,  was  of  wood  : it  was  wrought  from  a single  bole,  and 
was  a gift  from  the  inhabitants  of  Crete.  At  Thebes,  Hilaira 
and  Phoebe,  together  with  the  horses  of  Castor  and  Pollux,  of 
ebony  and  ivory,  were  especially  deserving  of  note,  as  works  of 
Dipoenus  and  Scyllis,  scholars  of  Daedalus ; and  at  Tegea,  in 
Arcadia,  a Diana  of  the  same  kind,  executed  in  the  infancy 
of  art ; at  Salamis  there  was  a statue  of  Ajax,  of  ebony.  Pausa- 
nias thinks  that  statues  of  wood  were  called  Daedala  prior  to 
the  age  of  Daedalus.  At  Sais  and  Thebes,  in  Egypt,  there  were 
even  colossal  statues  of  wood.  We  find  that  statues  of  wood 
were  still  erected  to  the  victors  in  the  Greek  public  games  in 
the  sixty-first  Olympiad,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  time  of  Pisis- 
tratus  (6) ; even  the  celebrated  Myron  made  a wooden  Hecate 
at  iEgina ; and  Diagoras,  who  is  celebrated  among  the  atheists 
of  antiquity,  cooked  his  food  with  a figure  of  Hercules,  because 
he  had  no  other  wood  (7).  In  the  course  of  time,  the  prac- 
tice of  gilding  such  figures  was  introduced  both  among  the 
Egyptians  and  the  Greeks  (8) : Gori  was  the  possessor  of  two 
Egyptian  figures  which  had  been  gilded.  A Eortuna  Virilis, 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


147 


which  belonged  to  the  age  of  Servius  Tullius,  and  was  proba- 
bly the  work  of  an  Etruscan,  was  still  an  object  of  reverence  in 
Rome  under  the  first  Roman  emperors.  After  wood  had  been, 
as  it  were,  rejected  from  statuary,  it  still  continued  to  be  a 
material  in  which  cunning  artists  displayed  their  skill ; and 
we  find,  for  example,  that  Quintus,  the  brother  of  Cicero, 
ordered  a lamp-stand,  lychnuchus , to  be  carved,  at  Samos,  for 
himself ; consequently,  the  artist  was  celebrated  in  this  kind  of 
work. 

10.  In  the  earliest  ages,  carving  in  ivory  had  been  practised 
by  the  Greeks ; and  Homer  speaks  of  the  handles  and  sheaths 
of  daggers,  even  of  bedsteads,  and  many  other  things,  as  made 
from  this  material.  The  seats  of  the  first  kings  and  consuls  in 
Rome  were  also  of  ivory ; and  each  Roman  who  attained  to 
that  dignity,  who  enjoyed  this  honor,  had  his  own  ivory  seat. 
Of  this  kind  were  the  seats  on  which  the  assembled  Senate  sat, 
when,  in  the  forum  at  Rome,  it  listened  to  a funeral  speech 
from  the  rostrum.  Even  the  lyres,  and  the  trestles  of  tables, 
were  made  of  ivory ; and  Seneca  had  in  his  house,  at  Rome, 
five  hundred  tables  of  cedar,  supported  by  feet  of  ivory.  On 
some  antique  vases  of  baked  clay,  in  the  Vatican  library,  the 
pedestals  of  the  stools  are  painted  perfectly  white,  — probably 
to  denote  ivory.  In  Greece,  there  were  nearly  a hundred  stat- 
ues of  ivory  and  gold,  the  greater  number  of  which  belonged 
to  the  earlier  periods  of  art,  and  were  larger  than  life  (9)  ; even 
in  a small  place  in  Arcadia  there  was  a beautiful  statue  of 
JEsculapius,  and  in  a small  temple  on  the  high  road  to  Pellene,  in 
Achaia,  there  was  also  an  image  of  Pallas,  — both  of  ivory  and 
gold.  A temple  at  Cyzicum,  in  Pontus,  of  which  the  joints 
in  the  stones  were  ornamented  by  narrow  bands  of  gold,  con- 
tained a Jupiter  of  ivory,  upon  the  head  of  which  an  Apollo,  in 
marble,  was  placing  a crown ; also  at  Tibur  was  a Hercules  of 
this  kind.  Even  the  island  of  Malta  possessed  a few  such  stat- 
ues of  Victoria,  which,  though  belonging  to  the  earliest  ages, 
were  still  executed  with  great  skill.  By  order  of  Herodes  Atti- 
cus,  the  celebrated  and  opulent  orator  of  the  reigns  of  Trajan 
and  the  Antonines,  a chariot  with  four  gilded  horses,  whose 
hoofs  wrere  of  ivory,  was  placed  in  the  temple  of  Neptune,  at 
Corinth.  With  the  exception  of  a few  small  figures,  no  trace 
of  ivory  statues  has  yet  been  found,  notwithstanding  the  many 
discoveries  that  have  been  made,  because  ivory  decomposes  in 


148 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


the  earth,  like  the  teeth  of  all  other  animals,  with  the  exception 
of  the  wolf  (10).  At  Tirynthus,  in  Arcadia,  there  was  a Cybele 
of  gold ; all  but  the  face,  which  was  composed  of  the  teeth  of 
the  hippopotamus. 

11.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  practice,  in  making  such  stat- 
ues of  different  materials,  to  finish  the  head  first,  and  then  the 
other  parts.  This  is  an  allowable  inference  from  an  account, 
given  by  Pausanias,  of  a statue  of  Jupiter  at  Megara,  designed 
to  be  made  of  ivory  and  gold ; but  the  work  having  been  inter- 
rupted in  consequence  of  the  breaking  out  of  the  Peloponnesian 
war,  the  head  was  the  only  part  completed ; the  remaining  parts 
were  moulded  of  plaster  and  clay.  I will  mention,  as  some- 
thing unusual,  a small  figure  of  a child  in  ivory,  which  was 
entirely  gilded,  that  is  to  be  found  in  the  museum  of  Mr.  Ham- 
ilton, Minister  Plenipotentiary  from  Great  Britain  to  Naples. 

. 12.  The  first  stone  of  which  statues  were  made  appears  to 

have  been  the  same  with  that  of  wdiich  the  most  ancient  edifices 
in  Greece  — as,  for  example,  the  temple  of  J upiter  at  Elis  — were 
constructed,  namely,  a kind  of  tufo,  which  is  of  a whitish  color  : 
Plutarch  mentions  a Silenus  cut  from  this  stone.  At  Rome, 
the  artists  also  used  travertino  for  the  same  purpose,  and  the 
following  figures,  formed  from  it,  may  be  found  here ; namely, 
a consular  statue,  in  the  villa  of  the  Cardinal  Alexander  Al- 
bani ; another  in  the  Altieri  palace,  in  the  quarter  named  Cam- 
pitelli ; the  latter  is  seated,  and  holds  on  its  knee  a tablet ; also, 
a female  figure,  in  the  Belloni  villa,  of  the  size  of  life,  like  the 
two  others,  and  with  a ring  on  the  forefinger.  Figures  made 
from  such  inferior  kinds  of  stone  were  usually  placed  about 
tombs. 

13.  At  first,  the  head,  hands,  and  feet  of  figures  in  wood 
were  formed  of  white  marble,  as  was  the  case  with  a Juno  and 
Venus  executed  by  that  Damophon  whose  name  was  mentioned 
a few  pages  back;  this  sort  of  statues  was  still  usual  at  the 
time  of  Phidias ; for  his  Pallas  at  Plataese  was  constructed  in 
this  manner.  Such  statues,  of  which  the  extremities  only  were 
of  stone,  were  called  Acroliths : this  is  the  signification  of  the 
word,  hitherto  undiscovered  either  by  Salmasius  or  others. 
Pliny  remarks  that  artists  began  in  the  fiftieth  Olympiad,  for 
the  first  time,  to  work  in  marble,  — a remark  which  is  probably 
to  be  understood  of  entire  figures  of  marble.  Occasionally, 
marble  statues  were  clothed  with  real  cloth  : such  was  the  case 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


149 


with  a statue  of  Ceres  at  Bura,  in  Achaia ; and  a very  ancient 
Aesculapius  at  Sicyon  had  likewise  an  actual  (11)  garment. 

14.  From  the  practice  just  mentioned  originated  the  idea  of 
painting  marble  figures  so  as  to  represent  the  dress,  of  which 
an  example  is  furnished  in  a Diana  found  in  Herculaneum  in 
the  year  1760.  It  is  four  palms  two  and  a half  inches  (36^  in. 
Eng.)  high,  and  apparently  belongs  to  the  earliest  period  of  art. 
The  hair  is  blond  ; the  upper  garment  is  white  ; so  also  is  the 
tunic,  around  the  lower  part  of  which  run  three  stripes.  The 
lowest  stripe  is  narrow  and  gold-colored ; the  next  is  broader, 
and  of  a purple  color,  and  ornamented  with  white  flowers  and 
scrolls;  the  third  is  of  the  same  color  as  the  second.  The 
third  chapter  will  give  a more  circumstantial  account  of  this 
statue.  The  statue  which  Virgil  represents  Corydon  as  vowing 
to  Diana  was  intended  to  be  of  marble,  but  with  red  buskins. 
Statues  are  found  wrought  from  marble  of  every  kind  but  one, 
even  the  variegated  ; not  one  has  yet  been  discovered  in  the 
Laconian  green  marble,  named  verde  antico,  which  was  quarried 
at  Tsenarus,  the  celebrated  Lacedaemonian  promontory.  Pausa- 
nias  speaks  of  two  statues  of  the  Emperor  Adrian  which  were  at 
Athens,  one  of  them  being  made  of  stone  from  the  island  of 
Thasus,  and  the  other  of  an  Egyptian  stone.  By  the  latter  he 
probably  means  porphyry ; by  the  former,  a spotted  stone,  per- 
haps the  same  as  that  which  we  term  paonazzo.  The  heads, 
hands,  and  feet  were  probably  of  white  marble. 

15.  The  artists  of  every  nation  in  which  art  has  flourished 
have  wrought  in  marble  ; and  in  the  next  book,  Art  among  the 
Egyptians , I shall  make  some  special  remarks  upon  the  kinds  of 
stone  from  which  the  monuments  of  this  nation  are  sculptured. 
Among  the  Greeks,  the  kinds  most  celebrated  were  the  Parian 
and  the  Pentelic;  and  even  at  the  present  day  two  principal 
varieties  of  Greek  marble  are  observable  in  statues.  One  of 
them  is  a fine-grained  marble,  which  appears  to  be  a white,  uni- 
form paste ; the  other  consists  of  larger  grains,  mixed  with  par- 
ticles which  glisten  like  crystals  of  salt ; hence  it  is  termed 
marmo  salino , “ saline  marble,”  and  it  is  probably  the  Pentelic 
marble  from  the  Attic  territory.  It  is  very  hard,  harder  even 
than  some  varieties  of  the  former  marble  ; and  on  account  of 
this  quality  and  the  irregularity  of  its  grain,  is  not  quite  so 
tractable  as  the  other,  which  is  consequently  better  adapted  for 
ornaments  requiring  fine  work.  Among  many  other  statues 


150 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


executed  from  this  marble,  probably  the  Pentelic,  is  the  beauti- 
ful Pallas  in  the  villa  of  the  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani.  The 
former  kind  of  marble,  apparently  the  Parian,  although  found 
of  different  degrees  of  hardness,  is  yet,  on  account  of  the 
homogeneousness  of  its  substance  and  its  composition,  suit- 
able for  all  sorts  of  work ; and  as  its  color  resembles  that  of 
a pure  white  skin,  it  has  for  this  reason  also  obtained  the  pref- 
erence. Within  a few  years,  veins  and  strata  have  been  opened 
in  the  marble  quarries  at  Carrara,  which  are  not  inferior 
to  the  Parian  marble  either  in  fineness  of  grain,  or  color, 
or  softness. 

16.  If  Pausanias  is  to  be  credited,  statues  of  bronze  must  have 
been  made  in  Italy  much  earlier  than  in  Greece ; for  he  names, 
as  the  first  Greek  artists  in  this  kind  of  statuary,  a certain 
Rhoecus,  and  Theodoras  of  Samos  (12).  The  celebrated  seal 
of  Polycrates,  ruler  of  Samos,  was  engraved  by  the  latter ; he 
also  wrought  the  great  silver  cup  capable  of  holding  six  hun- 
dred eimer  (149  hogsheads),  which  Croesus,  king  of  Lydia, 
sent  to  Delphi  (13).  At  the  same  time  the  Spartans  caused 
a vessel  to  be  made,  as  a present  to  this  king,  which  held  three 
hundred  eimer,  and  was  ornamented  with  figures  of  all  kinds 
of  animals.  But  at  a still  earlier  date,  and  prior  to  the  foun- 
dation of  the  city  of  Cyrene,  in  Africa,  there  were  three  statues 
of  bronze  at  Samos,  each  six  ells  in  height ; they  were  in  a 
kneeling  posture,  and  supported  a large  cup,  on  which  the 
Samians  had  expended  a tenth  part  of  the  gains  of  their 
commerce  with  Tartessus.  The  first  chariot  with  four  horses 
of  bronze  was  erected  by  the  Athenians  before  the  temple  of 
Pallas,  after  the  death  of  Pisistratus ; that  is,  subsequently  to 
the  sixty-seventh  Olympiad  (14).  The  writers  of  Roman 
history,  on  the  other  hand,  relate  that,  before  this  time,  Rom- 
ulus had  erected  a statue  of  himself,  crowned  by  Victory,  and 
seated  on  a chariot  with  four  horses,  — the  whole  made  of 
bronze.  The  chariot  and  horses  were  spoil  taken  from  the  city 
of  Camerinum.  This  is  said  to  have  been  done  after  his  tri- 
umph over  the  Fidenates,  in  the  seventh  year  of  his  reign,  and 
consequently  in  the  eighth  Olympiad.  The  inscription  on  it, 
according  to  Plutarch,  was  in  Greek  characters ; but  since  the 
Roman  letter  resembled  the  earliest  Greek  character,  as  Diodo- 
rus mentions  on  another  occasion,  that  work  might  have  pro- 
ceeded from  the  hands  of  an  Etruscan  artist.  Furthermore, 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


151 


mention  is  made  of  a statue  of  Horatius  Codes,  in  bronze,  and 
of  another,  an  equestrian  one,  which  was  erected  to  the  re- 
nowned Cloelia,  in  the  infancy  of  the  Roman  republic;  and 
when  Spurius  Cassius  was  put  to  death  for  his  attempts 
against  the  liberty  of  his  countrymen,  a portion  of  his  confis- 
cated property  was  expended  in  the  erection  of  statues,  like- 
wise of  bronze,  to  Ceres.  The  little  figures  of  the  divinities,  in 
bronze,  which  are  found  in  great  numbers,  were  used  for  many 
purposes.  The  smallest  of  them  were  the  travelling-gods,  those 
which  the  traveller  carried  with  himself,  and  even  on  his  per- 
son ; thus,  for  example,  Sylla  carried  in  his  bosom  constantly, 
and  in  all  his  campaigns,  a small  golden  image  of  the  Pythian 
Apollo,  and  was  accustomed  to  kiss  it. 

17.  The  art  of  engraving  gems  must  be  very  ancient : and 
it  was  practised  even  among  nations  very  remote  from  each 
other.  It  is  said  that,  at  first,  the  Greeks  used  as  a seal  a piece 
of  wood  that  had  been  perforated  by  worms ; and  there  is  in 
the  former  Stosch  museum  a gem  which  is  cut  so  as  to  imi- 
tate the  grooves  in  such  a piece  of  wood.  In  this  department 
of  art,  the  Egyptians,  as  well  as  the  Greeks  and  Etruscans, 
attained  to  great  perfection,  — as  it  will  be  shown  in  the  follow- 
ing chapters.  Even  the  Ethiopians  had  seals  cut  in  gems, 
which  were  wrought  by  means  of  another  hard  stone.  How 
common  this  sort  of  work  was  among  the  ancients  we  may 
learn,  without  recourse  to  other  authorities,  from  the  two  thou- 
sand drinking-vessels,  made  from  gems,  which  were  found  by 
Pompey  in  the  treasury  of  Mithridates ; and  we  may  infer 
the  host  of  artists  from  the  incredible  number  of  antique  en- 
graved gems  which  have  been  preserved,  and  are  still  daily 
disinterred. 

18.  I will  here  remark,  that  in  Euripides  and  Plato  a stone 
set  in  a ring  is  termed  2<£cvSoV?7,  a sling ; the  reason  of 
the  appellation  and  the  resemblance  between  the  two  have, 
probably,  never  yet  been  pointed  out.  The  hoop  of  the  ring 
resembles  the  leather  in  which  the  stone  rests  when  in  the 
sling,  and  the  two  bands  by  which  the  body  of  the  sling  is 
suspended  and  swung.  For  the  very  same  reason,  the  Romans 
afterwards  termed  a ring  with  a stone  set  in  it  a funda.  or 
“sling.” 

19.  Having  thus  briefly  noticed  the  different  materials  em- 
ployed in  art  by  the  ancients,  I shall  close  the  chapter  with 


152 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


some  account  of  their  glass-work,  which,  from  the  skill  displayed 
in  it,  is  also  deserving  of  mention,  and  the  more  so,  because  they 
carried  this  department  of  art  to  a higher  degree  of  excellence 
than  the  moderns,  — an  assertion  that  might  appear  unwarrant- 
able to  those  who  have  not  examined  their  works  of  this  kind. 

20.  As  a general  thing,  glass  was  applied  to  a greater  variety 
of  purposes  among  the  ancients  than  it  has  been  by  the  mod- 
erns. Besides  its  employment  for  vessels  of  common  use,  of 
which  large  numbers  are  to  be  found  in  the  Herculaneum 
museum,  it  also  served  for  the  preservation  of  the  ashes  of  the 
dead,  which  were  deposited  in  tombs  (15).  Of  these  vessels, 
the  two  largest  are  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Hamilton,  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  at  Naples  from  Great  Britain.  Both  are  unin- 
jured. One  of  them,  more  than  two  palms  and  a half  (21  inches 
8 lines)  high,  was  found  in  a tomb  near  Pozzuoli.  A smaller 
vessel,  belonging  to  the  same  museum,  was  found  in  the  month 
of  October,  1767,  near  Cuma.  It  was  filled  with  ashes,  and 
was  protected  by  a leaden  case ; but  the  lead  was  knocked  off 
and  sold  by  the  finder.  Among  some  hundred  quintals  of  frag- 
ments of  vessels  for  common  use  which  have  been  dug  up  in 
the  Farnese  Island,  so  called,  nine  miles  from  Rome,  on  the 
road  to  Viterbo,  and  which  were  sold  to  the  Roman  glass-manu- 
factories, I have  seen  a few  pieces  of  drinking-cups  that  must 
have  been  executed  on  a lathe ; for  the  ornaments  on  them, 
which  were  very  much  raised,  and,  as  it  were,  cemented  upon 
them,  showed  very  distinctly  the  mark  of  the  wheel  with  which 
the  artist  had  begun  to  polish  the  corners  and  edges. 

21.  Besides  the  use  of  glass  of  a common  kind  in  these  ves- 
sels, it  was  also  employed  in  covering  the  floors  of  rooms.  For 
this  purpose,  not  only  glass  of  a single  color  was  used,  but  also 
a variegated  kind,  so  composed  as  to  imitate  mosaic.  Of  the 
former  kind  of  pavement  traces  have  been  found  in  the  Farnese 
Island  above  mentioned,  consisting  of  tablets  of  a green  color 
and  of  the  thickness  of  a medium  tile. 

22.  In  the  composite  variegated  kind  of  glass,  two  small 
pieces  which  came  to  light  in  Rome  a few  years  ago  display  a 
skill  that  is  truly  amazing ; neither  of  them  is  quite  an  inch 
long,  or  a third  of  an  inch  broad.  One  of  them  exhibits  on  a 
dark,  variegated  ground  a bird,  resembling  a duck,  of  different 
and  very  lively  colors,  but  painted  more  after  the  Chinese  man- 
ner. The  outline  is  firm  and  sharp ; the  colors  are  beautiful 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


153 


and  pure,  and  of  very  brilliant  effect,  because  the  artist  has  in- 
troduced, as  the  places  required  it,  sometimes  translucent,  and 
sometimes  opaque  glass.  The  most  delicate  pencil  of  the  minia- 
ture-painter could  not  have  expressed  more  accurately  the  cir- 
cle of  the  eyeball,  and  the  visibly  overlapping  feathers  on  the 
breast  and  wings.  The  fragment  is  broken  off  just  back  of  the 
commencement  of  the  wings.  But  this  piece  excites  the  great- 
est astonishment  in  the  spectator,  when,  on  looking  at  the  other 
side  of  it,  he  sees  the  very  same  bird,  without  being  able  to 
detect  any  difference  in  the  minutest  particular.  Hence,  we 
must  conclude  that  the  figure  of  the  bird  extends  through  the 
whole  thickness  of  the  glass. 

23.  On  both  sides,  this  painting  has  a granular  appearance  • 
and  it  seems  to  be  composed  of  single  pieces,  in  the  way  in 
which  mosaic  is  made,  yet  so  exactly  joined  together,  that  it 
was  impossible  to  discover,  even  with  a powerful  magnifying- 
glass,  the  points  of  junction.  This  peculiarity,  and  the  ex- 
tension of  the  painting  through  the  whole  thickness  of  the 
fragment,  rendered  it  difficult  to  conceive  immediately  how  such 
a work  was  executed ; and  the  mode  of  doing  it  would  have  con- 
tinued a mystery  for  a long  time,  if  streaks  of  the  same  colors 
as  those  which  appear  on  the  surface,  and  extending  through 
the  whole  thickness  of  the  glass,  had  not  been  detected  on  the 
face  of  the  glass  at  the  point  where  it  had  been  broken  off,  and 
hence  leading  to  the  conclusion  that  the  painting  had  been 
made  by  placing  threads  of  glass  of  different  colors  in  contact 
with  each  other,  and  melting  them  into  union.  It  is  not  to  be 
supposed  that  so  much  labor  would  have  been  expended  merely 
in  continuing  this  image  through  a thickness  so  inconsiderable 
as  one  sixth  of  an  inch,  when  it  was  equally  easy  to  obtain  the 
same  effect  in  the  same  time,  by  means  of  longer  threads, 
through  a thickness  of  many  inches.  Hence  we  may  conclude 
that  this  fragment  was  a slice  from  a thicker  piece  of  glass, 
through  which  the  picture  was  carried,  and  that  the  image 
could  be  multiplied  just  as  often  as  the  thickness  of  the  frag- 
ment mentioned  was  contained  in  the  thickness  of  the  piece 
from  which  it  was  separated. 

24.  The  second  fragment,  which  is  of  about  the  same  size,  is 
prepared  in  precisely  the  same  way.  On  it  are  ornaments  in 
green,  yellow,  and  white,  consisting  of  scrolls,  beads,  and  flower- 
ets, which  are  represented  on  a blue  ground,  and  run  together 


154 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


so  as  to  form  pyramids.  The  whole  is  very  clear  and  distinct, 
and  still  so  infinitely  small,  that  even  a keen  eye  finds  a diffi- 
culty in  following  the  extremely  fine  ends  in  which  the  scrolls 
terminate ; and  yet,  notwithstanding,  all  these  delicate  orna- 
ments are  continued,  uninterrupted,  through  the  entire  thick- 
ness of  the  fragment. 

25.  The  mode  of  preparing  such  works  in  glass  is  clearly 
shown  in  a rod,  a span  in  length,  belonging  to  the  museum  of 
Mr.  Hamilton,  Minister  Plenipotentiary  at  Naples  from  Great 
Britain.  The  outer  layer  is  blue,  but  the  inner  part  represents 
a sort  of  rose  of  different  colors,  extending  the  whole  length 
of  the  rod,  and  each  one  preserving  the  same  place  and  winding. 
Now,  as  glass  can  be  drawn  out  into  threads  of  any  length,  and 
of  exceeding  fineness,  and  with  equal  facility  even  when  many 
glass  tubes  are  placed  together,  and  then  melted,  — their  rela- 
tive position  not  being  changed  in  drawing,  just  as  a gilded 
piece  of  silver,  wrhen  drawn  out  into  wire,  remains  gilded  in  the 
whole  length  of  it,  — it  is  rendered  probable  that,  in  such  manu- 
factures of  glass,  larger  tubes  were  reduced,  by  drawing,  to  tubes 
of  exceeding  fineness. 

26.  But  of  all  the  kinds  of  ancient  glass-work,  the  most  use- 
ful to  us  are  the  impressions  moulded  from  gems,  — some  en- 
graved in  intaglio,  and  some  in  relief,  — and  rilievi  of  larger 
size ; of  the  latter  kind  even  an  entire  vessel  has  been  found. 
The  glass  casts  of  gems  engraved  in  intaglio  frequently  mimic 
the  different  veins  and  stripes  in  the  gem  from  which  they  were 
taken,  and  many  of  them,  taken  from  gems  cut  in  relief,  are 
colored  precisely  in  the  same  way  as  the  original  cameo,  — a 
fact  to  which  Pliny  also  testifies  (16).  In  two  very  rare  pieces 
of  this  kind  the  raised  figure  is  overlaid  with  thick  gold-leaf. 
One  of  them  displays  the  head  of  Tiberius ; it  is  in  the  hands 
of  Mr.  Byres,  a connoisseur  in  architecture,  at  Rome.  To  these 
casts  we  are  indebted  for  the  preservation  of  many  rare  pictures, 
of  which  the  originals,  on  engraved  gems,  are  lost.  Among 
others  may  be  mentioned  the  combat  between  Pittacus,  one  of 
the  seven  wise  men  of  antiquity,  and  Phryno,  on  the  promon- 
tory of  Sigseum  : the  former  entangled  his  opponent  in  a net 
which  he  threw  over  his  head,  and  by  this  means  succeeded  in 
mastering  him. 

27.  Of  larger  pictures,  executed  in  relief  on  glass,  in  general 
only  broken  pieces  are  found;  still,  these  exhibit  to  us  the 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


155 


singular  dexterity  of  the  ancient  artists  in  this  department, 
and  perhaps  by  their  size  indicate  the  use  to  which  they  were 
applied.  Such  pieces  were  either  framed  in  marble,  or  even 
introduced  among  painted  foliage,  and  arabesques,  so  called,  as 
ornaments  of  the  walls  in  palaces.  The  most  valuable  of  these 
larger  rilievi  is  a cameo,  described  by  Buonarotti,  in  the  mu- 
seum of  the  Vatican  library.  It  consists  of  an  oblong  tablet, 
more  than  a palm  (8.8  in.  Eng.)  in  length,  and  two  thirds  of  a 
palm  in  breadth.  The  subject  is  Bacchus  lying  in  the  lap  of 
Ariadne,  together  with  two  Satyrs.  The  figures  are  white,  in 
bas-relief,  on  a dark  brown  ground. 

28.  But  the  highest  work  in  this  art  was  the  splendid  vases, 
ornamented  with  figures  in  semi-relief,  sometimes  pure,  but  fre- 
quently variegated,  on  a dark  ground,  just  as  they  appear,  in 
great  perfection,  on  genuine  vases  cut  from  sardonyx.  Of  these 
vessels,  there  is  probably  only  a single  specimen  in  the  whole 
world  in  perfect  preservation.  It  was  found  in  the  burial  urn 
of  the  Emperor  Alexander  Severus,  as  it  is  erroneously  termed, 
filled  with  the  ashes  of  the  deceased  ; and  it  is  preserved  among 
the  rarities  of  the  Barberini  palace.  The  height  of  it  is  about 
one  palm  and  a half  (17).  Some  idea  may  be  formed  of  its 
beauty  from  the  mistake,  continued  till  now,  of  describing  it  as 
a vase  of  pure  sardonyx  (18). 

29.  Such  glass-ware  cannot  but  be  regarded  by  connoisseurs 
of  true  taste  as  infinitely  more  splendid  than  all  the  procelain 
vases  so  much  admired,  whose  beautiful  material  has  not  yet 
been  ennobled  by  any  pure  work  of  art,  nor  its  costly  products 
impressed  with  any  worthy  or  instructive  devices.  Most  por- 
celain is  formed  into  ridiculous  shapes,  from  which  has  sprung  a 
childish  taste  that  has  diffused  itself  everywhere. 


156 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


CHAPTER  III. 

INFLUENCE  OF  CLIMATE  ON  CONFORMATION. 

1.  Having,  in  the  preceding  chapters,  adverted  to  the  origin 
of  art,  and  the  materials  employed  in  it,  I now  proceed  to  speak 
of  the  influence  exercised  upon  it  by  climate ; and  this  brings 
us  nearer  to  the  source  of  the  differences  observable  in  it  among 
the  different  nations  by  which  it  has  been,  and  is  still,  cul- 
tivated. 

2.  By  the  influence  of  climate  we  mean  the  manner  in  which 
the  conformation  of  the  inhabitants  of  different  countries,  not 
less  than  their  modes  of  thought,  is  affected  by  their  situation, 
and  by  the  temperature  and  food  peculiar  to  them.  Climate, 
says  Polybius,  forms  the  manners,  the  shape,  and  the  complexion 
of  nations. 

3.  In  regard  to  the  former,  namely,  the  conformation  of  man, 
our  own  observation  convinces  us,  that  as,  in  general,  the  soul 
is  expressed  in  the  countenance,  so  also  is  the  character  of  a 
people  ; and  as  Nature  has  separated  great  kingdoms  and  coun- 
tries from  each  other  by  mountains  and  rivers,  so  has  she  also 
variously  distinguished  their  inhabitants  by  particular  traits, 
and,  in  lands  widely  distant,  she  displays  a marked  difference, 
not  in  the  statue  alone,  but  even  in  the  individual  parts  of  the 
body.  Animals  do  not  vary  in  their  kinds  according  to  the 
nature  of  the  country  in  which  they  live,  more  than  man  ; and 
some  persons  have  even  thought  that  they  could  discover  a simi- 
larity between  the  character  of  the  animals  of  a country,  and 
that  of  its  inhabitants. 

4.  The  varieties  of  conformation  of  the  face  are  not  less 
numerous  than  languages,  than  dialects  even  ; and  the  differ- 
ences in  the  last  are  immediately  dependent  upon  the  organs  of 
speech  ; so  that,  in  cold  countries,  the  nerves  of  the  tongue 
must  be  more  rigid  and  less  active  than  in  those  that  are 
warmer.  If,  therefore,  the  alphabets  of  the  Chinese  and  Japan- 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


157 


ese,  of  the  Greenlanders  and  different  tribes  in  America,  are 
deficient  in  certain  letters,  the  explanation  is  to  be  found  in  the 
reason  just  mentioned.  Hence,  it  happens  that  all  Northern 
languages  have  more  monosyllables,  and  are  more  burdened 
with  consonants,  which  other  nations  find  it  difficult,  partly 
impossible,  indeed,  to  connect  and  pronounce. 

5,  A distinguished  writer  seeks  to  explain  even  the  difference 
in  the  dialects  of  Italy  by  difference  in  the  tissue  and  conforma- 
tion of  the  organs  of  speech.  “For  this  reason,”  he  says,  “the 
Lombards,  who  are  born  in  the  colder  portion  of  Italy,  have  a 
harsh  and  abrupt  utterance ; the  Tuscans  and  Romans  speak  in 
a more  measured  tone;  the  Neapolitans,  who  enjoy  a still 
warmer  climate,  pronounce  the  vowels  more  fully  than  the 
former,  and  speak  with  a rounder  enunciation.”  They  who  are 
conversant  with  many  nations  distinguish  them  not  less  cor- 
rectly or  certainly  by  their  conformation  of  face  than  by  their 
language  ; and  this  difference  continues  to  be  observable  in  the 
children  and  grandchildren,  although  born  in  other  countries  to 
which  their  parents  have  removed. 

6.  The  wTell-known  fact  of  the  earlier  maturity  and  puberty 
of  youth  in  warm  countries  shows  how  much  more  powerful  in 
them  is  the  influence  of  nature  over  the  complete  development 
of  our  race ; and  the  brilliancy  of  the  brighter  color  of  the 
eyes,  which  are  more  frequently  brown  or  black  than  is  the  case 
in  cold  climates,  may  offer  — to  those  who  are  unable  to  pur- 
sue the  inquiry  themselves  — additional  probability  in  favor  of 
the  superiority  of  conformation  to  be  found  in  warm  climates. 
This  difference  shows  itself  even  in  the  hair  of  the  head  and  of 
the  beard,  and  both,  in  warm  climates,  have  a more  beautiful 
growth  even  from  childhood,  so  that  the  greater  number  of 
children  in  Italy  are  born  with  fine  curling  hair,  which  loses 
none  of  its  beauty  with  increasing  years.  All  the  beards,  also, 
are  curly,  ample,  and  finely  shaped ; whereas,  those  of  the  pil- 
grims who  come  to  Rome  from  the  other  side  of  the  Alps  are, 
generally,  like  the  hair  of  their  heads,  stiff,  bristly,  straight,  and 
pointed ; so  that  it  would  be  difficult,  in  the  countries  of  these 
privileged  idlers,  to  grow  a beard  like  those  which  we  see  on  the 
heads  of  the  ancient  Greek  philosophers.  In  accordance  with 
this  observation,  the  ancient  artists  figured  the  Gauls  and  Celts 
with  straight  hair,  as  w^e  may  see  on  several  monuments,  bjit 
especially  on  two  seated  figures  (1)  of  captive  warriors  of  these 


158 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


races  which  are  in  the  villa  of  the  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani.1 
In  connection  with  these  remarks  upon  the  hair,  I will  observe 
that  fair  hair  is  not  of  so  frequent  occurrence  in  warm  as  in  cold 
climates  ; but  still  it  is  common,  and  beautiful  persons  with  hair 
of  this  languishing  color  are  seen  in  the  former  as  well  as  in  the 
latter,  — with  this  difference,  however,  that  the  color  of  it  never 
becomes  entirely  whitish,  the  usual  effect  of  which  is  to  give  to 
a person  an  air  of  coldness  and  insipidity. 

7.  Now,  as  man  has  been  in  all  ages  the  principal  subject  of 
art,  the  artists  of  every  land  have  given  to  their  figures  the 
facial  conformation  peculiar  to  their  own  nation ; and  the  rela- 
tion of  art  to  its  subject  in  modern  times  proves  that  the  differ- 
ent shape  in  ancient  art  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  different 
conformation  of  its  subject,  man.  For  German,  Dutch,  and 
French  artists,  when  they  do  not  quit  their  own  land  and  race, 
may,  like  the  Chinese  and  Tartars,  be  recognized  in  their  paint- 
ings ; but  Rubens,  notwithstanding  he  resided  for  many  years 
in  Italy,  designed  his  figures,  invariably,  in  the  same  manner  as 
if  he  had  never  left  his  native  land ; and  many  other  examples 
might  be  adduced  in  support  of  my  opinion. 

8.  The  conformation  of  the  modern  Egyptians  should  show 
itself  at  the  present  day,  just  as  it  appears  in  the  works  of  their 
former  art;  but  this  similarity  between  Nature  and  her  image 
is  no  longer  precisely  the  same  that  it  was.  For  if  the  greater 
number  of  the  Egyptians  were  as  stout  and  fat  as  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Cairo  are  described  to  be,  we  could  not  come  to  any 
such  conclusion  from  the  ancient  figures,  for  their  physical 
appearance  in  ancient  times  appears  to  have  been  the  opposite 
of  that  in  modern  days  : it  is  to  be  remarked,  however,  that  the 
Egyptians  have  also  been  described  by  the  ancient  writers  as 
corpulent  and  fat.  The  climate,  indeed,  remains  always  the 
same  ; but  the  country  and  its  inhabitants  may  undergo  a 
change  of  aspect.  For  if  we  take  into  consideration  that  the 
modern  Egyptians  are  of  foreign  origin,  — having  even  intro- 
duced their  own  language,  — and  that  their  religious  worship, 
their  form  of  government  and  mode  of  life,  are  entirely  different 
from  the  system  formerly  existing,  we  shall  also  be  able  to  con- 
ceive the  difference  in  their  physical  conformation.  As  a con- 
sequence of  the  incredible  density  of  the  population,  the  ancient 
Egyptians  were  frugal  and  industrious ; their  principal  inter- 

i Plate  II. 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART 


159 


est  was  in  agriculture ; their  food  consisted  more  of  fruits  than 
of  meat ; hence  their  bodies  could  not  be  covered  with  much 
flesh.  The  present  occupants  of  the  country,  on  the  other 
hand,  seeking  only  the  means  of  living  without  labor,  are  sleep- 
ing in  sloth  ; hence  their  tendency  to  corpulence. 

9.  Precisely  the  same  reflection  may  be  made  in  reference  to 
the  modern  Greeks.  For — mot  to  mention  that  their  blood 
during  several  centuries  has  been  mingled  with  that  of  the  de- 
scendants of  so  many  nations  who  have  settled  among  them  — it 
is  easy  to  conceive  that  their  present  political  condition,  bringing 
up,  instruction,  and  mode  of  thought  may  have  an  influence 
even  on  their  conformation.  Notwithstanding  all  these  unfavora- 
ble conditions,  the  Greek  race  of  the  present  day  is  still  celebrated 
for  its  beauty ; on  this  point  all  observant  travellers  agree ; and 
the  nearer  we  draw  to  the  climate  of  Greece,  the  more  beautiful, 
lofty,  and  vigorous  is  the  conformation  of  man. 

10.  For  this  reason,  we  seldom  find  in  the  fairest  portions  of 
Italy  the  features  of  the  face  unfinished,  vague,  and  inexpres- 
sive, as  it  is  frequently  the  case  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps  • 
but  they  have  partly  an  air  of  nobleness,  partly  of  acuteness 
and  intelligence ; and  the  form  of  the  face  is  generally  large 
and  full,  and  the  parts  of  it  in  harmony  with  each  other.  The 
superiority  of  conformation  is  so  manifest,  that  the  head  of  the 
humblest  man  among  the  people  might  be  introduced  in  the 
most  dignified  historical  painting,  especially  one  in  which  aged 
men  are  to  be  represented.  And  among  the  women  of  this 
class,  even  in  places  of  the  least  importance,  it  would  not  be 
difficult  to  find  a Juno.  The  lower  portion  of  Italy,  which 
enjoys  a softer  climate  than  any  other  part  of  it,  brings  forth 
men  of  superb  and  vigorously  designed  forms,  which  appear 
to  have  been  made,  as  it  were,  for  the  purposes  of  sculpture. 
The  large  stature  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  section  must  be 
apparent  to  every  one  ; and  the  fine  development  and  robust- 
ness of  their  frames  may  be  most  easily  seen  in  the  half-naked 
sailors,  fishermen,  and  others  whose  occupation  is  by  the  sea ; 
and  precisely  from  that  circumstance  might  seem  to  have  origi- 
nated the  fable  of  the  mighty  Titans  contending  with  the  Gods  in 
the  Phlegrsean  Fields,  — which  are  near  Pozzuoli,  in  the  vicinity 
of  Naples.  It  is  asserted  that,  in  Sicily,  the  handsomest  women 
of  the  island  are  found,  even  at  the  present  day,  in  ancient 
Eryx,  where  the  celebrated  temple  of  Venus  was  situated. 


160 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


11.  He  who  has  never  visited  these  countries  can  form  his 
own  conclusions  as  to  the  intellectual  organization  of  their  in- 
habitants, by  observing  that  their  acuteness  increases  as  the 
climate  grows  warmer.  The  Neapolitans  are  still  more  acute 
and  artful  than  the  Romans ; the  Sicilians  are  more  so  than  the 
Neapolitans ; but  the  Greeks  surpass  even  the  Sicilians.  Be- 
tween Rome  and  Athens  there  is  probably  a difference  of  about 
one  month  in  the  warmth  of  the  season  and  in  the  ripening  of 
the  fruits,  — as  the  cutting  of  the  honey  out  of  the  hives  proves; 
for  in  the  latter  place  it  would  happen  about  the  solstice  in 
June;  but  in  the  former,  on  the  festival  of  Vulcan,  or  in  the 
month  of  August.  In  fine,  what  Cicero  says  is  true  here,  that 
“intellects  are  more  acute,  the  purer  and  more  subtile  the  air”; 
for  the  same  disposition  seems  to  prevail  with  man  as  with  flow- 
ers, whose  fragrance  increases  in  proportion  to  the  dryness  of 
the  soil,  and  the  warmth  of  the  climate. 

12.  Consequently,  that  noble  beauty  which  consists  not  merely 
in  a soft  skin,  a brilliant  complexion,  wanton  or  languishing  eyes, 
but  in  the  shape  and  form,  is  found  more  frequently  in  countries 
which  enjoy  a uniform  mildness  of  climate.  If,  therefore,  the 
Italians  alone  know  how  to  paint  and  figure  beauty,  as  an  Eng- 
lish author  of  rank  says,  the  beautiful  conformation  of  the  peo- 
ple themselves  is,  in  a measure,  the  ground  of  their  capability, 
which  the  daily  view  and  study  of  beauty  can  produce  more 
readily  here  than  elsewhere.  Beauty,  however,  was  not  a gen- 
eral quality,  even  among  the  Greeks,  and  Cotta  in  Cicero  says 
that,  among  the  great  numbers  of  young  persons  at  Athens, 
there  were  only  a few  possessing  true  beauty. 

13.  The  most  beautiful  race  among  the  Greeks,  especially  in 
regard  to  complexion,  must  have  been  beneath  the  skies  of 
Ionia,  in  Asia  Minor,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Hippocrates 
and  Lucian ; and  another  writer,  in  order  to  express  manly 
beauty  with  one  word,  terms  it  Ionic.  This  province  is  also 
productive,  even  at  the  present  day,  in  beautiful  conformations, 
as  appears  from  the  statement  of  an  observant  traveller  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  who  finds  himself  unable  to  extol  sufficiently 
the  beauty  of  the  women  there,  their  soft  and  milk-white  skin, 
and  fresh  and  healthful  color.  For  in  this  land,  on  account  of 
its  situation,  and  in  the  islands  of  the  Archipelago,  the  sky  is 
much  clearer,  and  the  temperature  — which  is  intermediate  be- 
tween warm  and  cold  — more  constant  and  uniform,  than  it  is 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


161 


even  in  Greece,  especially  in  those  parts  of  it  lying  on  the  sea, 
which  are  very  much  exposed  to  the  sultry  wind  from  Africa,  like 
all  the  southern  coast  of  Italy,  and  other  lands  which  lie  opposite 
to  the  hot  tract  in  Africa.  This  wind,  which  the  Greeks  termed 
Au j/,  and  the  Romans  Africus,  and  which  is  now  known  as  the 
Sirocco,  obscures  and  darkens  the  air  with  hot,  oppressive 
vapors,  makes  it  unwholesome,  and  debilitates  all  nature,  man, 
beast,  and  plant.  When  it  prevails,  digestion  is  retarded  ; and 
both  mind  and  body  are  listless  and  unable  to  work ; hence  it 
is  very  easy  to  conceive  how  great  influence  this  wind  may 
have  on  the  beauty  of  the  skin  and  complexion.  In  those  who 
dwell  the  nearest  to  the  sea-coast  it  produces  a dull  and  yellow- 
ish color,  which  is  more  common  with  the  Neapolitans,  espe- 
cially those  of  the  capital,  on  account  of  its  narrow  streets  and 
lofty  houses,  than  among  those  who  dwell  more  inland.  The 
same  complexion  may  be  seen  in  the  inhabitants  of  places  on  the 
coast  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  in  the  States  of  the  Church,  at 
Terracina,  Nettuno,  Ostia,  and  towns  similarly  situated.  But  the 
marshes  — which,  in  Italy,  generate  a foul  and  deadly  vapor  — 
cannot  possibly  have  produced  in  Greece  any  noxious  emana- 
tions ; for  Ambracia,  which  was  a very  well-built  and  celebrated 
city,  lay  in  the  midst  of  marshes,  and  had  only  a single  avenue 
by  which  it  could  be  entered. 

14.  The  proof,  easy  to  be  understood,  of  the  superiority  of 
shape  of  the  Greeks  and  the  present  inhabitants  of  the  Levant, 
lies  in  the  fact  that  we  find  among  them  no  flattened  noses, 
which  are  the  greatest  disfigurement  of  the  face.  Scaliger  seems 
to  have  observed  that  the  Jews  also  have  no  sunken  noses ; 
indeed,  the  Portuguese  Jews  most  generally  have  hawk-noses ; 
hence,  a nose  of  this  kind  is  termed  in  Portugal  a Jewish  nose. 
Vesalius  has  noted  that  the  heads  of  the  Greeks  and  Turks  are 
of  a handsomer  oval  than  those  of  the  Germans  and  Dutch.  It 
is  also  to  be  taken  into  consideration,  that  the  small-pox  is  a 
less  dangerous  disease  in  warm  countries  than  in  cold,  where  it 
is  epidemic,  and  as  destructive  as  the  plague.  For  this  reason, 
scarcely  ten  persons  out  of  a thousand  are  found,  in  Italy,  marked 
with  a few  faint  traces  of  this  disease  ; but  to  the  ancient  Greeks 
it  was  unknown.  We  are  authorized  to  draw  this  conclusion 
from  the  silence  of  the  ancient  Greek  physician,  Hippocrates, 
and  of  Galen,  his  commentator,  in  regard  to  it,  since  they  neither 
allude  to  it  nor  prescribe  any  directions  as  to  the  manner  of 

VOL.  i.  11 


162 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


treating  it.  There  is  also,  of  the  infinite  number  of  persons  of 
whose  faces  we  have  a description,  not  one  who  is  characterized 
as  pock-marked,  an  appearance  which  would  have  furnished  an 
occasion  for  laughable  jests,  especially  to  an  Aristophanes  and  a 
Plautus.  But  the  special  proof  that  this  destructive,  fatal  poi- 
son did  not  in  ancient  times  display  its  virulence  on  the  human 
race,  is  afforded  by  the  language  itself  of  Greece,  for  it  contains 
no  word  which  signifies  small-pox. 

15.  At  the  same  time  that  I acknowledge  the  superiority  of 
warmer  countries  in  the  more  general  diffusion  of  beauty  of  con- 
formation, I do  not  therefore  deny  beauty  of  shape  to  colder  cli- 
mates ; I know  persons,  even  of  low  station,  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Alps,  in  whom  Nature  has  executed  her  work  with  the 
utmost  perfection  and  beauty;  insomuch,  that  their  develop- 
ment and  shape  might  compare,  not  only  with  the  handsomest 
men  of  those  countries,  but  have  served  the  Greek  artists  as 
models,  not  less  in  single  parts  than  in  the  whole  body,  even 
for  their  most  lovely  and  majestic  figures. 

16.  In  the  second  place,  the  influence  of  climate  on  the  mode 
of  thought  of  a people  — with  which  external  circumstances, 
especially  education,  the  form  of  government,  and  the  manner 
of  administering  it,  co-operate  — is  just  as  perceptible  and  con- 
ceivable as  the  influence  of  the  same  cause  on  the  conformation. 

17.  The  mode  of  thought,  as  well  of  Oriental  and  Southern 
nations  as  of  the  Greeks,  is  manifested  even  in  works  of  art. 
The  figurative  expressions  of  the  former  are  as  warm  and  ar- 
dent as  the  climate  in  which  they  dwell,  and  the  flight  of  their 
thoughts  frequently  exceeds  the  limits  of  possibility.  Hence, 
these  are  the  brains  which  conceived  the  strange  figures  of  the 
Egyptians  and  Persians,  which  united  in  one  form  creatures  of 
totally  different  natures  and  kinds  : and  the  aim  of  their  artists 
was  rather  to  produce  the  extraordinary  than  the  beautiful. 

18.  The  Greeks,  on  the  contrary,  lived  under  a more  temper- 
ate climate  and  a milder  rule,  and  inhabited  a land  “which 
Pallas,”  it  is  said,  “assigned  to  them  for  their  occupancy,  as 
preferable  to  all  others  on  account  of  the  moderateness  of  its 
seasons  ” ; and  as  their  language  is  picturesque,  so  also  were 
their  conceptions  and  images.  Their  poets,  from  the  time  of 
Homer  downward,  not  only  speak  through  figures,  but  they 
produce  and  also  paint  images  which  frequently  lie  in  a single 
word,  and  which  have  been  drawn  and  sketched,  as  it  were  in 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


163 


living  colors,  by  the  sound  of  that  word.  Their  imagination 
was  not  exaggerated  like  that  of  the  Oriental  and  Southern  na- 
tions ; and  their  senses,  acting  upon  a brain  of  delicate  struct- 
ure through  the  medium  of  quick  and  sensitive  nerves,  discovered 
instantly  the  several  qualities  of  an  object,  and  occupied  them- 
selves especially  in  considering  the  beauty  contained  in  it. 

19.  After  the  migration  of  the  Greeks  into  Asia  Minor,  their 
language  became  richer  in  vowels,  and  consequently  softer  and 
more  musical,  because  they  enjoyed  a still  happier  climate  than 
the  other  Greeks.  This  was  the  climate  that  awakened  and  in- 
spired their  earliest  poets ; on  this  soil  Greek  philosophy  was 
formed ; here  was  the  birthplace  of  their  earliest  historians ; and 
here,  beneath  the  voluptuous  skies  of  this  land,  Apelles,  the 
painter  of  the  Graces,  was  born.  But  as  they  were  too  feeble  to 
defend  their  freedom  against  the  power  of  their  neighbors,  the 
Persians,  they  were  unable  to  erect  themselves  into  powerful  free 
states,  like  the  Athenians ; and,  consequently,  the  arts  and  sci- 
ences could  not  have  their  most  distinguished  seat  in  Ionic 
Asia. 

20.  But  in  Athens,  where,  after  the  expulsion  of  the  tyrants, 
a democratic  form  of  government  was  adopted,  in  which  the 
entire  people  had  a share,  the  spirit  of  each  citizen  became  lof- 
tier than  that  of  the  other  Greeks,  and  the  city  itself  surpassed 
all  other  cities.  As  good  taste  was  now  generally  diffused,  and 
wealthy  burghers  sought  to  gain  the  respect  and  love  of  their 
fellow-citizens  by  erecting  splendid  public  buildings  and  by  works 
of  art,  and  thus  prepare  the  way  to  distinction,  everything  flowed 
into  this  city,  in  consequence  of  its  power  and  greatness,  even 
as  rivers  flow  towards  the  sea.  Here  the  arts  and  sciences 
established  themselves;  here  they  formed  their  principal  resi- 
dence; and  hence  they  went  abroad  into  other  lands.  We  may 
find  proof  that  the  causes  just  mentioned  will  account  for  the 
progress  of  the  arts  in  Athens,  in  a similar  state  of  things  at 
Florence,  where,  after  a long  interval  of  darkness,  the  arts  and 
sciences  began,  in  modern  times,  to  be  relumined. 

21.  We  must,  therefore,  in  judging  of  the  natural  capacity  of 
nations,  and  of  the  Greeks  especially,  in  this  respect,  take  into 
consideration,  not  merely  the  influence  of  climate  alone,  but 
also  that  of  education  and  government.  For  external  circum- 
stances effect  not  less  change  in  us  than  does  the  air  by  which 
we  are  surrounded,  and  custom  has  so  much  power  over  us  that 


164 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIFNT  ART. 


it  modifies  in  a peculiar  manner  even  the  body,  and  the  very 
senses  with  which  we  are  endowed  by  nature ; thus,  for  instance, 
an  ear  accustomed  to  French  music  is  not  affected  by  the  most 
touching  Italian  symphony. 

22.  The  same  cause  accounts  for  the  difference,  even  among 
the  Greeks  themselves,  noticed  by  Polybius,  in  regard  to  their 
valor  and  mode  of  warfare.  The  Thessalians  wrere  good  war- 
riors when  they  could  attack  with  small  bands  ; but  in  regular 
battle-array,  they  soon  gave  way.  The  reverse  was  the  case 
with  the  iEtolians.  The  natives  of  Crete  were  excellent  beyond 
comparison  in  ambush,  or  on  expeditions  where  craft  was  re- 
quired, or  in  doing  an  enemy  damage  in  other  ways  ; but  they 
were  of  no  use  in  emergencies  that  must  be  decided  by  valor 
alone ; the  Achseans  and  Macedonians,  on  the  other  hand,  dis- 
played qualities  that  were  the  reverse  of  these.  All  the  Arca- 
dians were  obliged,  by  the  earliest  laws  of  their  country,  to 
learn  music,  and  to  practise  it  continually  until  they  were  thirty 
years  of  age,  in  order  that  a soft  and  loving  character  might  be 
given  to  their  dispositions  and  manners,  — which  the  rude 
climate  of  their  mountainous  land  tended  to  make  morose  and 
fierce ; and  for  this  reason  they  were  the  most  honest  and  the 
best-mannered  men  in  Greece.  The  inhabitants  of  Cynsethium, 
who  alone  departed  from  this  regulation,  and  would  not  learn 
and  practise  music,  fell  back  again  into  natural  wildness,  and 
were  held  in  detestation  by  all  Greece. 

23.  In  lands  where  some  remnant  of  former  freedom  co- 
operates with  the  influence  of  climate,  the  present  manner  of 
thinking  is  very  similar  to  the  past.  An  illustration  of  my 
remark  is  now  seen  in  Rome,  where  the  people,  under  a priestly 
rule,  enjoy  unrestrained  freedom.  Even  at  the  present  day,  a 
band  of  the  most  valiant  and  intrepid  warriors  might  be  collected 
from  the  midst  of  them,  who,  like  their  forefathers,  would  bid 
defiance  to  death.  The  women  of  the  common  people,  with 
morals  less  corrupt  than  those  of  the  ancient  Roman  women, 
still  display  the  same  courage  and  spirit,  — as  I could  prove  by 
some  remarkable  traits,  if  the  design  of  my  work  permitted  it. 

24.  The  pre-eminent  talent  of  the  Greeks  for  art  still  shows 
itself,  in  modern  days,  in  the  great  and  almost  general  talent 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  warmest  portions  of  Italy ; and  in  this 
admirable  capacity  for  art  the  imagination  predominates,  just 
as  reason  predominates  over  the  imagination  among  the  sober- 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  ART. 


165 


minded  Britons.  Some  one  has  remarked,  not  without  reason, 
that  the  poets  on  the  other  side  of  the  mountains  speak  through 
images,  but  afford  few  pictures.  It  must  even  be  confessed, 
that  the  astonishing,  partly  fearful  pictures,  in  which  Milton’s 
greatness  consists,  cannot  be  the  subjects  of  a noble  pencil,  but 
are  absolutely  unfit  to  be  painted.  Milton’s  descriptions,  with 
the  single  exception  of  his  picture  of  Love  in  Paradise,  are  like 
Gorgons  beautifully  painted,  similar  to  each  other,  and  simi- 
larly terrible.  The  images  of  many  other  poets  are  great  to 
the  ear,  but  small  to  the  understanding.  In  Homer,  every- 
thing is  painted,  and  devised  and  created  to  be  painted.  The 
warmer  the  region  is  in  Italy,  the  greater  are  the  talents  to 
which  it  gives  birth,  and  the  more  ardent  the  imagination ; and 
the  works  of  the  Sicilian  poets  are  full  of  rare,  new,  and  unex- 
pected images.  This  glowing  imagination,  however,  is  not  of  a 
stimulated  and  vehement  nature  : like  the  temperament  of  the 
inhabitants,  and  the  temperature  of  the  country,  it  is  more 
uniform  than  in  colder  climates ; for  nature  bestows  a happy 
duhaess  of  disposition  more  frequently  on  the  inhabitants  of  the 
latter  than  of  the  former. 

25.  When  I speak  of  the  natural  capacity,  generally,  of  these 
nations  for  art,  I do  not  thereby  mean  to  deny  the  same 
capacity  to  individuals  in  countries  on  the  other  side  of  the 
mountains,  because  experience  furnishes  striking  proofs  to  the 
contrary.  For  Holbein  and  Albert  Diirer,  the  fathers  of  art  in 
Germany,  have  exhibited  astonishing  talent  in  it ; and  if  it  had 
been  in  their  power  to  study  and  imitate  the  works  of  the 
ancients,  like  Raphael,  Correggio,  and  Titian,  they  would  have 
been  equally  as  great  as  these  ; they  might,  perhaps,  have  sur- 
passed them.  Even  Correggio  did  not  attain  his  greatness 
without  some  knowledge  of  antiquity,  — though  it  is  generally 
said  that  he  did,  — for  his  master,  Andreas  Mantegna,  was 
acquainted  with  it ; and  some  of  his  drawings  from  antique 
statues  are  found  in  the  great  collection  of  drawings  which 
passed  from  the  museum  of  the  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani 
into  that  of  the  king  of  England.  In  view  of  the  knowledge 
which  he  had  of  antiquity,  Felicianus  addressed  to  him  the 
dedication  of  a collection  of  antique  inscriptions.  But  in  this 
notice  Mantegna  was  entirely  unknown  to  the  elder  Burmann  (2). 
Whether  the  scarcity  of  painters  among  the  English,  who  can- 
not produce  from  the  past  a single  one  of  celebrity,  and  among 


166 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


the  French,  who,  with  the  exception  of  two,  are  in  a similar 
condition,  notwithstanding  their  great  outlays,  proceeds  from 
the  causes  enumerated,  I leave  to  the  decision  of  others. 

26.  Meanwhile,  by  communicating  to  the  reader  these  gen- 
eral notices  on  art,  and  the  grounds  of  its  differing  in  the 
countries  in  which  it  was  once  practised,  and  is  still  practised, 
I believe  that  I have  prepared  him  for  the  discussion  on  art  in 
each  of  the  three  nations  which  have  been  celebrated  for  it. 


ART  AMONG  TER  EGYPTIANS . 


167 


BOOK  II. 

ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS,  PHOENICIANS, 
AND  PERSIANS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

CAUSES  OF  THE  PECULIAR  CHARACTER  OF  EGYPTIAN  ART. 

I.  The  Egyptians  have  not  departed  much  from  their  earliest 
style  of  art ; and  it  could  not  easily  reach  the  height  to  which 
it  arrived  among  the  Greeks.  The  cause  may  be  found  partly 
in  the  conformation  of  their  bodies ; partly  in  their  mode  of 
thought ; and  not  less  in  their  customs  and  laws,  especially 
those  of  a religious  character ; and  also  in  the  science  of  their 
artists,  and  the  estimation  in  which  they  were  held.  This  will 
be  the  subject  of  the  first  part  of  this  division.  The  second 
treats  of  the  original  style  of  their  art ; that  is,  of  the  drawing 
of  the  nude  figure,  and  drapery  of  their  earlier  figures.  The 
third  examines  the  later  style,  as  well  as  the  imitations  of  the 
Egyptian  manner  executed  by  Greeks  and  Romans.  The  fourth 
treats  of  the  mechanical  part,  or  the  execution,  of  Egyptian  art 
and  works  of  art,  and,  in  addition  to  wood  and  bronze,  of  the 
different  kinds  of  stone  of  which  the  Egyptians  made  use. 

Of  the  causes  which  impressed  a peculiar  character  upon  the 
art  of  the  Egyptians,  the  first  lies  in  the  fact  of  their  conforma- 
tion ; it  did  not  possess  those  excellences  that  could  stimulate 
the  artist  by  ideas  of  high  beauty.  Though  Nature  had  made 
the  Egyptian  women  remarkably  prolific,  she  had,  in  regard  to 
conformation,  been  less  kind  to  them  than  to  the  Greeks  and 
the  Etruscans.  In  proof  of  this,  statues,  obelisks,  and  engraved 
gems  show  that  the  form  peculiar  to  them  somewhat  resembled 


168 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


that  of  the  Chinese  (1) ; and  iEschylus  says  that  the  Egyptians 
were,  in  their  shape,  different  from  the  Greeks  (2). 

2.  Their  artists,  therefore,  could  not  seek  variety,  because  it 
had  no  existence.  In  the  steady,  uniform  climate  of  this  land, 
Nature  did  not  deviate  from  her  extreme  conformation  ; for  as 
in  all  things,  so  also  here,  she  departs  from  an  extreme  more 
reluctantly  than  from  a mean.  The  very  same  conformation 
which  Egyptian  statues  have  is  observed  in  the  heads  of  the  fig- 
ures painted  on  mummies,  which,  as  also  with  the  Ethiopians, 
were  probably  accurate  likenesses  of  the  deceased ; for  the 
Egyptians,  in  the  preparation  of  the  dead  body,  sought  to 
retain  everything,  even  the  hairs  of  the  eyelids,  which  would 
render  it  of  easy  recognition.  It  is  probable  that  the  custom 
among  the  Ethiopians  of  painting  the  figure  of  the  dead  upon 
their  bodies  was  also  derived  from  the  Egyptians  ; for  during 
the  reign  of  Psammetichus,  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand 
persons  went  from  Egypt  into  Ethiopia,  where  they  introduced 
their  national  manners  and  usages  (3).  However,  as  eighteen 
Ethiopian  kings,  whose  reign  occurs  in  the  earliest  periods  of 
the  country,  had  ruled  in  Egypt,  the  usage  of  which  we  speak 
may  have  been  made  by  them  common  to  both  people. 

3.  The  Egyptians  were,  besides,  of  a dark  brown  complexion, 
the  same  which  has  been  given  to  the  heads  on  painted  mum- 
mies (4),  and  hence  the  word  atymrriao-ai  signifies  “to  be  burnt 
by  the  sun.”  Now  as  the  faces  of  the  mummies  have  one  and 
the  same  color,  there  is  no  ground  for  the  assertion  made  by 
Alexander  Gordon,  wTho  maintains  that  the  complexion  differed 
in  different  provinces. 

4.  But  when  Martial  expresses  a desire  for  a beautiful  boy 
from  Egypt,  for  sensual  purposes,  he  is  to  be  understood  as 
meaning  a boy,  not  of  Egyptian,  but  of  Greek  parentage,  as  the 
dissolute  morals  of  the  youth  in  that  country,  and  especially  of 
those  at  Alexandria,  are  well  known  (5).  The  poet,  however, 
adds,  that  a fair  face  out  of  this  land  of  brown  skins,  in  Mareo- 
tide  Fusca , is  the  more  highly  to  be  prized  in  proportion  to  its 
rarity.  The  celebrated  pantomime,  Apolaustus,  of  Memphis,  in 
Egypt,  whom  Lucius  Verus  took  with  him  to  Home,  and  whose 
remembrance  is  preserved  in  several  inscriptions,  was  a Greek 
of  this  kind. 

5.  An  attempt  has  been  made,  on  the  authority  of  a passage 
in  Aristotle  to  show  that  the  leg-bone  of  the  Egyptians  bowed 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


169 


outwardly.  Those  who  bordered  on  the  Ethiopians  probably 
had,  like  them,  sunken  noses ; and  the  Egyptian  female  figures, 
however  narrow  they  may  be  across  the  hips,  have  excessively 
large  breasts.  Now,  as  the  Egyptian  artists  imitated  nature 
just  as  they  found  it,  — according  to  the  testimony  of  a Church 
Father,  — we  might  certainly  draw  a conclusion  from  their  fig- 
ures as  to  the  female  sex  in  their  country.  The  conformation 
of  the  Egyptians  is  far  from  being  incompatible  with  a sound 
state  of  health,  which  the  inhabitants  of  Upper  Egypt  in  par- 
ticular, according  to  Herodotus,  enjoyed  far  above  other  na- 
tions; and  the  same  conclusion  may  also  be  drawn  from  the 
circumstance,  that,  in  the  countless  heads  of  Egyptian  mum- 
mies seen  by  Prince  Radzivil,  not  a tooth  was  wanting,  not  even 
corroded.  Moreover,  we  may  find  in  the  mummy  at  Bologna, 
mentioned  above,  proof  of  what  Pausanias  has  stated  in  regard 
to  their  extraordinary  size,  since  he  says  that  he  has  seen  Celts 
who  were  as  large  as  the  dead  bodies  of  the  Egyptians ; and  his 
statement  is  confirmed  by  the  unusual  length  of  this  mummy, 
which  measures  eleven  Roman  palms  (that  is,  eight  feet  and 
eight  inches  English). 

6.  In  the  second  place,  in  regard  to  the  disposition  and  man- 
ner of  thinking  of  the  Egyptians,  they  do  not  appear  to  have  ' 
been  inclined  to  pleasure  and  gayety;  for  music  — by  which 
the  earliest  Greeks  strove  to  render  the  laws  themselves  more 
acceptable,  and  in  which  contests  were  instituted,  even  prior  to 
the  age  of  Homer  — - was  not  especially  cultivated  in  Egypt ; it 
is,  indeed,  asserted  that  it  was  prohibited ; and  the  same  is  said 
also  of  poetry  (6).  According  to  Strabo,  no  instrument  was 
played  either  in  their  temples  or  at  their  sacrifices.  But  this 
does  not  exclude  music  among  the  Egyptians  generally  ; or  it 
must  be  understood  only  of  the  earliest  periods  (7)  ; for  we 
know  that  women  conducted  Apis  with  music  to  the  banks  of 
the  Nile ; and  Egyptians  are  represented  playing  on  instruments, 
both  in  the  mosaic  of  the  temple  of  Fortune  at  Palestrina,  and 
in  two  Herculaneum  paintings. 

7.  As  a consequence  of  this  turn  of  mind,  the  Egyptians 
sought  to  excite  their  imaginations  and  exhilarate  their  minds 
by  violent  means;  and  their  thoughts  passed  beyond  the  natural, 
and  were  occupied  with  the  mysterious.  Hence,  the  melancholy 
of  this  nation  produced  the  first  eremites  (8)  ; and  a modern 
writer  pretends  to  have  discovered  somewhere,  that,  at  the 


170 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


close  of  the  fourth  century,  there  were  seventy  thousand  monks 
in  Lower  Egypt  alone  (9).  Another  consequence  of  this  tem- 
per of  mind  was,  that  the  Egyptians  were  willing  to  be  governed 
by  severe  laws,  and  positively  could  not  exist  without  a king ; 
this  is  probably  the  reason  why  Egypt  is  termed  by  Homer 
bitter  Egypt. 

8.  In  their  usages  and  religious  forms,  the  Egyptians  in- 
sisted upon  a strict  observance  of  the  primitive  ordinances, 
even  under  the  Roman  emperors, — not  only  in  Upper  Egypt, 
but  also  at  Alexandria  itself;  for  as  late  as  the  time  of 
the  Emperor  Adrian,  an  insurrection  broke  out  because  no 
ox  could  be  found  to  represent  the  god  Apis ; indeed,  the 
enmity  of  one  city  towards  another,  on  account  of  their  deities, 
was  still  fresh  at  that  time.  The  assertion  of  a few  modern 
authors,  — on  testimony  falsely  attributed  to  Herodotus  and 
Diodorus,  — that  the  religious  ceremonial  of  the  Egyptians,  and 
their  custom  of  embalming  the  dead,  had  been  utterly  and  for- 
ever abolished  by  Cambyses,  is  so  untrue,  that  even  the  Greeks, 
at  a later  date  than  this,  allowed  their  own  dead  to  be  pre- 
pared after  the  Egyptian  manner,  as  I have  shown  elsewhere, 
by  that  mummy  with  the  word  CY  -f-  YXI  on  its  breast  (10), 
which  was  formerly  in  the  Della  Yalle  mansion  at  Rome,  and 
is  at  present  among  the  antiquities  in  Dresden.  Now,  as  the 
Egyptians,  under  the  successors  of  Cambyses,  revolted  more 
than  once,  and  elected  kings  from  among  themselves,  who,  by 
the  aid  of  the  Greeks,  were  enabled  to  maintain  their  authority 
for  some  time,  it  is  probable  that,  during  these  intervals,  they 
also  returned  back  to  their  former  custom. 

9.  That  the  Egyptians,  under  the  Caesars,  still  adhered  to 
their  ancient  religious  forms,  even  the  statues  of  Antinoiis  may 
testify ; two  of  them  stand  at  Tivoli,  and  one  in  the  Capitoline 
museum,  and  they  are  shaped  after  the  manner  of  Egyptian 
statues,  and  have  the  form  under  which  he  was  worshipped 
in  this  country,  especially  in  the  city  where  he  lay  buried, 
which,  from  him,  received  the  name  Antinoea.  A figure  in 
marble  resembling  the  Capitoline,  and,  like  it,  somewhat  larger 
than  life,  but  without  its  proper  head,  is  in  the  garden  of  the 
Barberini  palace,  and  a third,  about  three  palms  (2  ft.  2 in. 
Eng.)  in  height,  is  in  the  Borghese  villa  ; these  have  the  stiff 
attitude,  with  the  arms  hanging  perpendicularly  by  the  sides, 
which  belongs  to  the  most  ancient  Egyptian  figures.  We  see, 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS . 


171 


therefore,  that  Adrian  was  obliged  to  give  to  the  image  of 
Antinoiis,  in  order  that  he  might  become  to  the  Egyptians  an 
object  of  reverence,  a shape  that  was  pleasing  to  them,  and  the 
only  one  which  was  popular  (11). 

10.  The  abhorrence  felt  by  the  Egyptians  for  Grecian  cus- 
toms— especially  before  they  fell  under  the  sovereignty  of 
the  Greeks  — strengthened  them  in  their  religious  use  of  the 
form  which  they  had  anciently  adopted  for  the  images  of  their 
worship  ; and  this  feeling,  necessarily,  would  make  their  artists 
very  indifferent  to  the  art  of  other  nations ; and,  consequently, 
would  check  the  progress  of  knowledge  as  well  as  of  art.  As 
their  physicians  durst  prescribe  no  other  remedies  than  those 
recorded  in  the  sacred  books,  so  their  artists  were  not  permit- 
ted to  deviate  from  the  ancient  style ; for  their  laws  allowed 
no  further  scope  to  the  mind  than  mere  imitation  of  their  fore- 
fathers, and  prohibited  all  innovations.  Hence,  as  Plato  informs 
us,  statues  which  had  been  executed  in  his  time  in  Egypt  did 
not  differ,  either  in  shape  or  in  any  other  respect,  from  those 
which  were  more  than  a thousand  years  old.  He  is,  however, 
to  be  understood  as  speaking  of  works  which  were  wrought  by 
native  artists  prior  to  the  era  of  Greek  rule  in  Egypt.  The 
observance  of  this  law  could  not  be  violated,  because  it,  like 
the  entire  constitution  of  the  Egyptian  form  of  government,  was 
based  on  their  very  religion.  For,  among  the  Egyptians,  the 
art  of  forming  figures  in  human  shape  seems  to  have  been  re- 
stricted to  their  deities,  the  kings  with  their  families,  and  the 
priests,  — with  the  exception  of  the  figures  which  were  carved 
on  public  edifices ; that  is  to  say,  to  a single  kind  of  images  (12). 
But  the  gods  of  the  Egyptians  were  kings  by  whom  the  coun- 
try had  been  governed  at  some  previous  time,  or  at  least  they 
were  regarded  as  deities ; so  too  the  earliest  kings  were  priests ; 
and  if  statues  were  erected  to  any  other  persons,  no  one  cer- 
tainly knows  the  fact,  and  no  writer  even  mentions  it. 

11.  Finally,  one  of  the  causes  concurring  to  produce  that 
condition  of  art  in  Egypt  which  I have  noticed  lies  in  the  esti- 
mation and  knowledge  of  their  artists,  who  were  viewed  in  the 
light  of  artisans,  and  were  classed  in  the  lowest  rank.  No  one, 
from  natural  inclination,  or  especial  impulse,  selected  art  as 
his  pursuit,  but  the  son  followed,  as  in  all  crafts  and  profes- 
sions, the  mode  of  life  of  his  father,  and  set  his  foot  in  the 
tracks  of  his  predecessor,  so  that  no  one  appears  to  have  left  a 


172 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


footprint  which  strictly  could  be  called  his  own.  Consequently, 
there  cannot  have  been  different  schools  of  art  in  Egypt,  as 
there  were  in  Greece.  In  such  a system  of  government  neither 
the  education  nor  the  circumstances  of  artists  could  be  of  a 
kind  that  was  able  to  elevate  their  minds  to  venture  up  the 
heights  of  art ; there  were,  also,  neither  privileges  nor  honors 
to  be  expected  when  they  had  produced  anything  extraordinary. 
Hence  the  word  image-cutter  applies  to  the  artists  of  the  Egyp- 
tian statues  in  its  proper  signification  ; they  chiselled  out  their 
figures  after  an  established  measure  and  form,  and  therefore 
the  law  not  to  depart  therefrom  was  probably  not  a harsh  law 
to  them.  The  name  of  only  one  Egyptian  sculptor  has  been 
preserved  under  a Greek  pronunciation  ; he  was  called  Memnon, 
and  had  made  three  statues  at  the  entrance  of  a temple  in 
Thebes,  one  of  which  was  the  largest  in  Egypt. 

12.  In  regard  to  science,  Egyptian  artists  must  of  neces- 
sity have  been  deficient  in  one  of  the  most  important  points  of 
art,  namely,  in  knowledge  of  anatomy,  — a science  which  was 
not  only  uncultivated  in  Egypt,  as  in  China,  but  was  also  un- 
known. Respect  for  the  dead  would  by  no  means  have  allowed 
the  dissection  of  a body  to  be  made ; indeed,  as  we  are  informed 
by  Diodorus,  it  was  regarded  as  homicide  to  make  merely  an 
incision  into  it.  Hence  even  the  Paraschistes,  as  the  Greeks 
termed  him,  or  he  who  opened  the  body  by  an  incision  into 
the  side  preparatory  for  embalming,  was  obliged  to  flee  imme- 
diately from  the  spot  after  the  performance  of  his  duty,  in 
order  to  save  himself  from  the  relatives  of  the  deceased,  and 
from  others,  by-standers,  who  followed  him  with  curses  and 
stones.  The  slight  knowledge  of  the  Egyptian  artists  in  anat- 
omy shows  itself,  in  fact,  not  only  in  the  incorrect  rendering  of 
some  few  parts,  but  it  might  also  be  inferred  from  the  feeble 
markings  of  the  muscles  and  bones.  In  Egypt,  anatomy  did 
not  extend  beyond  the  internal  parts  or  entrails  ; and  even  this 
limited  knowledge,  which  was  transmitted  from  father  to  son 
in  the  guild  of  this  class  of  persons,  probably  remained  a secret 
to  others ; for  in  the  preparation  of  the  dead  body,  no  one  was 
present  but  them. 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


173 


CHAPTER  II. 

PRIMITIVE  STYLE  OF  EGYPTIAN  ART. 

1.  The  second  portion  of  this  section  treats  of  the  ancient 
primitive  style  of  Egyptian  art,  and  includes  the  drawing  of 
the  nude  figure,  and  the  clothing  of  figures  in  conformity  to 
it.  Considered  generally,  three  varieties,  manners,  or  styles  are 
observable  : — the  antique  style  just  mentioned ; the  later  style  ; 
and,  finally,  that  of  imitations  of  Egyptian  works,  which  were 
probably  executed  by  Greek  artists.  I will  endeavor  to  show 
presently,  that  the  genuine  antique  Egyptian  works  are  two- 
fold in  kind,  and  that,  in  their  own  art,  there  are  two  distinct 
eras.  The  first  lasted  until  the  conquest  of  Egypt  by  Cam- 
byses,  and  the  second  as  long  as  native  Egyptians,  under  Persian 
and  afterwards  under  Greek  sovereignty,  practised  sculpture  ; 
but  most  of  the  imitations  were  probably  executed  during  the 
reign  of  the  Emperor  Adrian. 

2.  In  the  more  ancient  style,  the  drawing  of  the  nude  figure 
has  distinct  and  intelligible  characteristics,  which  distinguish  it, 
not  only  from  the  drawing  of  other  nations,  but  also  from  their 
own  later  style.  These  qualities  exist,  and  are  to  be  defined, 
not  only  in  the  outline  of  the  whole  figure,  but  also  in  the  draw- 
ing and  conformation  of  each  particular  part. 

3.  The  general  and  principal  characteristic  of  the  drawing  of 
the  nude  figure  in  this  style  is  that  of  forming  the  contour  of  it 
by  straight  or  nearly  straight  lines,  — an  attribute  which  belongs 
also  to  their  architecture,  and  their  embellishments.  Hence  on 
the  one  hand  the  Graces  — divinities  unknown  to  the  Egyptians 
— are  wanting  in  Egyptian  figures  ; and  on  the  other,  the  pic- 
turesque ; both  of  which  deficiencies  Strabo  infers  from  a temple 
at  Memphis.  The  attitude  of  the  figures  is  stiff  and  constrained  • 
but  feet,  placed  parallel  and  close  together,  — which  a few  an- 
cient writers  apparently  indicate  as  a universal  mark  of  distinc- 
tion of  Egyptian  figures,  and  which  exist  in  the  earliest  Etruscan 


174 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


figures  of  bronze,  — are  found  only  in  seated  figures.  Feet 
which  are  of  genuine  antiquity  stand  parallel,  and  not  outwards  ; 
but,  like  produced  parallel  lines,  one  is  extended  before  the 
other.  In  a male  figure  fourteen  palms  (10.3  ft.  Eng.)  in 
height,  in  the  Albani  villa,  the  distance  between  the  two  feet  is 
more  than  three  palms  (2.2  ft.  Eng.).  The  arms  of  male  figures 
hang  straight  down  along  the  sides,  to  which  they  are  united, 
as  if  firmly  pressed  towards  them ; consequently  such  figures 
have  no  action  at  all,  — action  being  expressed  principally 
through  the  movement  of  the  arms  and  hands.  The  motion- 
less state  of  these  parts  is  no  proof  of  a want  of  skill  in  the 
artists,  but  of  a rule  established  and  adopted  in  statues,  accord- 
ing to  which  they  must  be  executed  after  one  and  the  same 
model ; for  action,  which  they  have  given  to  their  figures,  is 
seen  on  obelisks  and  other  works ; and  probably  some  statues 
also  have  had  the  hands  free,  as  we  might  infer  from  that  one 
which  represented  a king  holding  a mouse  in  his  hand,  unless  it 
was  a seated,  and  not  a standing  figure.  Of  female  figures  only 
the  right  arm  hangs  confined  to  the  side  ; the  left  lies  across  the 
body  below  the  breast ; but  both  arms  hang  down  of  those 
figures  which  stand  in  front  near  the  seat  of  the  statue  of  Mem- 
non.  Several  figures  are  sitting  with  their  legs  crossed  under 
them,  or  kneeling  on  one  knee,  and  for  this  reason  might  be 
termed  Engonases  : in  this  position  were  the  three  Dii  Nixi, 
placed  before  the  three  chapels  of  the  Olympian  Jupiter  at 
Rome. 

4.  In  the  great  simplicity  of  drawing  of  the  Egyptian  figures, 
the  bones  and  muscles  are  slightly  marked ; the  nerves  and 
veins,  on  the  other  hand,  are  not  rendered  at  all ; the  knees, 
the  ankles,  and  a marking  of  the  elbow,  however,  are  promi- 
nently shown,  as  in  nature ; the  back  is  not  visible,  on  account 
of  the  pillar  against  which  their  statues  are  placed,  and  with 
which  they  form  one  piece.  The  slightly  curving  outlines  of 
their  figures  are,  likewise,  one  cause  of  the  narrowness  and  con- 
traction of  their  shapes,  — terms  by  which  Petronius  character- 
izes the  Egyptian  style  of  art.  Egyptian  figures,  especially  of 
the  male  sex,  are  also  distinguished  by  the  unusual  smallness 
of  the  body  above  the  hips. 

5.  The  foregoing  characters  and  distinguishing  marks  of  the 
Egyptian  style,  namely,  the  contour  and  the  forms,  defined  by 
nearly  straight  lines,  and  the  slight  marking  of  the  bones  and 


ART  AMONG  TER  EGYPTIANS. 


175 


muscles,  have  an  exception  in  the  animals  of  Egyptian  art. 
Among  these  are  to  be  particularly  noticed  a large  Sphinx  of 
basalt  in  the  Borghese  villa,  two  lions  on  the  ascent  to  the  Cam- 
pidoglio,1  and  two  others  at  the  Fontana  Felice ; for  they  are 
executed  with  much  understanding,  an  elegant  variety  of  softly 
deviating  outlines  and  flowingly  unbroken  parts  (1).  The  great 
trochanters,  below  the  hips,  which  in  human  figures  are  passed 
over  undefined,  are,  together  with  the  bone  of  the  thigh,  and 
other  bones,  executed  in  wild  beasts  with  an  expressive  elegance. 
And  yet  the  lions  by  the  above-mentioned  Fountain  are  marked 
with  hieroglyphics,  which  are  not  found  on  the  other  animals 
named,  and  show  plain  indications  of  being  genuine  Egyptian 
works ; the  Sphinxes  by  the  obelisk  of  the  sun,  which  lies  in  the 
Campus  Martius,  are  in  precisely  the  same  style,  and  the  heads 
evince  great  skill  and  much  labor.2 

6.  From  this  difference  of  style  in  human  figures  and  the 
figures  of  animals,  we  may  conclude  that,  as  the  former  repre- 
sent divinities,  or  persons  consecrated  to  divinities,  — among 
whom  I also  include  kings,  in  accordance  with  what  I have 
remarked  above,  — the  conformation  of  them  had  been  univer- 
sally determined  by  the  religion  of  the  country,  but  that,  in  the 
formation  of  animals,  the  artists  were  allowed  more  license  for 
the  display  of  their  skill.  We  may  imagine  the  system  of  art 
in  Egypt,  in  regard  to  the  human  figure,  like  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment at  Crete  and  Sparta,  where  it  was  not  allowable  to 
deviate,  even  by  a finger’s  breadth,  from  the  institutions  of  their 
lawgivers ; but  the  figures  of  animals  were  not  included  under 
this  law. 

7 . In  the  second  place,  the  extremities,  that  is,  tjie  head, 
hands,  and  feet,  are  the  principal  points  of  examination  in  the 
drawing  of  the  nude  figure. 

In  the  head,  the  eyes  are  drawn  flat  and  oblique,  and  are 
placed,  not  deeply,  as  in  Greek  statues,  but  almost  on  a level 
with  the  forehead,  so  that  the  upper  margin  of  the  orbit,  on 
which  the  eyebrows  are  denoted  by  a sharp  prominence,  is  flat. 
For  in  Egyptian  figures  — the  forms  of  which,  though  possessing 
much  that  is  ideal,  have  no  ideal  beauty  — the  artist  did  not 
succeed  in  attaining  the  ideal  and  in  imparting  majesty  to  this 

1 Plates  III.  and  IV. 

2 Plate  Y . The  head  of  the  one  given  in  the  plate  is  more  beautifully 
and  carefully  executed  than  that  of  the  other.  — Fea. 


176 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


part  of  the  face ; the  Greeks  sought  and  obtained  it  by  setting 
the  ball  of  the  eye  more  deeply,  thus  producing  more  light  and 
shadow,  and  consequently  stronger  effect,  — as  I will  show  here- 
after more  fully.  The  eyebrows,  the  eyelids,  and  the  edge  of 
the  lips,  are  generally  denoted  by  incised  lines.  The  eyebrows 
of  one  of  the  most  ancient  female  heads,  larger  than  life,  of 
greenish  basalt,  in  the  Albani  villa,  which  has  excavated  eyes, 
are  delineated  by  a raised  flat  band,  of  the  breadth  of  the  nail 
on  the  little  finger;  this  band  extends  even  to  the  temples, 
where  it  is  cut  off  at  an  angle.  From  the  lower  part  of  the 
socket  of  the  eye,  a similar  band  runs  in  precisely  the  same  way 
to  the  same  place,  where  it  terminates  in  a similar  manner. 
The  Egyptians  had  no  knowledge  of  the  soft  profile  of  Greek 
heads,  but  the  depression  of  the  nose  is  the  same  as  in  nature. 
The  cheek-bones  are  strongly  marked  and  prominent ; the  chin 
is  always  somewhat  small,  and  receding,  whereby  the  oval  of 
the  face  becomes  imperfect.  The  section  of  the  mouth,  or  the 
meeting  of  the  lips,  which,  in  nature,  at  least  in  Greeks  and 
Europeans,  is  drawn  rather  downwards  towards  the  corners  of 
the  mouth,  is,  on  the  contrary,  in  Egyptian  heads  drawn  up- 
wards ; and  the  mouth  is  always  closed  in  such  a manner  that 
the  lips  are  separated  from  each  other  only  by  a simple  incision  ; 
whereas  the  lips  of  the  greater  number  of  Greek  divinities  are, 
on  the  contrary,  opened,  — as  I shall  notice  hereafter.  But  the 
most  extraordinary  part  of  the  Egyptian  conformation  would  be 
the  ears,  provided  they  were  really  situated  so  high  on  the  head 
as  they  are  seen  on  the  greater  number  of  Egyptian  figures  (2), 
and,  among  others,  on  the  two  heads  in  my  own  possession.  But 
they  are  placed  the  highest  — so  high,  indeed,  that  the  lobe  of 
the  ear  is  almost  in  the  same  line  with  the  eyes  — on  a head 
with  inserted  eyes,  in  the  Albani  villa,  and  on  the  seated  figure 
below  the  point  of  the  Barberini  obelisk. 

8.  The  hands  have  that  form  which  we  find  in  those  who 
have  injured  or  neglected  hands  not  badly  shaped.  The  feet 
differ  from  the  feet  of  Greek  figures  in  being  flatter  and 
broader,  and  by  a slight  diminution  in  the  length  of  the  toes, 
which  lie  perfectly  flat,  and,  like  the  fingers,  have  no  markings 
of  the  joints.  Even  the  little  toe  is  not  crooked,  nor  pressed 
inwards,  as  is  the  case  with  Greek  feet ; consequently  it  is 
probable  that  the  feet  of  Memnon  also  have  neither  the  posi- 
tion nor  shajje  with  which  Pococke  allowed  them  to  be  drawn. 


* 


\ 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


177 


The  nails  are  indicated  only  by  angular  incisions,  and  have 
neither  roundness  nor  convexity. 

9.  The  feet  of  the  Egyptian  statues  in  the  Campidoglio  — in 
those  instances  in  which  they  have  been  preserved  — are,  even 
as  in  the  Apollo  Belvedere  and  the  Laocoon,  of  unequal  length  ; 
the  supporting  right  foot  of  one  of  them  is  about  three  inches 
of  a Roman  palm  (2.2  in.  Eng.)  longer  than  the  other.  But 
this  inequality  is  not  without  reason ; for  it  was  the  intention 
to  give  to  the  foot  which  stands  farther  removed  from  the 
spectator  just  as  much  as  it  might  seem  to  lose  by  being  with- 
drawn (3). 

The  navel,  both  of  men  and  women,  is  unusually  deep  and 
hollow. 

10.  By  means  of  the  foregoing  characteristics  of  art  among 
this  people,  it  is  possible  to  distinguish  each  single  fragment  of 
a statue,  and  say  whether  it  is  Egyptian  or  Grecian.  A sculptor 
showed  me  the  thigh,  together  with  the  knee  of  a kneeling  fig- 
ure in  greenish  basalt,  as  an  Egyptian  work  ; but  I proved  to 
him,  by  pointing  opt  the  markings  of  the  bones  and  cartilages 
of  the  knee,  that  it  was  a Greek  production,  in  despite  of  the 
Egyptian  stone.  The  figures  in  a few  Herculaneum  paintings 
may  also  serve  to  elucidate  that  passage  of  Petronius  where  he 
speaks  of  the  creeping  in  of  the  Egyptian  style  of  art. 

I here  repeat  a remark,  which  has  been  stated  generally  in 
the  Preface,  that  it  is  impossible  to  form  an  opinion  from  en- 
gravings ; for  in  the  figures  in  Boissard,  Kircher,  and  Montfau- 
con,  there  is  not  found  a single  one  of  the  assigned  characters 
of  the  Egyptian  style.  It  is,  moreover,  necessary  to  observe 
closely  what  parts  of  Egyptian  statues  are  really  antique,  and 
what  are  restorations.  The  lower  portion  of  the  face  of  the 
supposed  Isis  in  the  Campidoglio,  which,  among  the  four  largest 
statues  there,  is  the  only  one  of  black  granite,  is  not  antique, 
but  a modern  addition ; the  arms  and  the  legs  of  this  statue,  and 
of  the  two  others,  of  red  granite,  are  also  restorations.  I mention 
these  restorations  particularly,  because  they  are  not  very  appar- 
ent. On  the  other  hand,  I omit  those  additions  w'hich  every 
one  can  easily  detect ; as,  for  example,  the  modern  head  of  the 
female  figure  in  the  Barberini  palace,  — holding  in  front  of  her- 
self a small  Anubis  in  a box,  after  the  manner  of  a male  figure 
in  Kircher,1  — or  the  legs  of  a smaller  standing  figure  in  the 
Borghese  villa  (4). 

i Plate  VI. 

VOL.  i.  12 


178 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


11.  Any  comments  which  I might  have  to  make,  for  the  in- 
struction of  those  who  study  art,  on  the  singular  shape  of  the 
figures  of  Egyptian  divinities,  and  on  the  attributes  assigned  to 
them,  should  follow,  most  appropriately  in  this  place,  the  preced- 
ing observations  on  the  drawing  of  the  nude  figure.  But  as  this 
topic  has  been  handled  to  excess  by  others,  I will  confine  myself 
here  to  some  special  remarks. 

12.  Few  statues  of  the  divinities  to  which  were  given  the 
heads  of  animals  in  whose  forms  they  were  reverenced  by 
the  Egyptians  have  been  preserved ; and  I believe  that  only  the 
following  are  to  be  found  in  Rome.  The  first  in  the  Barberini 
palace,  with  the  head  of  a sparrow-hawk,  represents  Osiris ; and 
the  head  of  this  bird  is  intended,  in  the  figure  of  Osiris,  to 
typify  the  Greek  Apollo ; but  according  to  Homer,  the  sparrow- 
hawk  was  peculiar  to  the  latter,  and  his  messenger,  because  he 
is  able  to  gaze  at  the  sun  without  blinking.  The  second  statue, 
in  the  Albani  villa,  of  similar  size,  with  a head  which  partakes 
of  a lion,  a cat,  and  a dog,  is  an  image  of  Anubis  (5),  in  whose 
shape,  likewise,  there  was  a mixture  of  that  of  the  lion,  which 
animal  also  was  reverenced.  The  third  is  a small  seated  figure 
with  a dog’s  head,  in  the  same  villa ; the  fourth,  of  precisely 
the  same  conformation,  is  in  the  Barberini  palace ; and  the 
fifth,  with  the  head  of  a cat,  is  in  the  Borghese  villa.  The  first 
four  statues  are  of  blackish  granite. 

13.  The  head  of  the  second  of  these  figures  is  covered,  on  its 
back  part,  with  the  customary  Egyptian  cap,  which,  laid  in 
many  folds,  hangs  down  in  front  of  a roundish  shape,  and  be- 
hind over  the  shoulders  two  palms  (1  ft.  5 in.  Eng.)  in  length ; 
and  on  the  head,  behind,  there  rises  up  a round  disc,  which,  if 
not  intended  to  typify  the  sun  or  moon,  may  be  regarded  as  a 
Nimbus,  so  called,  which  was  afterwards  given  to  the  images  of 
the  deities  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans  and  the  emperors. 
Among  the  Herculaneum  paintings,  there  is  a remarkable  one 
of  an  Osiris,  on  a black  ground,  of  which  the  face,  arms,  and 
feet  have  a blue  color.  A symbolic  meaning  probably  lies  con- 
cealed herein,  since  we  know  that  the  Egyptians  gave  to  the 
image  of  the  sun,  or  to  Osiris,  more  than  one  color ; and  blue 
was  intended  to  denote  the  sun  when  it  is  below  our  hemisphere. 
The  Anubis  of  white  marble,  in  the  Campidoglio,  is  a work,  not 
of  Egyptian  art,  but  of  the  age  of  the  Emperor  Adrian. 

14.  Strabo  — not  Diodorus,  as  Pococke  states  — relates  of  a 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


179 


temple  ‘at  Thebes,  that  no  human  figures,  but  merely  those  of 
animals,  were  placed  in  it,  and  Pococke  pretends  to  have  made 
the  same  observation  in  regard  to  other  temples,  preserved  there. 
The  statement  in  Strabo  seems  to  be  the  ground  on  which  War- 
burton  holds  the  figures  of  the  Egyptian  divinities  with  the 
heads  of  animals  to  be  more  ancient  than  those  which  are  wholly 
human.  Egyptian  figures,  however,  seemingly  divinities  from 
the  emblems  given  to  them,  are  now  found  represented  in  a form 
completely  human,  in  greater  numbers,  than  with  the  heads  of 
animals;  — of  this,  one  proof,  among  others,  is  the  well-known 
I sic  Tablet  in  the  museum  of  the  king  of  Sardinia ; — and  the 
statues  in  which  the  human  form  is  not  disfigured  appear  to 
have  precisely  the  same  antiquity  as  those  of  the  other  kind. 
It  is  impossible  to  ascribe  a less  antiquity  to  the  two  large 
female  statues  in  the  Capitoline  museum ; they  are  probably 
images  of  Isis,  although  they  have  no  horns  on  the  head  (6), 
which  on  her  denote  the  waxing  and  waning  of  the  moon,  as 
shown  by  a bronze  figure  of  her  in  the  oldest  Egyptian  style, 
which  has  been  published  in  my  Ancient  Monuments.  These 
statues  cannot  be  the  statues  of  priestesses  of  this  goddess,  be- 
cause no  woman  filled  the  sacerdotal  office  in  Egypt.  The  male 
figures  in  the  same  place  may  even  be  statues  of  kings  or  of 
high-priests,  since  they  have  none  of  the  distinguishing  marks 
of  a deity ; for  statues  of  the  latter  stood  at  Thebes.  Of  the 
wings  of  Egyptian  deities  I shall  speak  in  the  third  chapter  of 
this  second  book.  It  may  likewise  be  remarked  here,  that  the 
Sistrum  is  not  placed  in  the  hand  of  any  figure  on  any  ancient 
Egyptian  work  whatever  in  Rome  (7) ; in  fact,  this  instrument 
is  not  seen  represented  at  all  on  them,  except  on  the  border  of 
the  Isic  Tablet ; and  they  mistake,  who,  like  Bianchini,  think 
that  they  have  found  it  on  more  than  one  obelisk,  — - a remark 
which  I have  already  made  in  another  place.  The  staves  in 
the  hands  of  the  male  figures  generally  have,  instead  of  a knob, 
a bird’s  head,  — which  may  be  seen  most  distinctly  in  the  case 
of  the  seated  figures  on  both  sides  of  a large  tablet  of  red  gran- 
ite, in  the  garden  of  the  Barberini  palace ; and  also  of  those 
which  are  cut  in  the  obelisk  near  to  its  point.  These  staves 
Diodorus  seems  to  have  looked  upon  as  ploughs,  for  he  says 
that  the  figures  of  Egyptian  kings  held  a plough  ; but  it  is  a 
staff  surmounted  by  the  head  of  a bird.  This  bird  is  either 
the  one  which  the  inhabitants  of  Egypt  termed  Aboukirdan, 


180 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIFNT  ART. 


of  about  the  size  of  a small  crane,  or  it  is  the  bird  Epops 
(Hoopoe)  of  the  Greeks,  named  by  the  Romans  Upupa.  But 
here  the  question  arises,  What  resemblance  has  -this  wand  to  a 
plough,  and  how  is  it  possible  for  Diodorus  to  have  confounded 
one  with  the  other  1 In  order  to  explain  this,  we  must  suppose 
that  the  meaning  given  to  the  afore-mentioned  staves  was  an 
invention  of  his  own,  inasmuch  as  he  viewed  them  at  a distance, 
on  the  top  of  the  obelisks,  and  not  near  by,  as  it  can  be  done 
in  Rome,  where  three  of  them  are  lying  on  the  ground.  As 
with  Diodorus,  so  it  has  been  with  the  learned  Bianchim,  who 
explains  a staff  of  this  kind,  in  the  hand  of  the  figure  on  the 
apex  of  the  Flaminian  obelisk,  in  the  Piazza  del  Popolo,  accord- 
ing to  the  account  given  by  this  historian.  The  ancients  had 
two  kinds  of  ploughs ; one  of  them,  like  our  own,  consisted  of 
many  pieces,  and  was  called  a porpov  tt7]kt6v  ; the  other,  named 
avroyvov,  was  made  of  a single  piece ; that  is  to  say,  the  poste- 
rior part  — forming  the  elbow,  named  yvcrj  by  some,  and  ix^rj 
by  others,  and  to  the  under  part  of  which  the  share  is  attached 
— was  of  one  solid  piece  with  the  beam  by  which  the  oxen  draw. 
This  is  the  kind  of  plough  with  which  the  hero  Echetlus  is 
represented  on  many  Etruscan  sepulchral  urns,  hitherto  unex- 
plained, fighting  at  Marathon  against  the  Persians.  The  bird- 
headed staff  in  the  hand  of  the  kings  on  Egyptian  monuments, 
when  viewed  at  a distance,  has  great  resemblance  to  such  a 
plough ; and  this  similarity  probably  explains  why  Diodorus 
mistook  one  for  the  other.  The  Greeks  also  carried  staves,  of 
which  the  top  was  ornamented  by  birds.  Among  the  Assyrians, 
according  to  Herodotus,  an  apple,  a rose,  a lily,  an  eagle,  or  a 
figure  of  some  kind,  was  carved  on  the  head  of  them.  The 
eagle,  therefore,  on  the  head  of  Jupiter’s  staff,  described  by- 
Pindar,  and  as  it  is  seen  on  a beautiful  altar  in  the  Albani  villa, 
is  derived  from  a common  custom. 

15.  We  learn  from  Porphyry,  on  the  authority  of  Numenius, 
that  the  Egj^ptian  deities  stand,  not  on  the  solid  earth,  but  on 
a ship ; and  that  not  only  the  sun,  but  all  souls,  according  to 
the  doctrine  of  the  Egyptians,  float  on  the  fluid  element.  The 
author  cited  has  sought  to  illustrate  by  this  conception  the 
“ moving  of  the  Spirit  of  God  upon  the  waters,”  in  the  Mosaic 
account  of  the  creation.  In  a similar  manner,  Thales  maintained 
that  the  earth  rests  like  a ship  upon  the  water.  There  are  a 
few  monuments  in  which  this  belief  has  been  expressed.  In  the 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


181 


Ludovisi  villa  stands  a small  Isis,  in  marble,  with  her  left  foot 
on  a vessel ; and  on  two  round  bases  in  the  Mattei  villa,  pre- 
senting a picture  of  the  Egyptian  religious  rites  adopted  by  the 
Romans,  is  a figure  which  stands  with  both  feet  on  a boat.  But 
a still  closer  approximation  to  this  doctrine  of  the  Egyptians  is 
found  in  a picture  painted  on  a vessel  of  terra-cotta  in  the  Vati- 
can library.  It  represents  the  sun,  together  with  a personified 
figure  of  the  moon,  standing  on  a car  drawn  by  four  horses,  and 
the  whole  borne  on  a ship.  This  painting  has  been  published 
in  my  Ancient  Monuments. 

16.  The  Sphinxes  of  the  Egyptians  are  of  both  sexes;  that 
is  to  say,  they  are  female  in  their  front  parts,  with  a female 
head,  and  male  behind,  where  the  testicles  are  seen.  This  has 
hitherto  remained  unnoticed ; and  I stated  it  on  the  authority 
of  a gem  in  the  Stosch  museum,  and  by  it  I showed  the  expla- 
nation of  the  passage,  hitherto  not  understood  in  the  poet  Phi- 
lemon, in  which  he  speaks  of  male  Sphinxes,  especially  as  the 
Greek  artists  also  formed  Sphinxes  with  a beard,  as  we  see  on  a 
rilievo  in  terra-cotta  which  stands  in  the  lesser  Farnese  palace. 
When  Herodotus  terms  the  Sphinxes  drSp6<r<£iyyes,  he  intends, 
as  I think,  to  denote  their  double  sex.  The  Sphinxes  on  the 
four  sides  of  the  apex  of  the  obelisk  of  the  sun,  which  have  hu- 
man hands  with  the  sharp  claws  of  rending  animals,  are  partic- 
ularly deserving  of  attention. 

17.  From  this  investigation  of  the  drawing  of  the  nude  figure  - 
of  the  older  Egyptian  style,  I proceed  to  the  dress  of  figures  of 
this  same  style.  I will  remark,  in  the  first  place,  that  it  con- 
sisted principally  of  flax,  which  was  abundantly  cultivated  in 
Egypt  (8),  and  that  the  robe,  termed  Kalasiris,  to  the  lower 
part  of  which  a ruffled  band  or  hem  with  many  folds  was  sewed, 
reached  even  to  the  feet.  Over  this  the  men  threw  a white 
mantle,  made  of  cloth  (9).  The  priests  wTere  dressed  in  -white 
cotton.  But  all  male  figures  — as  well  in  statues  as  on  obelisks 
and  other  works  — are  naked,  with  the  exception  of  an  apron 
placed  about  the  hips  and  covering  the  abdomen  (10).  This 
apron  is  broken  into  very  small  plaits  (11).  If  these  figures 
represent  divinities,  the  practice  of  figuring  them  in  a nude  state 
may  either  be  an  adopted  one,  — as  was  the  case  among  the 
Greeks,  — or  it  may  be  considered  as  a representation  of  the 
earliest  form  of  dress  in  Egypt,  and  which  was  still  existing 
among  the  Arabians  long  after  this  date ; for  the  latter  wore 


182 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


nothing  but  an  apron  about  the  body  and  shoes  on  their  feet. 
But  if  they  are  priests,  we  can  conceive  of  them  as  we  do  of  the 
sacrificial  priests  among  the  Romans,  who  were  likewise  nude  as 
low  down  as  the  abdomen,  and  wore  an  apron,  termed  limns, 
bound  around  them ; and  thus  they  slaughtered  the  victim,  as 
it  may  be  seen  on  different  rilievi.  Now,  as  the  Egyptian  kings, 
when  one  line  of  them  had  become  extinct,  were  selected  from 
the  body  of  the  priests,  and  all  the  kings  were  consecrated  to 
the  priesthood,  it  might  be  assumed  that  it  was  even  in  this 
view  that  the  Egyptian  kings  have  been  imaged  in  such  a 
garb  (12). 

18.  The  dress  of  female  figures  is  signified  merely  by  a 
prominent  or  raised  border  at  the  legs  and  neck,  as  it  may  be 
seen  on  a supposed  Isis  in  the  Campidoglio,  and  on  two  other 
figures  there.  Around  the  centre  of  the  breasts  of  one  of  them 
a small  circle  is  engraved,  and  from  it  proceed  many  incisions 
lying  close  to  one  another,  like  the  radii  of  a circle,  nearly  two 
fingers  broad,  and  passing  round  the  breasts.  This  might  be 
regarded  as  an  absurd  ornament ; but  I am  of  opinion  that  it 
was  intended  to  signify  by  them  the  folds  which  would  be 
formed  by  a thin  veil  thrown  over  the  nipples.  For  on  the 
breasts  of  an  Egyptian  Isis,  but  of  later  style,  in  the  Albani 
villa,  which  at  the  first  glance  appear  to  be  entirely  uncovered, 
folds  of  almost  imperceptible  elevation  are  drawn,  diverging  in 
the  same  direction  from  the  centre  of  the  breasts.  The  clothing 
on  the  bodies  of  these  figures  must  be  merely  imagined  ; and 
this  may  be  the  reason  why  Herodotus  supposed  the  twenty 
female  colossal  statues  of  the  concubines  of  King  Mycerinus, 
made  of  wood,  in  the  city  of  Sais,  to  be  naked,  since  they  were 
probably  draped  precisely  in  this  manner ; and  this  appears  so 
much  the  more  credible,  as  even  the  sculptor  Francesco  Maratti, 
of  Padua,  by  whom  the  Capitoline  statues  were  repaired,  did 
not  notice  the  above-mentioned  projection,  by  which  alone  the 
dress  on  them  is  distinguishable,  as  I perceive  from  the  neatly 
executed  drawings  presented  by  this  artist  to  Pope  Clement  the 
Eleventh.  Pococke  makes  the  very  same  remark  in  regard  to 
the  dress  of  a seated  statue  of  Isis,  which,  if  it  were  not  for  a 
projecting  border  above  the  ankles,  would  be  considered  as 
entirely  nude.  Hence,  he  imagines  this  garment  as  a fine  mus- 
lin, of  which  even  now  the  shifts  of  the  Eastern  women  are 
made,  on  account  of  the  great  heat. 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


183 


19.  The  figure  in  the  Barberini  palace,  before  mentioned,  is 
dressed  in  a singular  manner.  Her  robe  widens  from  above 
downward,  like  a bell,  without  folds.  An  idea  of  it  may  be 
obtained  from  a figure  given  in  Pococke.  The  tunic  of  a female 
figure  of  blackish  granite,  three  palms  (26  in.  Eng.)  in  height, 
in  the  Rolandi  museum  at  Rome,  is  made  precisely  in  the 
same  manner ; but  as  it  is  not  enlarged  below,  the  lower  part 
of  the  figure  looks  like  a cylinder,  so  that  the  feet  are  not 
visible  (13).  Before  her  breast  she  holds  a sitting  Cynokeplia - 
lus,  “ a dog-faced  baboon,”  in  a casket,  on  which  are  four  rows, 
arranged  in  columns,  of  what  are  intended  to  signify  hiero- 
glyphics. 

20.  The  rilievi  with  painted  figures  which  have  been  pre- 
served in  structures  at  Thebes,  and  in  other  parts  of  Egypt, 
are  said  to  be  painted,  like  the  dress  of  Osiris,  without  grada- 
tion of  color,  and  without  light  and  shadow.  But  this  must 
not  surprise  us  so  much  as  it  did  the  waiter  who  states  it,  for 
all  rilievi  receive  light  and  shadow  through  themselves, 
whether  they  are  in  white  marble  or  in  any  other  single  color ; 
and  there  would  be  nothing  but  confusion  produced,  if*  in 
painting  them  over,  the  high  and  low  parts  should  be  treated 
the  same  as  in  a picture.  . 

21.  The  dress  or  covering  of  the  head  is  of  many  kinds,  and 
the  artist  bestowed  especial  industry  on  the  execution  of  it.  The 
men,  in  their  every-day  life,  indeed,  usually  wore  nothing  on 
their  heads,  and  in  this  respect  were  the  opposite  of  the  Per- 
sians, as  Herodotus  remarks  in  speaking  of  the  different  hard- 
ness of  the  skulls  of  those  who  fell  on  both  sides  in  the  battle 
with  the  Persians.  On  the  other  hand,  the  male  figures  in 
works  of  art  of  this  first  Egyptian  style  have  the  head  covered 
either  with  a hood  or  a cap,  as  gods,  kings,  or  priests.  With 
several  of  them  the  hood  hangs  down  over  the  shoulders,  as 
well  towards  the  breast  as  upon  the  back,  in  two  broad  bands, 
partly  flat,  and  partly  a little  rounded  on  the  outside.  The  cap 
resembles  in  a degree  a bishop’s  mitre,  and  on  some  few  figures 
the  upper  part  of  it  is  flat,  like  those  caps  which  were  worn  two 
hundred  years  ago,  for  example,  the  cap  of  the  elder  Aldus. 
Animals  also  have  the  hood  and  mitre  : the  former  is  seen  on 
the  sphinx,  the  latter  on  the  hawk.  A large  hawk  of  basalt, 
about  three  palms  (26  in.  Eng.)  in  height,  with  a mitre,  is  in 
the  above-mentioned  Rolandi  museum  (14).  The  cap  with  a 


184 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


flat  crown  wTas  tied  under  the  chin  by  two  bands,  as,  for  example, 
on  a seated  figure,  four  palms  (33  in.  Eng.)  in  height,  of  black 
granite,  and  the  only  one  of  its  kind,  — in  the  same  museum 
(15).1  This  cap  enlarges  as  it  rises  upwards,  like  the  Modius 
on  the  head  of  Serapis  ; and  caps  of  this  form,  as  worn  by  a few 
images  of  the  ancient  Persian  kings  in  the  ruins  of  Persepolis, 
are  termed  by  the  Arabians  Cancal,  that  is  to  say,  Modius. 
Similar  caps  are  worn  by  the  seated  figures  below  the  pinnacle 
of  an  obelisk.  On  the  front  of  the  cap  rises  a serpent,  just  as, 
on  the  heads  of  Phoenician  divinities  on  coins  of  Malta  (16),  it 
rises  over  the  forehead. 

22.  From  a cap  of  this  kind,  worn  by  the  figures  on  obe- 
lisks as  well  as  on  the  Barberini  Tablet  above  mentioned,  and 
also  from  the  cap  of  the  aforesaid  figure,  and  of  the  figure  in  the 
Rolandi  museum,  rises  the  ornament  supposed  by  Warburton  to 
be  the  shrub  of  which  Diodorus  speaks,  which  was  a head-orna- 
ment of  the  kings  of  Egypt.  But  as  this  head-dress  on  the  cap 
rather  resembles  an  ornament  of  feathers,  and  as  it  is  found  that 
the  Egyptian  deity  Cneph,  the  creative  god,  bore  wings  on  his 
head,  and  royal  wings  too,  that  is  to  say,  of  the  kind  which 
kings  are  accustomed  to  wear,  it  is  probable  that  the  ornament 
in  question  is  not  only  what  it  resembles,  but  we  are  authorized 
to  infer  from  it  that  the  wearers  represent  kings,  inasmuch  as 
the  divinity  named  is  not  otherwise  known,  whilst  such  figures 
are  repeated  on  all  the  obelisks. 

A few  figures,  both  male  and  female,  have  four  rows,  repre- 
senting gems,  pearls,  and  the  like,  hanging  over  the  breast  like 
a mantilla.  This  ornament  is  found  especially  on  figures  of 
Canopus  and  on  mummies. 

23.  The  heads  of  female  figures  are  always  covered  by  a hood, 
which  is  sometimes  laid  in  an  almost  infinite  number  of  small 
plaits,  — as,  for  instance,  on  the  above-mentioned  head  of  green 
basalt  in  the  Albani  villa.  An  oblong  gem  is  represented  as 
being  set  in  the  front  part  of  this  hood ; and  this  is  the  only 
head  on  which  the  roots  of  the  hair  on  the  forehead  are  indi- 
cated. A few  figures  of  Isis  have  on  their  head  something 
which  resembles  a head-dress  of  artificial  hair ; but  in  reality, 
and  particularly  on  the  large  Isis  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  it 
seems  to  be  composed  of  feathers.  This  is  rendered  more  prob- 
able by  an  Isis  introduced  in  my  Ancient  Monuments , upon  whose 

i Plate  VII. 


pi  VII 


\ 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS . 


185 


hood  sits  a Numidian  hen,  so  called,  the  wings  of  which  hang 
down  by  the  sides  of  it,  and  the  tail  backwards. 

24.  Another  strange  fashion  was  the  single  lock  of  hair,  which 
is  seen  hanging,  near  the  right  ear,  from  the  shaven  head  of  a 
statue  of  black  marble,  in  the  Campidoglio.  This  statue  will 
be  cited  hereafter  as  an  Egyptian  imitation.  The  lock  of  hair 
is  neither  shown  in  the  engraving  nor  noticed  in  the  description 
of  the  figure.1  I have  spoken  of  such  a lock  of  hair  on  the 
shaven  head  of  a figure  of  Harpocrates,  in  the  Description  of  the 
Engraved  Gems  of  the  Stoscli  Cabinet , in  wThicli  I pointed  out,  at 
the  same  time,  this  singularity  on  another  figure  of  the  same 
deity,  which  was  made  known  by  the  Count  Caylus.  A copper- 
plate engraving  of  the  Stosch  gem  has  been  introduced  into  my 
Ancient  Monuments.  This  lock  explains  Macrobius,  who  relates 
that  the  Egyptians  represented  the  Sun  with  a shaved  head, 
excepting  one  lock  on  the  right  side  of  it.  Cuper  therefore  is 
not  wrong,  — although  censured  for  his  error  by  a modern 
writer,  — when  he  asserts,  without  however  having  any  knowl- 
edge of  the  preceding  statement,  that  in  Harpocrates  the  Egyp- 
tians honored  also  the  Sun.  In  the  museum  of  the  College  of 
St.  Ignatius,  at  Rome,  there  is  a small  Harpocrates,  together 
with  two  other  small  genuine  Egyptian  figures  of  bronze  with 
this  lock. 

25.  Not  a single  Egyptian  figure  has  shoes  and  soles ; and 
even  Plutarch  relates  that  the  women  in  this  country  went  bare- 
footed. It  must  therefore  be  considered  as  an  exception,  that 
the  statue  in  Pococke,  of  which  mention  has  been  made,  has  an 
angular  ring  below  the  ankle-bone,  from  which  something  like  a 
strap  passes  down  between  the  great  toe  and  the  one  next  to  it, 
as  if  for  the  purpose  of  fastening  the  sole  (17),  though  the  sole 
itself  is  not  visible. 

26.  The  Egyptian  women,  not  less  than  those  of  other  nations, 
had  their  ornaments,  especially  ear-pendants  and  armlets.  As 
far  as  I know,  ear-pendants  are  to  be  seen  only  on  a single  figure, 
which  has  been  made  known  by  Pococke  (18).  The  same  figure, 
and  the  Isis  of  black  granite  in  the  Campidoglio,  have  bracelets 
near  the  knuckles.  If  we  were  to  speak  accurately,  we  should 
say  that  the  ornament  in  question  could  not  be  called  an  arm- 
let,  for  this  is  placed  about  the  arm  of  figures  of  other  nations ; 
but  it  must  denote  a ring.  The  most  ancient  nations,  especially 

1 In  the  Capitoline  Museum,  Vol.  III.  Plate  82. 


186 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


the  Egyptians,  apparently  wore  rings,  not  on  the  fingers,  but  on 
the  hands,  — a fact  which  we  might  infer  from  what  Moses 
relates  of  Pharaoh,  that  the  king  drew  his  ring  from  his  own 
hand  and  placed  it  upon  the  hand  of  Joseph.  These  are  the 
reflections  which  have  occurred  to  me  in  regard  to  the  elder 
style  of  Egyptian  sculpture. 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


187 


CHAPTER  III. 

LATER  EGYPTIAN  STYLE. 

1.  The  third  chapter  of  this  book,  — which  treats  of  the 
following  and  later  style  of  the  Egyptian  artists, — like  the 
preceding  chapter,  has  for  its  objects  the  drawing  of  the  nude 
figure  in  the  first  place,  and,  in  the  second,  the  dress  of  figures. 
An  example  of  each  is  seen  in  two  figures  of  basalt,  in  the  Cam- 
pidoglio ; and  a figure  from  the  same  kind  of  stone,  in  the 
Albani  villa,  informs  us  in  regard  to  posture  and  dress.  To  the 
latter,  however,  the  antique  head,  arms,  and  legs  are  wanting. 

The  face  of  one  of  the  two  former  statues  seems  to  deviate 
somewhat  from  the  usual  Egyptian  shape  ; the  mouth,  however, 
is  turned  upwards,  and  the  chin  is  too  short ; these  are  charac- 
teristics that  belong  to  the  more  ancient  Egyptian  heads.  The 
eyes  are  excavated ; and  it  is  probable  that,  anciently,  the  cavi- 
ties were  filled  by  some  foreign  material.  Though  the  face  of 
the  other  statue  approaches  still  nearer  to  the  Greek  form,  the 
figure,  as  a whole,  is  badly  drawn,  and  the  proportion  is  too 
short ; the  hands  are  more  elegant  than  those  of  the  most 
ancient  Egyptian  figures ; in  shape,  the  feet  are  like  the  most 
ancient ; in  position,  they  differ,  being  turned  a little  outwards. 
The  position  and  action  of  the  former  figure,  as  well  as  of  the 
third  in  the  Albani  villa,  perfectly  resemble  the  oldest  Egyptian 
figures  ; for  the  arms  of  both  hang  perpendicularly  and  close  to 
their  sides,  except  that  the  former  has  an  opening  drilled  be- 
tween the  arms  and  the  sides  ; at  the  back  of  the  figures,  as  in 
all  those  of  the  oldest  Egyptian  style,  there  is  an  angular  column 
against  which  they  stand.  The  second  statue  has  freer,  though 
not  detached  arms ; and  in  one  hand  it  holds  a horn  of  plenty, 
with  fruits  ; the  back  of  this  one  is  free  and  without  a column. 

2.  These  figures,  though  they  are  the  work  of  Egyptian 
artists,  were  executed  when  Egypt  was  under  the  control  of  the 
Greeks,  by  wThom  their  deities,  and  consequently  also  their  art, 


188 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


were  introduced  into  the  country,  just  as  they,  in  their  turn, 
adopted  Egyptian  customs.  Since  the  Egyptians  at  the  time  of 
Plato,  as  they  from  time  to  time  shook  off  the  Persian  domina- 
tion, caused  statues  to  be  made,  — which  is  attested  by  the 
statement  of  this  writer,  above  cited,  — it  is  probable  that  art 
was  also  exercised  by  their  own  artists  in  the  time  of  the 
Ptolemies ; and  the  probability  is  increased  by  the  continued 
observance  of  their  religious  rites.  The  figures  of  this  latter 
style  are  also  distinguishable  by  bearing  no  hieroglyphics, 
which,  in  the  case  of  the  larger  number  of  the  most  ancient 
Egyptian  figures,  are  cut  sometimes  on  their  base,  and  some- 
times on  the  column  against  which  they  stand  (1).  But  in 
this  case  the  style  alone  is  the  distinctive  character,  not  the 
hieroglyphics  ; for  although  the  latter  are  not  found  on  any 
imitation  of  Egyptian  figures,  — of  which  I shall  speak  in  the 
next  chapter,  — so,  on  the  other  hand,  there  are  also  genuine 
antique  Egyptian  works  without  the  slightest  of  such  signs. 
Among  these  are  two  obelisks,  the  one  in  front  of  St.  Peter’s 
church,  the  other  near  Santa  Maria  Maggiore ; and  Pliny 
makes  the  same  remark  of  two  others.  There  are  no  hiero- 
glyphics on  the  lions  at  the  ascent  to  the  Capitol,  nor  on  the 
above-mentioned  Osiris  in  the  Barberini  palace ; and  I could 
adduce  other  works  (2)  and  figures  of  the  kind. 

3.  In  regard  to  the  dress,  we  observe  on  all  the  three  female 
statues  mentioned  above  a tunic,  a robe,  and  a mantle.  But 
this  is  no  contradiction  of  Herodotus’s  remark,  that  the  Egyp- 
tian women  wear  only  a single  garment,  for  he  probably  meant 
to  speak  of  the  robe,  or  upper  garment.  The  under  garment  of 
the  two  statues  in  the  Campidoglio  is  laid  in  small  plaits,  and 
hangs  down  in  front  as  far  as  the  toes,  and  sideways  as  far  as  the 
base  ; on  the  third,  namely,  the  statue  in  the  Albani  villa,  it  is 
not  visible,  because  the  antique  legs  are  wanting.  This  under 
garment  — to  judge  from  the  numerous  plaits  in  which  it  is 
laid  — apears  to  have  been  made  of  linen ; and  it  covered  not 
only  the  breast  as  high  as  the  neck,  but  also  the  whole  body 
as  low  as  the  feet,  and  had  short  sleeves,  which  reached  only  to 
the  middle  of  the  upper  part  of  the  arm  (3).  On  the  breasts 
of  the  third  statue,  this  drapery  falls  into  quite  slight  and 
almost  imperceptible  folds,  radiating  from  the  nipples  in  all 
directions,  as  I have  already  remarked. 

4.  On  the  first  and  the  third  statue  the  robe  is  very  similar. 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


189 


It  lies  close  to  the  flesh,  with  the  exception  of  a very  few  super- 
ficial folds  which  extend  upwards ; and  on  all  the  three  it 
reaches  only  to  the  lower  part  of  the  breasts,  where  it  is  drawn 
up  through  the  mantle,  and  supported. 

5.  The  mantle  is  drawn  over  both  shoulders  by  two  of  its 
corners,  and  by  means  of  them  the  robe  is  tied  with  the  mantle 
beneath  the  breasts.  The  superfluous  portion  of  these  corners 
hangs  down  from  the  breast,  below  the  tied  knot,  just  as  we 
see  it  on  the  beautiful  Isis  in  the  Campidoglio,  and  on  a larger 
Isis  in  the  Barberini  palace,  where  the  robe  is  tied  with  the 
ends  of  the  mantle  ; both  are  in  marble,  and  of  Greek  work- 
manship. By  this  means  the  robe  is  drawn  upwards,  and  the 
soft  folds  which  form  on  the  thighs  and  legs  are  all  carried 
upwards  at  the  same  time  with  it,  and  from  the  breast  a single 
straight  fold  hangs  down  between  the  legs  even  to  the  feet. 

6.  The  third  statue,  in  the  Albani  villa,  shows  a trifling  vari- 
ation ; only  one  of  the  ends  of  the  mantle  passes  over  the 
shoulders ; the  other  is  drawn  round  below  the  left  breast,  and 
both  are  tied  between  the  breasts  with  the  robe.  Furthermore, 
the  mantle  is  not  visible,  and  as  it  should  hang  behind,  it  is 
seemingly  concealed  by  the  column  against  which  this,  as  well 
as  the  first  of  the  three  statues,  stands ; the  back  of  the  second 
is  without  a column,  and  detached,  and  the  mantle  is  drawn 
round  in  front  of  the  abdomen.  The  robes  of  the  aforemen- 
tioned Greek  statues  of  Isis  are  trimmed  with  fringes,  like  the 
mantles  of  the  statues  of  captive  kings,  apparently  for  the 
purpose  of  denoting  by  this  means  a goddess  whose  worship 
had  been  introduced  from  foreign  lands.  A garment  of  this 
kind  wras  termed  Gausapum  ; it  was  of  a shaggy  appearance,  and 
wdien  introduced  into  Rome,  was  worn  by  women  in  winter. 

7.  After  this  peculiarity  had  attracted  my  notice,  I examined 
all  the  figures  of  Isis  relatively  to  their  drapery,  and  I then 
observed  that  all  of  them,  without  an  exception,  wore  their 
mantles  in  such  a manner,  and  that  this  fashion  is  a distin- 
guishing mark  of  the  goddess.  By  means  of  it,  I recognized 
an  Isis  in  a torso  of  a colossal  statue  which  stands  against  the 
Venetian  palace  in  Rome,  and  is  called  by  the  people  Donna 
Lucrezia.  A beautiful  bronze  figure  of  Isis,  a palm  (8.80  in. 
Eng.)  in  height,  as  well  as  two  or  three  smaller  figures  of  her  in 
the  Herculaneum  museum,  show  the  goddess  dressed  precisely 
in  this  way ; the  attributes  of  Fortune  have  been  given  both  to 
the  latter  and  the  former. 


190 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


8.  The  second  part  of  this  chapter  treats  of  figures  which 
resemble  the  ancient  Egyptian  figures  more  nearly  than  the 
latter,  do,  and  which  were  executed  neither  in  Egypt  nor  by 
Egyptian  artists,  but  are  imitations  of  Egyptian  works,  that 
came  into  fashion  among  the  Romans  contemporaneously  with 
the  introduction  of  the  worship  of  Egpytian  deities.  The  most 
ancient  of  such  works  are,  as  far  as  I know,  two  bas-relief  fig- 
ures of  Isis  in  gypsum,  which  are  to  be  seen  in  a small  chapel 
in  the  front  court  of  the  temple  of  Isis,  recently  discovered 
amid  the  ruins  of  the  buried  city  of  Pompeii.  As  this  calamity 
befell  the  city  in  the  reign  of  Titus,  it  is  probable  that  these 
figures  are  more  ancient  than  the  statues  of  a similar  kind 
which  were  exhumed  at  Adrian’s  villa,  in  Tivoli.  During  the 
reign  of  the  latter  emperor,  who,  with  all  his  acquirements  in 
knowledge,  was  uncommonly  superstitious,  reverence  for  the 
Egyptian  deities  appears  to  have  spread  more  than  previously ; 
and  his  example  probably  encouraged  a belief  in  this  false  wor- 
ship. For  he  caused  a singular  temple  to  be  erected  in  the 
Tiburtine  villa,  which  he  named  Canopus ; in  it  he  placed  nu- 
merous statues  of  Egyptian  deities ; and  the  greater  number,  if 
not  all,  of  such  Egyptian  imitations  have  been  taken  from  it.  In 
some  of  them  he  caused  the  most  ancient  Egyptian  figures  to  be 
accurately  imitated  ; in  others,  he  united  Egyptian  art  with  the 
Grecian.  Some  of  both  kinds  are  found,  in  attitude  and  adjust- 
ment resembling  the  earliest  Egyptian  figures;  that  is,  they 
stand  perfectly  upright  and  without  action,  with  arms  hanging 
down  straight,  and  lying  close  to  the  sides  and  hips ; their  feet 
are  parallel,  and,  like  the  Egyptian,  they  rest  against  an  angu- 
lar column.  Others,  however,  have  the  same  attitude,  but  the 
arms,  with  which  they  either  carry  or  point  to  something,  are 
free.  It  is  a matter  of  regret  that  all  these  figures  have  not  their 
ancient  heads,  because  the  head  always  affords  the  principal 
illustration  of  the  style.  It  is  well  to  mention  the  fact,  because 
they  who  have  written  about  these  statues  have  not,  in  all 
cases,  been  aware  of  it.  Even  the  Isis  quoted  above  has  a 
modern  head,  which  Bottari  holds  to  be  antique.  The  locks  of 
hair  which  lie  on  the  shoulders  had  been  preserved,  and  the  hair 
on  the  modern  head  was  executed  in  conformity  with  the  inti- 
mation thus  given.  After  the  restoration,  the  genuine  antique 
head  was  found,  and  purchased  by  the  Cardinal  Polignac,  whose 
museum  the  king  of  Prussia  bought.  This  head,  and  several 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


191 


others  which  the  same  Cardinal  also  acquired,  were  found  in 
Adrian’s  villa,  at  Tivoli,  among  many  statues  broken  to  pieces 
by  the  axe,  in  a pond  the  sides  and  bottom  of  which  were  faced 
with  marble.  I will  notice  here  the  several  different  kinds  of 
works  in  this  style,  and  among  them  the  most  important  pieces, 
with  a criticism  upon  their  drawing  and  form,  and  afterwards 
touch  upon  the  drapery. 

9.  Of  statues,  two  of  reddish  granite,  which  stand  near  the 
episcopal  residence  at  Tivoli  (4),  and  the  cited  Egyptian  Anti- 
nous  of  marble,  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  are  especially  to  be 
noticed.  The  latter  statue  is  somewhat  larger  than  life ; but 
the  two  former  are  nearly  twice  as  large  as  nature,  and  have 
not  only  the  attitude  of  the  earliest  Egyptian  figures,  but,  like 
these,  they  stand  against  an  angular  column ; they  are,  how- 
ever, without  hieroglyphics.  The  hips  and  abdomen  are  cov- 
ered by  aprons ; and  the  hoods  have  two  smooth  bands  which 
come  forwards,  and  hang  down  in  front ; on  their  heads  they 
carry  baskets,  — after  the  manner  of  the  Caryatides,  — made 
out  of  the  same  piece  as  the  figure.  Now  as  the  attitude  and 
shape  of  these  statues,  generally,  perfectly  resemble  those  of 
Egyptian  works  of  the  first  style,  it  has  been  assumed  by  all 
that  they  are  such  works ; but  no  careful  examination  of  the 
form  of  particular  parts  was  made ; if  it  had  been,  the  contrary 
would  have  been  shown  to  be  the  case.  For  the  chest,  which 
in  the  earliest  male  figures  of  the  Egyptians  is  flat,  is,  in  these 
examples,  strongly  elevated,  like  the  breasts  of  heroes;  the 
ribs  beneath  the  breast,  which  in  the  Egyptian  are  not  to  be 
seen  at  all,  here  appear  distinctly  marked ; the  body  above 
the  hips,  which  is  very  contracted  there,  has  its  right  fulness 
here  ; the  joints  and  cartilages  of  the  knees  are  worked  out  more 
prominently  here  than  there ; the  muscles  of  the  arms,  as  well 
as  of  other  parts,  are  plainly  visible  ; the  shoulder-blades,  which 
are,  as  it  were,  without  any  indication  there,  rise  up  here  with 
a decided  rounding,  and  the  feet  approach  more  nearly  to  the 
Greek  form. 

10.  But  the  greatest  difference  is  in  the  face,  which  is  neither 
executed  after  the  Egyptian  manner,  nor  similar,  in  other  re- 
spects, to  Egyptian  heads.  For  the  eyes  do  not  lie  on  the  same 
level  with  the  eyebrow-bones,  as  they  frequently  do  in  nature, 
and  as  they  always  do  in  Egyptian  heads,  but  they  are  deeply 
sunk,  after  the  system  of  Greek  art,  for  the  purpose  of  project- 


192 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


ing  those  bones,  and  of  obtaining  light  and  shade.  Besides  these 
Greek  forms,  there  is  plainly  to  be  seen  a conformation  of  face 
perfectly  similar  to  that  of  the  Antinoiis  : so  that  I am  convinced 
that  I find  in  these  statues  an  image  of  this  celebrated  young 
man  (5).  In  the  Egyptian  Antinoiis  of  the  Capitoline  museum, 
of  which  I have  spoken,  the  blending  of  the  Greek  with  the 
Egyptian  style  is  still  more  perceptible;  moreover,  it  stands 
detached,  and  not  against  a column. 

11.  Among  statues  of  this  kind  may  be  included  several 
Sphinxes ; and  there  are  four  of  them,  of  black  granite,  in  the 
Albani  villa,  the  heads  of  which  have  a conformation  that  can- 
not, either  in  design  or  execution,  have  been  the  work  of  Egyp- 
tian artists.  Statues  of  Isis,  in  marble,  do  not  belong  here  ; for 
they  are  executed  altogether  in  the  Greek  style,  in  the  days  of 
the  emperors  too,  and  no  earlier,  because  in  the  time  of  Cicero 
the  worship  of  Isis  had  not  been  adopted  at  Borne. 

12.  Of  rilievi  belonging  among  these  imitations  is  particu- 
larly to  be  mentioned  that  one  of  green  basalt  which  stands  in 
the  court-yard  of  the  Mattei  palace,  representing  a sacrificial 
procession.  Another  work  of  this  kind  — of  which  I have  also 
spoken  in  another  place  — is  the  fragment  figured  in  an  engrav- 
ing in  the  Ancient  Monuments , but  of  which  the  original  is  lost. 
The  Isis  on  it  is  winged ; and  the  wings  are  thrown  from  behind 
forwards  and  downwards,  and  cover  the  whole  abdomen.1  The 
Isis  on  the  Isic  Tablet,  likewise,  has  large  wings ; but  here  they 
are  placed  above  the  hips,  and  are  expanded  forwards,  for  the 
purpose,  as  it  would  seem,  of  mantling  the  body,  — after  the 
manner  of  Cherubim.  So,  too,  on  a coin  of  the  island  of  Malta, 
are  to  be  seen  two  figures,  shaped  like  Cherubim,  and  — what 
is  remarkable,  with  the  feet  of  oxen  like  them  — which  stand 
opposite  to  one  another;  and  the  wings,  extended  from  the 
hips,  are  drawn  downwards  towards  each  other.  A figure,  hav- 
ing wings  at  the  hips,  is  also  found  on  a mummy ; they  are 
raised  for  the  purpose  of  overshadowing  another  deity,  which  is 
seated. 

13.  I cannot  refrain  from  remarking,  that  the  Isic  or  Bembo 
Tablet,  of  bronze,  with  silver  inlaid  figures,  is  held  by  Warbur- 
ton  to  be  a work  that  was  made  in  Borne.  This  assertion,  how- 
ever, appears  to  have  no  foundation,  and  has  been  adopted 
merely  in  aid  of  his  opinion  (6).  I have  not  myself  been  able 


i Plate  VIII. 


PI. 


ART  AMONG  TER  EGYPTIANS. 


193 


to  examine  the  table ; but  the  hieroglyphics  on  it,  which  are 
found  on  no  works  imitated  by  the  Romans,  give  one  reason  in 
support  of  its  antiquity,  and  in  refutation  of  his  judgment. 

14.  The  Canopi  (7),  of  which  the  greater  number  are  wrought 
from  basalt,  and  the  engraved  gems,  which,  like  them,  are  gar- 
nished with  Egyptian  figures  and  signs,  have  a place  here,1  with 
statues  and  rilievi.  Of  the  Canopi  of  later  times,  the  Cardinal 
Alexander  Albani  possesses  the  two  most  beautiful ; they  are  of 
green  basalt ; the  better  one,  which  was  found  on  the  headland 
of  Circe,  between  Nettuno  and.  Terracina,  has  already  been  pub- 
lished. A similar  Canopus,  of  the  same  stone,  stands  in  the 
Campidoglio,  and,  like  the  other  in  the  Albani  villa,  was  found 
in  Adrian’s  villa,  at  Tivoli.  In  regard  to  the  age  of  these  works, 
we  can  draw  a conclusion  partly  from  the  drawing,  and  partly 
from  the  workmanship,  and  not  less  from  the  absence  of  hiero- 
glyphs. The  drawing,  especially  of  the  heads  of  the  Canopi,  is 
altogether  in  the  Greek  style ; but  the  rilievi  on  the  abdomen 
are  imitations  of  Egyptian  figures ; the  work  of  these  figures  is 
raised  work,  and  consequently  not  done  by  Egyptian  artists, 
whose  raised  figures  do  not  project  beyond  the  surface  of  the 
stone  in  which  they  are  cut  (8). 

15.  Among  the  engraved  gems  are  all  those  Scarabsei  whose 
high,  rounded  side  presents  a beetle,  cut  in  relief,  and  whose 
flat  side  shows  an  Egyptian  deity  of  later  times,  cut  in  intaglio. 
Writers  who  hold  stones  of  this  kind  to  be  very  old,  have  no 
other  indication  of  high  antiquity  than  their  inelegance,  and 
none  at  all  that  they  are  of  Egyptian  workmanship.  Moreover, 
all  engraved  gems  with  figures  or  heads  of  Serapis  and  Anubis 
are  of  the  times  of  the  Romans,  among  whom  Serapis,  who  is 
the  Pluto  of  the  Greeks,  as  I shall  hereafter  prove,  has  nothing 
Egyptian ; and  it  is  also  said  that  the  worship  of  this  deity 
came  from  Thrace,  and  was  introduced  into  Egypt  by  Ptolemy 
the  First.  Of  gems  bearing  the  image  of  Anubis,  there  are  fif- 
teen in  the  former  Stosch  museum,  and  all  of  them  are  of  the 
later  period.  The  engraved  gems,  named  Abraxas  (9),  are  now 
everywhere  acknowledged  as  the  bungling  work  of  the  Gnostics 
or  Basilidians  of  the  earliest  Christian  periods,  and  not  deserv- 
ing, in  point  of  art,  of  being  taken  into  consideration  (10). 

1 6.  In  the  drapery  of  figures  imitating  the  earliest  Egyptian, 
the  case  is  the  same  generally  as  with  the  drawing  and  form  of 


VOL.  I. 


i Plate  IX. 
13 


194 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


the  nude  parts  of  them.  There  are  a few  male  figures,  girt  only 
with  an  apron,  like  the  genuine  Egyptian ; and  the  one  which, 
as  I have  mentioned,  has  a lock  of  hair  hanging  from  its  shaved 
head  on  the  right  side,  is  entirely  naked,  — a state  in  which  no 
antique  male  figure  of  the  Egyptians  is  found  (11).  The  female 
figures  are,  like  the  Egyptian,  entirely  dressed ; a few  even  after 
the  fashion  which  I have  shown  to  be  the  most  ancient,  in  which 
the  dress  is  denoted  by  a slight  projection  on  the  legs,  and  by  a 
rim  around  the  neck  and  upper  part  of  the  arms.  From  the 
abdomen  of  a few  of  these  figures  a single  fold  hangs  down  be- 
tween the  legs ; but,  on  the  body,  the  dress  is  merely  a thing 
of  imagination.  Over  a dress  of  this  kind  other  female  figures 
have  a mantle,  which,  hanging  down  from  the  shoulders,  is  tied 
on  the  chest  in  front,  — precisely  in  the  manner  previously  no- 
ticed by  me.  An  Isis  of  marble,  in  the  Barberini  gallery,  about 
which  a snake  has  twined  itself,  wears  a hood,  like  Egyptian 
figures,  and  a necklace  of  a few  strings  of  beads  or  pearls  upon 
the  breast,  like  the  Canopi.  As  something  singular,  I notice  a 
male  figure  of  black  marble  (12),  in  the  Albani  villa,  — the  head 
of  which  is  lost,  — that  is  dressed  precisely  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  women ; but  the  sex  is  distinguishable  by  the  tokens  of 
it  prominent  beneath  the  dress. 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


195 


CHAPTER  IV. 

MECHANICAL  PART  OF  EGYPTIAN  ART. 

1.  The  fourth  chapter  relates  to  the  mechanical  part  of 
Egyptian  art,  — first,  in  sculpture  ; secondly,  in  painting.  In 
both,  the  kind  and  mode  of  execution  of  their  works  will  be 
considered,  as  well  as  the  material  in  which  they  are  wrought. 

2.  In  regard  to  the  execution,  it  is  related  by  Diodorus  that 
the  Egyptian  sculptors,  after  having  applied  their  established 
measures  to  the  stone,  still  in  an  unwrought  state,  sawed  it 
through  the  middle,  and  that  two  artists  divided  between  them- 
selves the  workmanship  of  a figure.  Telecles  and  Theodorus, 
of  Samos,  are  said  to  have  made,  in  the  same  way,  a wooden 
statue  of  Apollo,  which  stood  at  Samos,  in  Greece  ; — Telecles, 
one  half,  at  Samos ; and  Theodorus,  the  other  half,  at  Ephesus. 
This  statue  was  divided  through  the  middle  below  the  hips,  as 
low  down  as  the  private  parts,  and  afterwards  again  put  to- 
gether in  this  place,  so  that  the  two  pieces  fitted  to  each  other 
perfectly.  In  no  other  way  than  this  can  the  historian  be 
understood  (1).  For  is  it  credible,  as  all  translators  under- 
stand it,  that  the  statue  was  divided  from  the  crown  of  the 
head  down  to  the  private  parts,  as  Jupiter  is  said,  by  the  fable, 
to  have  cut  through  the  middle,  from  above  downwards,  the 
first  generation  of  double  men?  The  Egyptians  would  have 
prized  such  a work  just  as  little  as  they  did  the  man  whom 
Ptolemy  the  First  exhibited  to  them,  who,  in  this  way,  was 
half  white  and  half  black.  In  illustration  of  my  explanation, 
I can  adduce  the  Egyptian  Antinoiis  of  the  Capitoline  museum, 
of  which  mention  has  been  frequently  made,  as  this  figure  con- 
sists of  two  halves,  joined  together  below  the  hips,  and  below 
the  edge  of  the  apron ; it  would,  therefore,  be  necessary  to 
consider  it  as  an  imitation  of  the  Egyptians  even  in  this  par- 
ticular (2).  This  Antinous  probably  stood  among  the  Egyptian 
deities  in  the  Canopus,  as  it  was  called,  in  the  villa  of  the 


196 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


Emperor  Adrian,  at  Tivoli,  where  it  was  found.  But  the  mode 
of  working  of  which  Diodorus  speaks  could  not  have  been 
adopted  except  in  the  case  of  a few  colossal  statues,  because  all 
other  Egyptian  statues  are  formed  of  a single  piece.  Diodorus 
himself,  however,  makes  mention  of  many  Egyptian  colossi  in 
one  piece,  of  which  a few  have  been  preserved  even  to  the  pres- 
ent day  : among  them  was  the  statue  of  the  King  Osymandyas, 
whose  feet  were  seven  ells  in  length  (3). 

3.  All  the  Egyptian  figures  now  extant  are  finished,  smoothed, 
and  polished,  with  infinite  pains ; and  there  is  not  a single  one 
that  has  been  entirely  finished' with  the  chisel  alone,  as  are  a 
few  of  the  best  Greek  statues  of  marble,  because  it  was  not 
possible,  in  this  way,  to  give  a smooth  surface  to  granite  and 
basalt.  The  figures  on  the  points  of  the  lofty  obelisks  are  exe- 
cuted as  images  are  which  are  designed  to  be  examined  wdthin 
a short  distance  : this  is  evident  on  the  Barberini  obelisk,  and 
especially  on  that  of  the  Sun,  both  of  which  are  lying  on  the 
ground.  On  the  latter,  the  ear,  especially,  of  a Sphinx  is  elabo- 
rated with  so  much  knowledge  and  delicacy,  that  a more  per- 
fect, finished  one  is  not  to  be  found  on  Greek  rilievi  in  marble. 
The  same  diligence  is  shown  in  a really  antique  Egyptian  en- 
graved gem  of  the  Stosch  museum,  the  execution  of  which  does 
not  yield  in  the  least  to  that  of  the  best  Greek  engraved  gems. 
This  gem,  an  onyx  of  extraordinary  beauty,  represents  a seated 
Isis,  and  is  engraved  after  the  manner  of  the  work  on  the  obe- 
lisks ; and  as  a layer  of  white  lies  below  the  very  thin  stratum 
of  brownish  color,  the  proper  color  of  the  stone,  the  face,  arms, 
and  hands,  together  with  the  stool,  have  been  cut  so  deeply  as 
to  reach  this  layer,  for  the  purpose  of  having  them  white. 

Occasionally,  the  Egyptian  artists  excavated  the  eyes,  for  the 
purpose  of  inserting  eyeballs  of  a particular  material,  as  may  be 
seen  in  the  above-mentioned  Isis  of  the  second  style,  in  the  Capi- 
toline  museum,  in  a head  in  the  Albani  villa,  and  in  another 
broken-off  head  in  the  Altieri  villa.  In  a head,  together  with 
the  breast,  in  the  latter  villa,  the  eyes,  which  are  of  a different 
material,  are  fitted  in  so  accurately,  that  they  seem  to  have 
been  poured  in  whilst  in  a liquid  state ; and  in  the  case  of 
another  head,  in  the  Albani  villa,  made  of  the  most  beautiful 
reddish  and  fine-grained  granite,  the  eyeballs  are  seen  to  have 
been  finished  by  pointed  tools,  and  not  smoothed,  like  the  head 
itself. 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


197 


4.  The  other  works  of  Egyptian  sculpture  consist  of  figures 
which  are  cut  into  the  stone,  and  likewise  raised ; that  is  to  say, 
they  are  raised  of  and  by  themselves,  but  not  in  regard  to  the 
works  on  which  they  are  executed  ; for  they  lie  below  the  sur- 
face of  them.  But  works  of  the  kind  which  we  term  rilievi  were 
made  by  the  artists  of  this  nation  only  in  bronze,  — being 
formed  in  moulds,  by  casting.  Among  works  of  this  sort  there 
is  a water  vessel,  or  pail  with  a handle,  which  was  used  at  sacri- 
fices, and  which  is  termed  a situla  by  Roman  authors,  wherever 
they  mention  Egyptian  usages ; but  it  has  been  erroneously 
pronounced  by  him  who  first  made  it  known  as  the  article 
named  Vannus  Iacchi,  the  “Fan  of  Bacchus.”  It  came  after- 
wards into  the  possession  of  the  celebrated  Count  Caylus,  by 
whom  it  has  been  described  : I shall  presently  have  an  opportu- 
nity to  speak  of  it. 

5.  But  when  I assert  that  Egyptian  rilievi,  properly  so  called, 
were  wrought  only  in  bronze,  I know  very  well  that  rilievi  are 
found  in  Egyptian  stones,  as,  for  example,  the  above-mentioned 
Canopi  of  green  basalt.  But  the  reader  will  remember  that  I 
have  placed  these  kinds  of  figures  among  the  later  imitations, 
which  were  executed  in  the  time  of  the  Romans.  Here  an 
attempt  might  be  made  to  disprove  my  opinion  by  means  of  a 
female  head  of  white  marble,  of  the  earliest  Egyptian  art,  which 
is  fixed  in  the  wall  of  the  residence  of  the  Senator,  on  the  Cam- 
pidoglio,  because  it  is  apparently  executed,  not  after  the  Egyp- 
tian, but  after  the  Greek  manner  of  forming  relief.  But  if  this 
head  be  examined  through  a good  telescope,  it  will  be  found 
that  it  is  the  sole  remaining  part  of  a larger  work,  which  in 
modern  times  has  been  set  upon  a tablet  of  marble ; it  is  there- 
fore probable  that  it  also  was  formerly  a rilievo  within  the  mar- 
ble in  which  it  was  executed  (4). 

6.  In  the  second  place,  in  regard  to  the  material  of  which 
Egyptian  works  are  executed,  figures  are  found  of  burnt  clay, 
wood,  stone,  and  bronze. 

Of  small  figures  in  burnt  clay,  a great  number,  as  Count  Cay- 
lus relates,  are  found  in  Cyprus,  because  this  island  was  subject 
to  the  Ptolemies,  and  therefore  probably  peopled  by  Egyp- 
tians. Several  of  such  figures,  executed  in  the  genuine  antique 
style  of  their  artists,  and  marked  with  hieroglyphs,  have  also 
been  discovered  in  the  temple  of  Isis  at  Pompeii ; and  I myself 
am  the  owner  of  five  small  priests  of  Isis  of  this  kind ; and 


198 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


several  more  are  to  be  found  in  the  museum  of  Mr.  Hamilton, 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  Great  Britain  at  Naples.  They  all 
resemble  each  other ; and  they  are  coated  over  with  a green 
enamel  or  polish.  The  hands  are  folded  crosswise  on  the  breast ; 
in  the  left  is  a staff ; in  the  right,  together  with  the  customary 
whip,  is  a band,  to  which  is  suspended  a small  tablet  behind,  on 
the  left  shoulder.  This  tablet,  on  two  of  the  larger  figures  of 
the  kind  in  the  Herculaneum  museum,  is  marked  with  hiero- 
glyphs, — clearly  to  be  discerned. 

7.  Wooden  figures,  shaped  after  the  fashion  of  mummies,  are 
preserved  in  several  museums  ; three  of  the  kind  belong  to  the 
museum  of  the  Roman  College,  one  of  w'hich  is  painted. 

8.  Of  Egyptian  stones  there  are  several  kinds,  as  it  is  known  ; 
namely,  granite,  basalt,  and  porphyry. 

9.  Granite,  which  is  supposed  to  be  the  Ethiopian  marble  of 
Herodotus,  or  the  Thebaic  stone,  is  of  two  kinds ; namely,  the 
black  and  white,  and  the  red  and  whitish.  The  former  is  found 
in  many  countries,  yet  nowhere  so  perfect  in  color  and  hardness 
as  the  Egyptian  ; but  the  latter  comes  from  Egypt  alone.  From 
this  kind  of  granite  all  the  obelisks  are  hewn ; many  statues, 
also,  are  found  wrought  from  it,  — among  others,  three  of  the 
largest  in  the  Capitoline  museum  (5).  The  large  Isis  in  the 
same  place  is  made  of  a blackish  granite ; also  a presumed 
Anubis,  as  large  as  life,  of  which  mention  has  already  been 
made,  in  the  Albani  villa  (6),  together  with  several  others. 
These  twro  are  the  largest  figures  of  the  kind.  Granite  of  a 
coarser  grain  was  most  frequently  used  for  pillars.  It  is 
asserted  in  many  books,  that  one  of  the  corner-pillars  of  the 
court  of  the  Pantheon  was  executed  from  granite  of  the  island 
of  Elba,  by  order  of  Pope  Alexander  the  Seventh ; but  this  is 
a modern  fable,  for  the  column  is  of  red  granite,  — a variety 
especially  peculiar  to  Egypt. 

10.  The  common  basalt  is  a stone  which  may  be  compared 
with  the  lava  of  Vesuvius,  with  which  all  Naples  is  paved,  and 
also  with  the  pavement-stones  of  ancient  Roman  streets  (7) ; 
to  speak  properly,  basalt  is  a species  of  lava  of  a uniform  color, 
as  it  is,  most  frequently,  at  the  present  day.  But  there  are  twTo 
kinds  of  basalt ; namely,  the  black  — the  sort  more  commonly 
found  — and  the  greenish.  Of  the  former,  animals  in  particular 
are  executed,  as,  for  instance,  the  Lions  on  the  ascent  to  the 
Campidoglio,  and  the  Sphinxes  in  the  Borghese  villa.  But  the 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


199 


two  largest  Sphinxes,  — the  one  in  the  Vatican  and  the  other  in 
the  Giulia  villa,  — both  being  ten  palms  (7J  ft.  Eng.)  in  length, 
are  of  reddish  granite.  Among  others,  the  two  statues  of  the 
subsequent  and  later  Egyptian  style,  above  mentioned,  in  the 
Campidoglio,  and  a few  smaller  figures,  are  also  of  black  basalt. 
Moreover,  that  statue  of  the  Emperor  Pescennius  Niger,  which, 
according  to  Spartian,  was  made  of  black  stone,  and  was  sent  to 
him  by  the  king  of  Thebes,  was  probably  of  basalt,  and  of  the 
commonest  sort  of  it  too ; it  still  stood  in  the  days  of  the  writer 
on  the  top  of  the  emperor’s  residence  in  Rome,  and  was  accom- 
panied by  a Greek  inscription.  The  color  of  the  stone  pointed 
symbolically  to  the  name  of  Niger.  Neither  Egypt  nor  Thebes 
had  kings  at  that  time ; and  therefore  the  statement  cannot  be 
understood  in  any  other  sense  than  as  the  act  of  a Roman  com- 
mander, who  was,  as  it  were,  in  place  of  the  king  at  Thebes,  — 
as  it  has  already  been  explained  by  me.  The  greenish  basalt  is 
found  of  different  shades  of  green,  and  also  of  different  degrees 
of  hardness ; and  both  Egyptian  and  Greek  artists  have  worked 
in  this  stone.  Of  Egyptian  figures  from  this  stone,  there  is  a 
small  seated  Anubis  (8)  in  the  Capitoline  museum ; also,  in  the 
Altieri  villa,  thighs  and  crossed  legs  ; and  a beautiful  base  with 
hieroglyphs,  and  the  feet  of  a female  figure  on  it,  in  the  museum 
of  the  Roman  College.  These  feet  indicate  that  the  figure  would 
have  been  more  beautiful  than  any  of  the  works  which  we  have 
from  Egyptian  artists.  Heads  of  this  kind  of  basalt  are  seen  in 
the  Albani  and  Altieri  villas,  and  I myself  possess  a head,  cov- 
ered with  a mitre,  made  from  it.  Of  this  same  material,  imita- 
tions of  Egyptian  works,  as  the  Canopi  are,  were  made  in  later 
times.  Of  Greek  works,  I know  a head  of  Jupiter  Serapis,  in 
the  Albani  villa,  wanting  the  chin,  which  it  has  not  as  yet  been 
possible  to  restore  (9),  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  finding 
stone  of  perfectly  similar  color ; also,  a head  of  an  athlete  with 
Pancratiast  ears,  which  belongs  to  the  Maltese  ambassador  now 
at  Rome  ; and  I am  the  owner  of  a beautiful,  though  mutilated, 
head  of  the  black  kind : I shall  offer  a conjecture  in  regard  to 
both  in  another  place. 

11.  Besides  these,  the  usual  stones,  figures  are  also  found  in 
alabaster,  breccia,  marble,  and  the  matrix  of  the  emerald.  Ala- 
baster was  quarried  at  Thebes  in  large  blocks.  In  the  museum 
of  the  Roman  College  there  is  a seated  Isis  with  Horus  in  her 
lap,  about  two  palms  (17|  in.  Eng.)  in  height,  and  another 


200 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


smaller  seated  figure.  Of  larger  statues  of  this  stone,  the  sole 
one  remaining  is  the  one  previously  mentioned,  which  is  found 
in  the  Albani  villa ; the  upper  part  of  it,  having  been  lost,  is 
replaced  by  alabaster  of  this  country  (10).  The  alabaster  of 
the  lower  part,  even  to  the  hips,  which  is  whitish,  and  has  veins 
or  layers  still  whiter,  running  in  a sinuous  and  undulating 
direction,  must  not  be  confounded  with  another  kind,  which 
was  also  quarried  near  Thebes  in  Egypt,  and  Damascus  in  Syria, 
and  by  Pliny  termed  onyx,  — not  the  precious  stone  of  the  same 
name,  — which  at  first  was  used  for  splendid  vases,  but  subse- 
quently also  for  columns.  It  appears  to  be  the  kind  of  which 
the  layers  resemble  in  a degree  those  of  the  agate-onyx ; and  to 
this  character  it  probably  owes  its  name.  Several  vases  of  this 
valuable  kind,  and  of  different  sizes,  are  contained  in  the  villa 
of  the  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani ; a few  of  them  may  be  as 
large  as  an  amphora.  Pliny  calls  a vase  of  this  shape  vcis  am- 
eliorate ; and  at  the  time  of  Cornelius  Nepos,  it  was  the  largest 
vessel  that  had  ever  been  seen.  One  of  the  most  beautiful  of 
such  long  vases  belongs  to  Prince  Altieri,  who  found  it  a few 
years  ago,  while  making  excavations  at  his  villa  near  Albano. 
The  largest  vase  of  alabaster,  though  not  of  the  shape  of  an 
amphora,  but  of  that  of  a pear,  also  not  of  onyx-alabaster,  but 
rather  of  the  former  whiter  sort,  is  in  the  Borghese  villa ; it 
was  used  to  preserve  the  ashes  of  the  dead,  as  shown  by  the 
following  inscription  on  it : — 

P.  CLAYDIYS.  P.  F. 

AP.  N.  AP.  PRON. 

PYLCHER.  Q.  QYiESlTOR. 

PR.  AVGYR. 

This  inscription  is  not  to  be  found,  at  least  not  in  Gruter’s  work. 
The  individual  whose  ashes  were  contained  in  this  splendid  vase 
can  be  no  other  than  the  son  of  the  infamous  Publius  Clodius 
or  Claudius,  — which  may  be  ascertained  by  examining  the 
register  of  the  Claudian  family. 

12.  Of  porphyry  there  are  two  kinds  found,  — the  red, 
termed  Pyropoecilon  by  Pliny  (11),  and  the  greenish;  the  latter 
is  the  more  rare,  and  sometimes  it  seems  to  be  sprinkled  with 
gold;  Pliny  states  this  of  the  Theban  stone.  Of  the  latter 
kind  there  are,  however,  no  figures  remaining,  but  only  col- 
umns, and  these  are  of  extreme  rareness.  Two  large  columns 
stand  outside  of  the  gate  of  Santo  Paolo,  in  the  Church  named 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS . 


201 


Alle  Tre  Fontane , on  the  farther  side  of  St.  Paul’s  Church ; 
two  others  are  in  the  Church  of  Santo  Lorenzo,  outside  of 
Rome,  but  so  walled  in  that  only  a small  portion  of  them  is 
visible.  There  were  four  in  the  Farnese  palace,  but  they  have 
been  carried  to  Naples,  and  it  is  intended  to  use  them  in  the 
gallery  at  Portici ; and  two  smaller  ones  were  taken  to  Portugal 
by  Fuentes,  a Portuguese  ambassador  to  Rome  at  the  beginning 
of  the  present  century,  on  his  return  home.  There  were  for- 
merly in  the  Yerospi  palace  at  Rome  two  large,  badly  executed 
modern  vases  of  this  stone,  and  in  the  Albani  villa  a smaller 
but  antique  vase. 

The  extant  statues  of  red  porphyry,  which,  as  we  are  told  by 
Aristides,  is  quarried  in  Arabia,  — and  of  which  Assemann, 
custodian  of  the  Vatican  library,  asserts  that  there  are  large 
mountains  between  the  Red  Sea  and  Mount  Sinai,  — are  to  be 
regarded  either  as  works  executed  under  the  Ptolemies  by 
Greek  artists  in  Egypt,  — which  I shall  hereafter  adduce  proofs 
to  show,  — or  as  made  in  the  time  of  the  Roman  emperors  ; for 
most  of  them  represent  captive  kings,  with  statues  of  whom  the 
triumphal  arches  and  other  public  works  were  ornamented. 
Two  such  kings  are  found  in  the  Borghese  villa,  and  two  others 
in  the  Medici  villa.  A seated  female  figure  in  the  Farnese 
palace  belongs  to  this  same  period  ; the  head  and  hands,  which 
are  bad,  seem  to  have  been  made  of  bronze  by  Guglielmo  della 
Porta.  The  upper  part  of  a statue  clad  in  armor,  in  the  Far- 
nese palace,  was  executed  in  Rome  ; for  it  was  found  in  its 
present  condition,  not  wholly  finished,  in  the  Campus  Martius, 
as  we  are  informed  by  the  manuscripts  of  Pirro  Ligorio,  in  the 
Vatican  library.  Of  a more  remote  period,  and  of  a higher 
style  of  art,  are  a Pallas  in  the  Medici  villa,  the  beautiful  Juno, 
so  called,  with  the  inimitable  robe,  in  the  Borghese  villa,  both 
of  which  have  heads,  hands,  and  feet  of  marble,  and  a torso  of  a 
draped  goddess,  on  the  ascent  to  the  Campidoglio.  All  three 
may,  perchance,  be  works  of  Greek  artists  in  Egypt,  — as  it  will 
be  shown  in  its  appropriate  place.  Of  the  earliest  Egyptian 
figures  of  porphyry  there  is  only  a single  one,  with  the  head  of 
a Chimsera,  known  in  our  time ; but  it  has  been  removed  from 
Rome  to  Sicily.  In  the  Labyrinth  at  Thebes  there  were  statues 
of  this  stone  (12). 

13.  It  might  be  doubted  whether  porphyry  was  actually 
quarried  in  Egypt,  since  not  a single  traveller,  so  far  as  we 


202 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


know,  makes  mention  of  quarries  of  porphyry  existing  there  ; 
and  the  doubt  induces  me  to  enter  into  a slight  examination  of 
this  stone,  and  to  state  what  I hope  to  prove  through  the  knowl- 
edge which  I have  of  granite. 

In  many  countries  of  Europe,  vast  mountains  of  granite  are 
known  to  exist ; and  in  France  houses  are  frequently  built  of 
it ; in  Spain,  indeed,  on  the  road  from  Alicant  to  Madrid,  noth- 
ing but  granite  is  seen.  Now,  as  pieces  of  white  granite,  which 
can  be  ground  to  powder,  are  found  beneath  the  lava  of  Vesu- 
vius, and  as  they  resemble  the  fragments  of  the  large  column 
of  Antoninus  Pius,  which  has  been  crumbled  by  fire,  it  follows 
that  a granite  of  this  kind  from  Vesuvius  either  is  not  perfectly 
matured,  or,  which  is  the  more  likely,  has  been  melted  by  a 
fresh  conflagration  of  the  mountain.  If,  then,  we  compare  with 
this  fact  the  account  of  the  burning  of  the  Pyrenees  in  Spain, 
from  the  bosom  of  which  silver  is  said  to  have  flowed  down  its 
sides  in  streams,  at  some  very  early  periods,  and  regard  such 
burning  as  the  fiery  eruptions  of  this  mountain,  it  becomes  a 
probability  that  the  granite  of  Spain,  as  well  as  that  of  other 
lands,  must  be  produced  by  volcanic  mountains. 

14.  This  leads  us,  in  the  next  place,  to  the  origin  of  por- 
phyry ; for  it  is  clear,  from  what  I shall  adduce,  that  it  is 
produced  in  a similar  manner  to  granite.  M.  Desmarest,  an 
experienced  natural  philosopher,  and  Superintendent  of  Manu- 
factures in  France,  has  discovered  in  a few  mountain  ranges  of 
this  kingdom,  and  especially  on  a mountain  not  far  from  the 
city  of  Aix  in  Provence,  red  porphyry,  though  only  in  small 
pieces,  and  enclosed  in  the  granite,  as  in  a matrix ; and  large 
specks  of  the  finest  porphyry  of  a greenish-black  color  are  dis- 
covered in  many  fragments  of  lava  similarly  disposed ; indeed, 
it  is  affirmed  that  red  porphyry  is  found  in  the  mountainous 
ranges  of  Dalecarlia,  in  Sweden. 

15.  From  the  rarity  of  Egyptian  figures  in  porphyry,  it 
might  even  be  conjectured  that  it  is  not  an  Egyptian  stone;  for 
during  my  residence  of  more  than  twelve  years  in  Rome,  there 
has  been  found  only  a single  piece  of  a small  Egyptian  figure, 
made  of  red  porphyry  and  characterized  by  hieroglyphics,  and 
this  has  been  removed  from  Rome,  where  it  lay  in  the  house  of 
a stone-cutter,  into  the  museum  at  Paris,  by  M.  Desmarest, 
mentioned  above.  This  doubt  was  also  confirmed  by  the 
statement  of  the  learned  traveller,  Mr.  Wortley  Montague,  that 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


203 


it  was  very  rare  to  find  a piece  of  porphyry  in  Lower  Egypt,  for 
the  disturbed  state  of  Upper  Egypt  did  not  allow  him  to  go 
there.  He  wrote  to  me  that,  in  the  ruins  of  almost  countless 
cities,  he  had  seen  only  here  and  there  a few  small  pieces  of 
this  stone ; but  that  on  the  entire  route  from  Cairo  to  Mount 
Sinai  not  a trace  of  it  is  to  be  found.  According  to  his  testi- 
mony, this  stone  is  produced  solely  on  the  mountain  of  St. 
Katharine,  which  is  still  an  hour’s  travel  higher.  It  may  be 
noticed,  however,  as  the  same  writer  remarks,  at  the  end  of 
three  quarters  of  an  hour’s  travel,  though  it  is  not  of  the  best 
quality,  for  the  red  is  much  brighter  than  that  of  the  porphyry 
frequently  seen  in  Rome,  and  the  white  is  not  sufficiently  com- 
pact, so  that  holes  are  visible  in  the  white  granules.  The 
mingling  of  white  and  red  produces  a resemblance  to  those 
stones  on  which  plants  are  found  figured.  This  plant-like  kind 
ceases  at  about  half  the  ascent  of  this  lofty  mountain,  and  the 
stone  becomes  more  compact  and  of  a better  color  than  it  was 
farther  down  ; but  yet  it  is  not  to  be  compared  with  beautiful 
porphyry.  This  traveller,  however,  did  not  discover  on  the 
whole  mountain  any  traces  of  a quarry.  Finally,  we  have 
before  us  the  testimony  of  Aristides,  who  says  explicitly  that 
porphyry  came  from  Arabia,  and  we  must  therefore  infer  that 
both  the  Egyptians  and  the  Romans  — the  latter  especially, 
who  made  more  frequent  use  of  porphyry  — procured  this  stone 
from  quarries  in  the  mountain  ranges  of  Arabia. 

16.  If  we  now  assume  that  granite  originated  like  lava,  it 
follows,  from  the  above-mentioned  discovery  of  porphyry  in 
granite  and  lava,  that  porphyry  may  be  produced  in  a similar 
way,  and  that,  consequently,  where  beautiful  granite  is  found, 
porphyry  also  may  be  sought  and  found ; and  it  may  therefore 
be  inferred  with  great  probability,  that,  as  Egypt  has  sent  forth 
the  most  beautiful  granite,  it  may  furnish  porphyry  too.  The 
same  ranges  which  produce  red  porphyry  must  yield,  besides, 
the  far  more  rare  kind  of  a green  color,  since  veins  and  large 
pieces  of  the  latter  are  found  in  statues,  columns,  and  tablets  of 
the  former.  A large  piece  of  green  porphyry  is  observable  on 
the  left  shoulder  of  a statue  of  red  porphyry,  in  the  Medici  villa, 
which  represents  a captive  king.  Slabs  of  this  sort  are  found 
in  the  church  of  Santo  Lorenzo,  in  the  pavement  of  the  church 
of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore,  in  the  royal  hall,  Sala  regia , so  called, 
of  the  Vatican  palace,  in  the  Borghese  villa,  and  in  the  Lancellotti 


204 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


palace.  But  the  clearest  proof  of  the  native  land  of  porphyry 
is  afforded  by  an  uncommonly  hard  stone  of  the  kind  termed 
Breccia,  of  which  I shall  hereafter  speak  further. 

1 7.  Porphyry,  on  account  of  its  intractable  hardness,  cannot, 
like  marble,  be  worked  with  a chisel,  scalpello,  or  with  the  edge 
of  a broad  tool,  but  it  requires  to  be  hammered  little  by  little, 
and  with  great  patience,  with  picks  sharpened  to  a point.  In 
this  work,  the  progress  of  which  is  imperceptible,  each  blow 
strikes  out  sparks  of  fire.  When  at  length,  after  countless 
repeated  blows  with  a pick, — for  a single  year  was  not  sufficient 
for  the  completion  of  a draped  statue,  — the  deep  parts  were 
got  out  in  the  coarsest  manner,  then  it  was  necessary  to  reduce 
the  wdiole  by  means  of  emery ; and  this  process  of  rubbing  and 
polishing  required  more  than  another  year’s  time  ; for  several 
artists  could  not  conveniently  labor  at  the  same  time  on  the 
same  statue.  Now,  as  a work  executed  in  this  stone  demands 
infinite  time  and  patience,  it  cannot  but  surprise  us  that  skilful 
Greek  artists  were  found  wrho  were  willing  to  submit  to  such 
toilsome  effort  and  tedious  delay,  in  which  the  spirit  is  fettered 
and  the  hand  wearied,  without  enough  progress  to  sustain  and 
gladden  the  eye.  But  in  order  to  explain  myself  still  more 
clearly,  the  labor  just  noticed  is  done  in  the  following  manner. 
The  first  hand,  as  the  usual  expression  is,  works  upon  it  with 
long  iron  bars  hammered  square  to  a point,  termed  subbie, 
“ chisels,”  by  which  pieces  imperceptibly  small  are  chipped  off. 
After  the  coarsest  part  is  knocked  off,  a heavy  hammer-shaped 
tool,  pointed  at  both  ends,  is  next  used ; and  at  last,  on  the 
completion  of  this  second  stage,  a tool  shaped  in  precisely  the 
same  w*ay,  except  that  it  has  a broad  edge,  is  substituted ; and 
with  this  the  workman  goes  over  the  work  several  times,  until 
it  is  in  a fit  state  for  polishing.  In  this  way  statues  and  col- 
umns are  executed ; and  the  artist,  when  at  work,  commonly 
wears  a particular  kind  of  spectacles,  in  order  to  protect  his 
eyes  from  the  fine  dust  which  flies  from  the  stone.  The  same 
mode  of  proceeding  is  adopted  with  the  Egyptian  breccia,  so 
called,  though  all  parts  of  it  are  not  equally  hard. 

18.  It  is  necessary  to  notice  this  stone,  breccia,  although 
there  has  been  preserved  only  a torso  of  a statue  made  of  it. 
It  is  a composite  of  innumerable  other  kinds  of  stone,  and, 
among  them,  of  fragments  of  porphyry  of  each  color,  — a cir- 
cumstance which  induces  me  to  believe  that  it  was  quarried  in 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


205 


Egypt.  This  stone  was  included  under  the  generic  Italian 
word  breccia , a word  which  neither  the  Cruscan  Academy  nor 
that  pitiful  Florentine  writer,  Baldinucci,  explains,  though  it 
ought  to  have  been  defined  by  both.  We  understand  by  breccia 
a stone  which  seemingly  consists  of  many  fragments  of  other 
stones ; and  this  is,  as  Menage  rightly  observes,  the  ground  of 
its  name,  which  he  derives  from  the  German  word  brechen , “ to 
break.”  Now,  as  Egyptian  stones  are  more  conspicuous  than 
any  others  in  the  conformation  of  this  breccia,  I have  thought 
that  we  must  give  it  the  name  of  Egyptian  breccia.  The 
ground-color  of  the  stone  is  green,  of  which  an  infinite  number 
of  shades  and  tints  are  observable  in  it,  insomuch  that,  as  I am 
assured,  neither  painter  nor  colorist  has  ever  produced  them  ; 
and  the  blending  of  them  must  appear  wonderful  in  the  eyes  of 
those  who  are  attentive  observers  of  nature’s  productions.  The 
torso  of  the  statue  mentioned  above  represents  a seated  captive 
king,  who  is  dressed  after  the  manner  of  barbarian  nations  ; 
nothing  is  wanting  but  the  extremities,  the  head  and  the  hands, 
which  were  probably  of  white  marble.  It  has  been  set  up  by 
the  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani,  in  a special  small  edifice  belong- 
ing to  his  villa,  which  is  adorned  with  other  works  in  the  same 
stone.  On  each  side  of  the  statue  stands  a column,  and  in 
front  of  it  a large  round  cup  ten  palms  (7  ft.  4 in.)  in  diameter, 
of  the  same  stone.  Besides  these  pieces,  there  may  be  seen 
in  the  cathedral  at  Capua  an  antique  bathing-tub  of  breccia, 
which  now  serves  as  a baptismal  font. 

19.  The  numerous  extant  works  of  white,  black,  and  yellow- 
ish marble  in  Egypt,  mentioned  by  writers  of  travels  in  this 
country,  show  that,  besides  granite,  porphyry,  and  alabaster, 
different  kinds  of  marble  were  also  quarried  there.  The  long 
and  narrow  passages  of  the  largest  pyramid  are  faced  with  white 
marble,  which  undoubtedly  is  not  Parian  marble,  as  Pliny  has 
allowed  himself  to  state.  Even  at  the  present  day,  fragments 
of  obelisks,  statues,  and  sphinxes  of  yellowish  marble  are  still 
to  be  seen  there,  one  of  which  is  twenty-two  feet  in  length ; 
moreover,  colossal  statues  of  white  marble.  Still,  I was  for  a 
long  time  doubtful  in  regard  to  Egyptian  figures  of  white  marble 
in  Borne,  notwithstanding  the  head  on  the  Campidoglio,  wrought 
in  relief,  of  which  mention  has  already  been  made  ; for  this 
might  possibly  pass  for  only  an  imitation  of  the  antique  Egyp- 
tian style,  since  it  is  placed  so  high  as  to  be  beyond  the  reach 


208 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


of  accurate  examination.  My  doubts  were,  however,  removed 
by  a fragment  of  a genuine  Egyptian  statue  of  white  marble, 
which  is  marked  by  hieroglyphs  : it  belongs  to  a stone-cutter  in. 
the  Campo  Vaccino.  But  I have  been  convinced  that  Egyptian 
artists  worked  in  such  marble,  particularly  by  the  broken  slabs 
of  it  in  the  museum  of  the  Roman  College.  These  show  a 
rilievo  after  the  Egyptian  style ; that  is  to  say,  it  does  not  pro- 
ject beyond  the  surface  of  the  marble,  though  it  is  in  relief ; or, 
to  express  myself  more  perspicuously,  the  raised  work  is  formed 
by  cutting  into  the  slabs.  One  of  the  pieces  shows  the  upper 
part  of  the  figure,  of  life-size,  as  low  as  the  shoulder ; on  them, 
instead  of  a human  head,  are  seen  the  long  neck  and  head  of  a 
bird,  from  which  there  rises  straight  upwards  a tuft  of  feathers  ; 
the  long  bill  is  curved  at  its  tip.  Nevertheless,  this  figure  ap- 
pears to  have  its  human  head,  yet  in  such  a manner  that  it  is 
entirely  covered  by  the  usual  Egyptian  hood,  from  which  two 
bands  hang  down  as  low  as  the  breast,  and  by  the  neck  and 
head  of  the  bird,  which  rise  upward  in  order  to  conceal  the  face 
of  the  figure.  A clearer  idea  of  this  shape  can  be  formed  from 
a figure  on  the  Isiac  Table,  so  called,  at  Turin,  which  perfectly 
resembles  the  one  I am  now  describing.  Hence  I believe  that 
two  similar  figures,  painted  on  the  first  mummy  described  by 
Alexander  Gordon,  did  not  have  straight  bills,  as  the  engrav- 
ing represents,  but  bills  with  the  point  curving  downwards. 
He  errs,  therefore,  in  common  with  Pignorius,  when  he  holds 
the  head  of  this  bird  to  be  that  of  an  ibis  or  stork,  because  the 
latter  has  not  a curved  beak.  I have  been  told  that  it  is  an 
African  bird,  named  Acaviac  ; this  point,  however,  I leave  to  be 
settled  by  the  natural  historians.  The  work  here  described  is 
evidently  a production  of  the  earliest  art  among  the  Egyptians. 
I am,  on  the  other  hand,  doubtful  as  to  a small  male  bust,  in 
the  Herculaneum  museum,  executed  with  uncommon  care,  — 
about  half  a palm  (4.4  in.  Eng.)  in  height,  wearing  a beard,  and 
made  of  a white  marble  called  Palombino,  — because  all  male 
statues  of  Egyptians  show  a smooth  chin,  and  also  because  the 
beard  is  arranged  after  the  fashion  of  the  beard  worn  by  Greek 
Hermae.  A piece  of  an  obelisk  of  black  marble  has  also  been 
found.  In  the  Albani  villa  there  is  the  upper  part  of  a large 
statue  in  rosso  antico,  “ antique  red  ” ; but  it  was  probably  made, 
as  its  style  indicates,  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Adrian,  in 
whose  villa  at  Tivoli  the  fragment  was  discovered. 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


207 


20.  There  is  only  a single  small  seated  figure,  so  far  as  we 
know,  made  of  the  plasma  of  emerald  ; the  socle  as  well  as  the 
column  behind  is  characterized  by  hieroglyphs  (13).  It  may  be 
found  in  the  Albani  villa,  and  it  is  about  a palm  and  a half  (13 
in.  Eng.)  in  height.  This  rare  stone  is  commonly  regarded  as  the 
mother  of  emerald ; that  is,  the  shell  in  which  the  gem  is  sup- 
posed to  lie  concealed ; but  it  is  harder  than  any  emerald ; 
whereas  the  reverse  ought  to  be  the  case.  For  it  is  usually  the 
same  with  gems  as  with  fruits,  whose  rind  is  softer  than  the 
fruit  which  it  contains.  The  opposite  of  this,  however,  is  also 
found,  since  there  are  large  flint-stones  which  incase  petrified 
muscles,  and  consequently  enclose  a softer  substance.  In  the 
Corsini  palace  may  also  be  seen  a few  table-slabs  (14),  formed 
by  putting  together  pieces  of  this  rare  gem. 

21.  Besides  works  in  wood  and  stone  by  Egyptian  artists,  a 
few  in  bronze  have  been  preserved.  They  consist  of  small  fig- 
ures, of  the  Isiac  Table,  so  called,  in  the  royal  museum  at  Turin, 
of  the  sacrificial  vessel  or  water-bucket  mentioned  above,  and  of 
a small  oblong  square  base  of  about  a palm  and  a half  (13  in. 
Eng.)  in  length,  with  engraved  figures  and  characters,  in  the 
Herculaneum  museum.  Of  small  figures,  a multitude  were 
found  in  the  temple  of  Isis,  discovered  at  Pompeii ; and  from 
another  figure,  in  the  museum  of  Mr.  Hamilton,  it  is  seen  that 
these  small  works  were  filled  internally  with  lead,  in  order  to 
make  them  stand  more  firmly.  The  largest  of  this  kind  of 
figures  is  an  Isis  with  Horus  on  her  lap,  which  was  in  the  mu- 
seum of  the  celebrated  Count  Caylus.  Detached  figures  of 
bronze  were  occasionally  coated  with  gypsum,  and  gilded,  as  a 
small  Osiris  shows,  which  was  made  known  by  the  same  writer. 
The  base  mentioned  above  has  the  true  Egyptian  form  of  the 
simple  fluting  peculiar  to  all  the  bases  and  structures  of  this 
people.  On  the  middle  of  the  front  side  is  represented  a long 
vessel  moored  by  Egyptian  rushes,  in  the  middle  of  which  a 
large  bird  sits ; on  the  bow,  a figure  is  seated  flat  on  the  floor ; 
and  on  the  stern  stands  an  Anubis  with  a dog’s  head,  steer- 
ing the  vessel.  On  both  sides  sit  female  figures  with  wings 
stretched  forward,  which  are  attached  to  the  hips  and  cover 
their  feet,  — like  the  figures  on  the  Maltese  coins,  as  well  as  on 
the  Isiac  Table. 

22.  At  the  close  of  this  chapter,  and  of  the  examination  of 
the  mechanical  part  of  sculpture,  I shall  state  what  is  known  to 


208 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


us  of  Egyptian  painting,  in  regard  to  its  kind  and  mode : the 
reader  will  easily  perceive  that  I speak  of  painted  mummies  in 
particular.  In  the  investigation  of  this  kind  of  painting,  I ap- 
peal to  the  immortal  Caylus,  by  whom  it  has  been  studied  with 
the  utmost  diligence,  especially  in  reference  to  the  colors  em- 
ployed, and  I have  found  his  observations  correct  so  far  as 
regards  the  mummies  which  I have  myself  seen. 

All  the  colors  are  dissolved  in  water,  and  more  or  less  tem- 
pered with  gum ; and  all  of  them  are  laid  on  unmixed.  They 
are  six  in  number,  — white,  black,  blue,  red,  yellow,  and  green. 
The  red  and  the  blue,  however,  are  those  which  present  them- 
selves most  frequently,  and  they  are  ground  pretty  coarsely. 
The  white/ which  consists  of  common  white-lead  (15),  forms  the 
coating  of  the  linen  cloth  of  the  mummies,  and  constitutes  what 
modern  painters  term  the  priming ; the  outlines  of  the  figures 
are  then  drawn  in  black  on  the  white  ground,  and  the  ground 
itself  forms  the  white  of  those  parts  which  are  designed  to  be 
of  this  color. 

23.  This  kind  of  painting,  however,  is  very  unimportant  when 
compared  with  that  of  which  Norden  gives  an  account.  He 
states  that  he  found  in  Upper  Egypt  entire  palaces,  and  the 
columns  in  them,  thirty-two  feet  in  circumference,  completely 
covered  with  ornamental  painting,  insomuch  that  walls  eighty 
feet  in  height  were  painted,  and  had  colossal  figures  on  them. 
The  colors  of  these  paintings  are,  as  on  the  mummies,  whole 
and  un mixed,  and  each  one  is  laid  on  by  itself,  but  on  a ground 
and  by  means  of  a cement  which  have  rendered  the  duration  of 
them  everlasting,  so  that  they,  as  well  as  the  gilding,  continue 
perfectly  fresh  after  the  lapse  of  some  thousand  years,  and  can- 
not be  detached  from  the  walls  and  columns  by  any  violence. 

24.  I close  this  treatise  upon  the  art  of  the  Egyptians  with 
the  remark,  that  none  of  their  coins  have  ever  been  discovered, 
by  means  of  which  we  might  have  attained  a more  enlarged 
knowledge  of  their  skill ; for  the  known  Egyptian  coins  did  not 
begin  until  after  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great.  Hence  we 
might  doubt  whether  the  ancient  Egyptians  had  any  coins 
stamped  with  dies,  if  some  proof  of  it  were  not  found  in  writers 
in  regard  to  the  obolus,  as  it  is  called,  which  was  placed  in  the 
mouths  of  the  dead.  On  this  account  the  mouths  of  the  mum- 
mies, especially  of  those  that  are  covered  with  paintings,  like 
the  one  at  Bologna,  are  destroyed  by  persons  seeking  for  the 


ART  AMONG  THE  EGYPTIANS. 


209 


coins.  This  was  done  in  the  instance  of  the  mummy  just  men- 
tioned, in  presence  of  the  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani,  by  the 
missionary  himself  who  brought  it  over  as  a gift  to  him ; for 
after  he  had  allowed  it  to  be  seen  in  an  uninjured  state,  and  to 
be  inspected  a long  time,  he  suddenly,  and  before  the  by-stand- 
ers  had  an  opportunity  to  prevent  him,  tore  open  the  mouth  ; 
he  did  not  find  however  what  he  sought.  Pococke  speaks  of 
three  coins,  but  he  does  not  communicate  their  age ; yet  they 
do  not  appear  from  the  impression  to  have  been  made  before 
the  conquest  of  Egypt  by  the  Persians. 

25.  In  conclusion,  let  it  be  considered  that  a resemblance 
may  be  traced  between  Egyptian  art,  and  the  form  of  the  coun- 
try at  the  present  day ; and  the  history  of  it  may  be  compared 
with  an  extensive  desolate  plain,  which  can  be  overlooked  from 
two  or  three  lofty  towers.  The  entire  circuit  of  ancient  Egyp- 
tian art  has  two  periods.  Works  from  both  are  remaining ; and 
from  them  we  can  form  a reasonable  judgment  as  to  the  art  of 
the  age  in  which  they  were  executed.  On  the  other  hand, 
Greek  and  Etruscan  art  may  be  compared  with  the  countries  of 
Greece  and  Etruria,  which  are  full  of  mountain  ranges,  and  can- 
not therefore  be  overlooked ; and  hence  I believe  that,  in  the 
present  treatise,  I have  thrown  upon  Egyptian  art  all  the  light 
needed.  , 


VOL.  i.  14 


210 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


CHAPTER  Y. 

ART  AMONG  THE  PHCENICIANS  AND  PERSIANS. 

Historical  accounts  and  a few  general  statements  comprise 
our  knowledge  of  the  art  of  these  two  nations.  We  have 
nothing  definite  to  say  in  regard  to  the  details  of  their  draw- 
ing and  figures.  There  is  also  little  hope  that  larger  and 
more  important  works  of  sculpture  will  be  discovered,  from 
which  more  light  and  knowledge  might  be  obtained.  But  as 
coins  by  Phoenician  artists,  and  rilievi  by  Persian,  have  been 
preserved,  these  nations  could  not  be  passed  by  without  some 
mention  in  this  history  (1). 

1.  The  Phoenicians  inhabited  the  fairest  shores  of  Asia  and 
Africa  on  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  besides  other  conquered  ter- 
ritories ; and  Carthage,  one  of  their  colonies,  which  according 
to  some  had  been  founded  fifty  years  before  the  conquest  of 
Troy,  was  situated  in  a climate  so  steadily  even,  that,  by  the 
account  of  later  travellers,  the  thermometer  at  Tunis,  where 
that  celebrated  city  formerly  had  its  site,  always  stands  at  the 
twTenty-ninth  or  thirtieth  degree  (85°  or  86°  Fahrenheit). 

2.  Hence  the  conformation  of  this  people  — who,  as  Herodo- 
tus says,  were  the  most  healthy  of  all  men  — must  have  been 
very  regular,  and  the  drawing  of  their  figures  consequently 
correspondent  to  the  conformation.  Livy  speaks  of  a young 
Numidian  of  extraordinary  beauty,  who  was  taken  prisoner  by 
Scipio  in  the  battle  with  Asdrubal,  near  Bsecula,  in  Spain ; and 
the  celebrated  Carthaginian  beauty  Sophonisba,  daughter  of 
Asdrubal,  who  was  first  married  to  Syphax  and  afterwards  to 
Masinissa,  is  familiar  to  all  history. 

3.  The  Phoenicians  were,  as  Mela  says,  industrious,  and  had 
signalized  themselves  in  the  occupations  of  war  and  peace,  as 
well  as  in  the  sciences,  and  in  treatises  upon  them.  The 
sciences  were  already  flourishing  among  them  at  a time  when 
the  Greeks  were  an  uninstructed  people  ; and  Moschus  of  Sidon 
is  said  to  have  taught  the  atomic  theory  even  before  the  Tro- 


ART  AMONG  THE  PHOENICIANS. 


211 


jan  war.  Astronomy  and  arithmetic,  if  not  invented  by  them, 
were  carried  to  a higher  degree  of  excellence  than  elsewhere. 
But  they  are  especially  celebrated  for  their  many  inventions  in 
the  arts  (2),  and  for  this  reason  Homer  terms  the  Sidonians 
great  artists.  We  know  that  Solomon  brought  artisans  from 
Phoenicia  to  build  the  Temple  of  the  Lord  and  the  house  of  the 
king ; among  the  Romans,  too,  the  best  wooden  utensils  were 
made  by  Carthaginian  artisans ; hence  in  their  ancient  writers 
mention  is  made  of  Punic  bedsteads,  windows,  presses,  and 
hinges. 

4.  Abundance  nurtured  the  arts ; for  it  is  known  what  the 
prophets  say  of  the  splendor  of  Tyre.  In  this  city,  as  Strabo 
relates,  there  were  still  in  his  time  houses  loftier  even  than 
those  in  Rome  ; and  Appian  says  that  in  Bursa,  the  inner  por- 
tion of  the  city  of  Carthage,  the  houses  were  six  stories  in 
height.  In  their  temples  were  gilded  statues,  as  an  Apollo  at 
Carthage,  for  example  ; even  golden  columns  and  statues  of 
emerald  are  mentioned.  Livy  speaks  of  a silver  shield,  a hun- 
dred and  thirty  pounds  in  weight,  on  which  was  wrought  a por- 
trait of  Asdrubal,  the  brother  of  Hannibal ; it  was  suspended 
in  the  Capitol. 

5.  The  commerce  of  the  Phoenicians  extended  through  the 
whole  world  ; and  the  productions  of  their  artists  were  probably 
circulated  in  every  direction.  Even  in  Greece  they  had  built 
temples  on  the  islands,  of  which,  in  the  earliest  ages,  they  were 
the  possessors ; on  the  island  of  Thasus,  the  temple  of  that 
Hercules  who  was  still  older  than  the  Greek  Hercules.  It 
would  therefore  be  probable  that  the  Phoenicians,  who  intro- 
duced the  sciences  among  the  Greeks,  planted  in  Greece  the 
arts  also,  which  must  have  flourished  among  them  at  an  earlier 
period,  if  other  accounts,  given  above,  were  compatible  with 
such  a supposition.  It  is  especially  worthy  of  note,  that  Ap- 
pian makes  mention  of  Ionic  columns  at  the  arsenal  in  the 
harbor  of  Carthage.  The  Carthaginians  had  still  greater  inter- 
course with  the  Etruscans,  who  were  among  the  number  of  the 
allies  of  the  Carthaginians  at  the  time  when  the  latter  were 
defeated  on  the  sea  by  Hiero,  king  of  Syracuse. 

6.  Winged  deities  are  common  among  the  Etruscans,  as  well 
as  among  the  Phoenicians ; the  deities  of  the  latter,  however, 
are  winged  more  after  the  Egyptian  manner,  that  is  to  say,  the 
wings  are  attached  to  the  hips,  and  overshadow  the  figures  from 


212 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART . 


that  point  to  the  feet,  as  we  see  by  the  coins  of  the  island  of 
Malta,  which  belonged  to  the  Carthaginians ; so  that  it  might 
seem  as  if  the  Phoenicians  had  learned  from  the  Egyptians. 
But  the  Carthaginian  artists  may  also  have  been  instructed, 
at  a later  period,  by  the  Greek  works  of  art  which  they  carried 
away  from  Sicily,  and  which  Scipio,  after  the  capture  of 
Carthage,  caused  to  be  returned. 

7.  But  of  works  of  Phoenician  art  nothing  remains  but 
Carthaginian  coins,  which  were  stamped  in  Spain,  the  island  of 
Malta,  and  Sicily  (3).  Of  the  first  kind,  ten  pieces  of  the  city 
of  Valencia  are  found  in  the  Grand-Ducal  museum  at  Florence, 
which  can  bear  comparison  with  the  most  beautiful  coins  of 
Magna  Grsecia  (4).  The  coins  stamped  in  Sicily  are  so  ex- 
quisite, that  they  are  distinguishable  from  the  best  Greek  coins 
of  the  kind  only  by  the  Punic  letters  (5) ; and  the  Bishop 
Lucchesi,  at  Girgenti,  possesses  a few  of  their  gold  coins  ; they 
are  exceedingly  rare.  Some  of  the  silver  coins  have  on  the 
obverse  the  head  of  Proserpine,  and  on  the  reverse  a horse’s 
head  together  with  a palm-tree ; on  others  is  the  whole  figure 
of  a horse  standing  by  a palm  (6).  A Carthaginian  artist, 
by  name  Boethus,  is  cited,  who  executed  ivory  figures  in  the 
temple  of  Juno  at  Elis.  Of  engraved  gems,  two  only  are 
known  to  me ; they  are  heads,  and  designated  by  the  name 
of  the  individual  in  Phoenician  letters.  I have  spoken  of  them 
in  the  Description  of  the  Engraved  Gems  in  the  Stosch  Cabinet. 

8.  Of  the  particulars  of  the  clothing  of  their  figures,  the 
coins  give  as  little  information  as  do  writers.  As  far  as  I 
remember,  we  do  not  know  much  more  than  that  the  garments 
of  the  Phoenicians  had  uncommonly  long  sleeves ; on  this 
account,  an  African  personage  in  the  comedies  at  Rome  was 
represented  with  such  a robe ; and  it  is  believed  that  the 
Carthaginians  did  not  wear  mantles  (7).  Striped  stuffs  must 
have  been  very  customary  among  them,  as  they  were  among 
the  Gauls,  as  proved  by  the  Phoenician  tradesman  among  the 
painted  figures  of  the  Vatican  copy  of  Terence.  The  epithet 
discinctus,  which  the  poets  apply  to  the  Africans  and  Lybians, 
seems  to  point  to  the  Carthaginians  also,  intimating  that  they 
wore  their  mantles  “ ungirdled.” 

9.  Of  art  among  the  Jews  as  neighbors  of  the  Phoenicians, 
we  know  still  less  than  of  that  of  the  latter.  As  the  Phoeni- 
cian artists  were  sent  for  by  the  Jews,  even  in  their  flourishing 


ART  AMONG  THE  PERSIANS. 


213 


periods,  it  would  seem  as  if  the  fine  arts,  which  were  regarded 
by  them  as  a superfluity  in  the  life  of  man,  were  also  not  prac- 
tised for  the  very  same  reason.  Sculpture  was  even  forbidden 
by  the  Mosaic  law,  at  least  in  regard  to  the  representation  of 
the  deity  in  human  form  (8).  The  conformation  of  the  Jews, 
like  that  of  the  Phoenicians,  would,  nevertheless,  have  been 
suitable  for  the  expression  of  ideas  of  beauty. 

10.  Art  must,  however,  have  risen  to  a certain  degree  of 
excellence,  I will  not  say  in  sculpture,  but  in  drawing  and  ar- 
tistic labor,  notwithstanding  the  derogatory  idea  of  it  generally 
entertained  among  this  people ; for  Nebuchadnezzar  carried 
away  with  him,  from  Jerusalem  alone,  a thousand  artists  who 
made  inlaid  work  ; it  will  be  difficult  to  find  so  large  a number 
at  the  present  day  in  the  most  populous  cities.  The  Hebrew 
word  signifying  artists  of  this  kind  is  not  generally  understood  ; 
and  it  has  been  absurdly  translated  and  explained  by  commen- 
tators as  well  as  by  lexicons,  and  occasionally  even  been  entirely 
omitted. 

11.  Art  among  the  Persians  deserves  some  attention,  because 
monuments  of  marble,  on  engraved  gems,  and  of  bronze,  have 
been  preserved.  Those  of  marble  are  figures,  wrought  in  relief, 
on  the  ruins  of  the  city  of  Persepolis  ; the  engraved  gems  are 
cylindrical  loadstones,  and  also  chalcedonies,  having  a hole  bored 
through  their  axis.  Besides  these,  which  I have  seen  in  differ- 
ent collections  of  engraved  gems,  there  are  two  in  the  museum 
of  Count  Caylus,  by  whom  they  have  been  made  known.  On 
one  of  them  five  figures  are  cut ; on  the  other,  two  ; on  both  are 
ancient  Persian  letters,  arranged  under  each  other  in  a column. 
The  Duke  of  Caraffa  Noja,  at  Naples,  has  four  stones  of  this  kind, 
which  were  formerly  in  the  Stosch  museum ; on  one  of  these  is 
ancient  writing,  also  placed  columnar-wise.  The  letters  on  the 
latter,  as  well  as  on  the  former,  perfectly  resemble  those  on  the 
ruins  of  Persepolis.  In  the  Description  of  the  Stosch  Museum , I 
have  spoken  of  other  Persian  gems,  and  cited  the  one  made  known 
by  Bianchini  (9).  A few  gems  without  any  letters  on  them  have 
been  considered  as  ancient  Greek  works  by  those  who  were  igno- 
rant of  the  style  of  Persian  art ; and  De  Wilde  has  supposed 
that  he  saw  on  one  of  them  the  fable  of  Aristeas,  and  on  another 
a Thracian  king. 

1 2.  Besides  a few  antique  Persian  coins,  only  a single  speci- 
men of  Persian  works  in  bronze  is  known  to  me ; it  is  an  oblong 


214 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART 


square  die,  an  inch  in  length,  in  the  museum  of  Mr.  Hamilton. 
It  represents  a male  figure,  — whose  head  as  well  as  face  appears 
to  be  covered  with  a helmet,  — - in  the  act  of  thrusting  a sword 
through  a lion  that  is  rearing  up  in  front  of  it ; which  is  a usual 
image,  also,  on  the  gems  above  mentioned.  A silver  coin  might 
likewise  be  mentioned,  on  which  is  a four-horse  chariot ; wherein 
stands  a bearded  figure  wearing  the  customary  Persian  cap,  to- 
gether with  another  figure  holding  the  reins ; on  the  reverse  is 
a ship  with  oars,  and  a few  unknown  letters ; for  this  coin  is 
supposed  to  have  been  stamped  by  Persian  kings,  prior  to  the 
age  of  Alexander  the  Great. 

13.  The  testimony  of  the  most  ancient  writers,  that  the  Per- 
sians were  well-shaped  men,  is  also  confirmed  by  a head,  cut  in 
relief,  on  a glass  paste  in  the  former  Stosch  museum ; it  wears 
a helmet,  is  of  tolerable  size,  and  is  surrounded  by  ancient  Per- 
sian writing.  The  conformation  of  it  is  regular,  and  resembles 
that  of  the  Western  nations,  as  do  the  heads  of  the  figures, 
larger  than  life,  wrought  in  relief,  at  Persepolis,  of  which  draw- 
ings have  been  made  by  Bruyn.  Consequently,  art  had  every 
advantage  that  could  be  derived  from  nature.  The  Parthians, 
who  occupied  a large  portion  of  the  former  Persian  kingdom,  had 
a special  regard  for  personal  beauty,  the  possessors  of  which 
were  placed  in  authority  over  others ; Surenas,  general  of  King 
Orodes,  was,  in  addition  to  other  excellences,  celebrated  for  the 
beauty  of  his  shape ; notwithstanding,  he  rouged  himself. 

14.  But  it  was  apparently  contrary  to  Persian  ideas  of  pro- 
priety to  represent  figures  in  a nude  state.  Nakedness  had  a 
bad  signification  among  them ; for,  generally  speaking,  no  Per- 
sian was  seen  without  clothing.  The  same  may  also  be  said  of 
the  Arabians.  The  loftiest  aim  of  art,  therefore,  the  conforma- 
tion of  the  nude,  was  not  attempted  by  their  artists ; the  ar- 
rangement of  the  dress  consequently  became  the  object  in  view 
with  them,  not  the  shape  of  the  nude  body,  as  among  the 
Greeks ; hence  it  was  sufficient  to  represent  a draped  figure. 

15.  The  dress  of  the  Persians  did  not,  probably,  differ  much 
from  that  of  other  Eastern  nations.  These  latter  wore  an  un- 
der garment  of  linen,  and  over  it  a woollen,  robe ; over  the  robe 
they  threw  a white  mantle ; and  they  were  fond  of  wearing  fig- 
ured garments.  The  robe  of  the  Persians,  which  was  cut  square, 
probably  resembled  the  square  robe,  so  called,  of  the  Greek 
women ; it  had,  as  Strabo  says,  long  sleeves  reaching  as  far  as 


ART  AMONG  THE  PERSIANS. 


215 


the  fingers,  into  which  they  thrust  their  hands.  But  as  their 
figures  have  no  mantles,  — the  folds  of  which  can  be  arranged 
in  any  desired  mode,  — perhaps  because  mantles  do  not  seem  to 
have  been  a customary  garment  in  Persia,  they  are  shaped,  ap- 
parently, after  one  and  the  same  model ; those  which  are  seen 
on  engraved  gems  are  perfectly  similar  to  those  on  their  build- 
ings. The  robe  of  the  Persian  men  — female  figures  are  not 
found  on  their  monuments  (10)  — is  frequently  arranged  in 
small  folds  like  steps ; and  on  a gem  above  mentioned,  in  the 
museum  of  the  Duke  of  Noja,  we  can  count  eight  such  rows  of 
folds  from  the  shoulder  to  the  feet ; the  cover  of  the  seat  of  a 
stool,  on  another  gem  in  the  same  museum,  also  hangs  in  simi- 
lar ranges  of  folds  or  fringes  down  upon  the  trestle  of  the  stool. 
A garment  with  large  folds  would  have  been  looked  upon  by  the 
ancient  Persians  as  womanish. 

16.  The  Persians  allowed  their  hair  to  grow;  and  in  some 
male  figures  it  hangs  down  in  front,  over  the  shoulders,  in  strings 
or  braids,  as  in  the  Etruscan  figures ; and  they  generally  bound 
a fine  cloth  about  their  heads,  a custom  which  has  been  perpet- 
uated in  the  modern  turban  of  Eastern  lands.  In  war  they 
usually  wore  a hat,  shaped  like  a cylinder  or  tower ; on  engraved 
gems,  caps  with  upturned  rims,  such  as  we  see  on  fur  caps  (11), 
are  also  found. 

17.  Another  cause  of  the  slight  progress  of  art  among  the 
Persians  is  their  religious  service,  which  was  by  no  means  favor- 
able to  art ; for  they  believed  that  the  gods  could  not  or  must 
not  be  figured  in  human  form  (12) ; the  visible  heavens  and  fire 
were  the  highest  objects  of  their  adoration;  and  the  earliest 
Greek  writers  even  maintained  that  they  had  neither  temples 
nor  altars.  The  Persian  god,  Mithras,  can  indeed  be  seen  at 
several  places  in  Rome,  as  in  the  Borghese,  Albani,  and  Negroni 
villas,  but  we  have  no  knowledge  that  he  was  represented  in 
such  a manner  by  the  ancient  Persians.  It  is  more  likely  that 
the  figures  claimed  to  be  representations  of  Mithras  were  exe- 
cuted by  Greek  or  Roman  artists,  at  Rome  and  during  the  time 
of  the  Csesars,  as  the  figure  and  execution  prove.  For  every 
one  sees  that  the  artists  of  these  two  people  have  given  to  the 
figure  of  Mithras  long  hose  and  a Phrygian  cap,  as  a distinguish- 
ing mark  of  a foreign  divinity,  this  garb  having  been  adopted 
in  art  to  denote  remote  nations,  whether  to  the  north  or  to  the 
south ; hose  were,  it  is  true,  common  to  the  Persians,  but  not 


216 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


Phrygian  caps,  so  far  as  we  know  (13).  Plutarch  relates  that 
the  worship  of  Mithras  was  introduced  by  the  Corsairs,  — against 
whom  Pompey  made  war,  and  who  were  ultimately  extirpated 
by  him,  — and  had  continued  ever  since.  But  the  explanation 
of  the  symbolic  signs  of  this  image  has  still  less  connection  with 
my  plan,  and,  besides,  it  has  been  attempted  by  others. 

18.  Though  religion  among  the  Persians  did  but  little  to 
stimulate  the  imagination,  still  we  perceive  from  their  works 
that  the  invention  and  production  of  ideal  figures  was  a charac- 
teristic of  art ; for  there  are  found  on  Persian  engraved  gems 
beasts  with  wings  and  human  heads,  sometimes  wearing  serrated 
crowns,  and  other  fanciful  creations  and  figures. 

19.  From  the  architecture  of  the  Persians  we  discern  that 
they  loved  a profusion  of  ornaments,  whereby  the  members  of 
their  edifices,  splendid  of  themselves,  lost  much  of  their  gran- 
deur. The  large  columns  at  Persepolis  have  forty  grooves,  but 
only  three  inches  in  breadth,  whereas  the  Greek  columns  have 
not  more  than  twenty-four,  and  sometimes  fewer,  with  a breadth 
on  a few  of  more  than  a span ; while  those  of  the  temple ' of 
Jupiter  at  Girgenti  were  so  large,  that  a stout  man  could  put 
himself  within  them,  — an  assertion  which  the  ruins  confirm 
even  at  the  present  day.  But  the  flutes  alone  did  not  seem  to 
the  Persians  to  give  sufficient  elegance  to  their  columns,  as 
figures  also  were  wrought  in  relief  on  the  upper  part  of  them. 

20.  From  the  little  which  has  been  adduced  and  said  of  the 
art  of  the  ancient  Persians,  we  can  draw  this  conclusion  at  least : 
that  art  would  not  have  profited  much,  even  if  more  monuments 
had  been  preserved.  The  Persians  themselves  seem  to  have 
been  aware  of  the  imperfection  of  their  artists  ; and  this  may 
have  been  the  cause  why  Telephanes,  a sculptor  of  Phocis,  in 
Greece,  wrought  for  the  two  Persian  kings  (14)  Xerxes  and 
Darius. 

21.  At  a subsequent  period,  when  Parthia,  once  a portion  of 
the  Persian  empire,  became  a separate  powerful  kingdom,  ruled 
by  its  own  kings,  art  also  assumed  a different  aspect.  The 
Greeks,  who  before  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great  constituted 
the  inhabitants  of  entire  cities,  even  in  Cappadocia,  and  in  the 
earliest  ages  had  settled  in  Colchis,  where  they  were  called 
Scythian  Achseans,  spread  themselves  abroad  in  Parthia  also, 
and  introduced  their  language  into  the  country  to  such  an  ex- 
tent that  Greek  plays  were  performed  at  court  by  order  of  the 


ART  AMONG  THE  PERSIANS. 


217 


kings.  Artabazes,  king  of  Armenia,  whose  daughter  was  the 
wife  of  Pacorus,  the  son  of  Orodes,  had  even  left  behind  him 
Greek  tragedies,  histories,  and  orations,  written  with  his  own 
hand.  The  favorable  disposition  of  the  Parthian  monarchs 
towards  the  Greeks  and  their  language  extended  itself  also  to 
their  artists ; and  the  coins  of  these  kings,  with  Greek  writing  on 
them,  must  have  been  executed  by  Greek  artists,  though  prob- 
ably brought  up  and  instructed  in  the  East ; for  in  the  impres- 
sion of  the  coins  there  is  something  strange,  and,  it  may  be 
said,  barbaric. 

22.  In  conclusion,  two  general  remarks  may  still  be  subjoined 
in  regard  to  the  art  of  the  Southern  and  Eastern  nations  col- 
lectively, of  which  this  second  book  has  treated.  If  we  consider 
the  monarchical  form  of  government  among  the  Egyptians,  as 
well  as  the  Phoenicians  and  Persians,  where  the  absolute  ruler 
shared  the  highest  honor  with  not  one  of  the  people,  we  can 
imagine  that  no  other  individual  was  rewarded  by  statues  for  his 
meritorious  services  to  his  native  country,  as  was  the  case  in 
free  states,  both  ancient  and  modern  ; we  cannot,  moreover,  find 
any  account  of  such  an  expression  of  gratitude  having  been  re- 
ceived by  a subject  of  these  kingdoms.  Carthage,  indeed,  was 
a free  state  in  the  country  of  the  Phoenicians,  and  was  governed 
by  its  own  laws  ; but  the  mutual  jealousy  of  two  powerful  parties 
would  have  contested  the  honor  of  immortality  to  any  one  citi- 
zen. A general  stood  in  danger  of  expiating  each  mistake  by 
his  head ; and  history  makes  no  mention  of  great  testimonials 
of  honor  among  them.  Consequently,  art  in  these  nations  was 
mostly  dependent  on  religion,  and  could  derive  little  advantage 
and  increase  from  the  habits  of  life  of  the  common  people. 
The  artist’s  conceptions  were,  therefore,  far  more  limited  than 
among  the  Greeks,  and  his  genius  was  tied  by  superstition  to 
adopted  forms. 

23.  These  three  people  had  probably  little  intercourse  with 
each  other  in  their  palmy  days  (15).  We  know  this  to  have 
been  the  case  with  the  Egyptians ; and  the  Persians  could  have 
had  but  little  commerce  with  the  Phoenicians  prior  to  the  time  of 
obtaining  a footing  on  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean,  which  did 
not  take  place  until  late ; the  letters,  also,  of  the  languages  of 
the  two  people  were  entirely  different  from  each  other.  The 
art,  therefore,  of  each  land  was  probably  characteristic.  Among 
the  Persians,  it  appears  to  have  made  the  least  progress;  in 


218 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


Egypt,  it  tended  to  grandeur;  while  among  the  Phoenicians 
elegance  of  execution  was  more  an  object  of  search,  as  we  may 
infer  from  their  coins.  For  with  their  commerce  works  of  art 
also  probably  passed  into  other  lands ; it  was  not  so  with  the 
Egyptians;  and  hence  we  may  believe  that  the  Phoenician 
artists  wrought  especially  in  metal,  and  executed  works  of  a 
kind  which  would  be  generally  pleasing.  This  may  be  the 
reason  why  we  look  upon  a few  small  works  in  bronze  as  Greek 
(16),  which  in  reality  are  Phoenician. 

24.  No  antique  statues  are  more  shattered  than  the  Egyp- 
tian, especially  those  of  black  stone.  The  violence  of  man 
contented  itself  with  striking  off  the  heads  and  arms  of  Greek 
statues,  and  tumbling  from  its  base  the  remaining  portion, 
which  was  broken  by  the  fall ; but  the  Egyptian  statues,  and 
likewise  those  executed  by  Greek  artists  from  Egyptian  stones, 
— as  these  would  have  suffered  nothing  from  being  thrown 
over,  — were  beaten  to  pieces  with  great  violence ; and  the 
heads,  which  would  have  remained  uninjured  by  being  knocked 
off  and  flung  away,  were  found  shattered  into  many  fragments. 
This  violence  was  probably  occasioned  by  the  black  color  of  the 
statues,  and  the  idea,  originating  therefrom,  that  they  were  the 
works  of  the  Prince  of  Darkness,  and  images  of  evil  spirits, 
whom  the  imagination  pictured  as  black  shapes.  It  has  occa- 
sionally happened,  especially  in  regard  to  buildings,  that  that 
portion  has  been  destroyed  which,  in  all  likelihood,  time  itself 
never  would  have  spoiled ; and  that  which  might  have  suffered 
damage  more  easily,  through  all  sorts  of  accidents,  has  remained 
standing,  — an  observation  also  made  by  Scamozzi  in  reference 
to  the  temple  of  Nerva,  so  called. 

25.  Finally,  there  still  remain  to  be  noticed,  as  something 
singular,  a few  small  bronze  figures,  shaped  in  the  Egyptian 
style,  put  marked  with  Arabic  letters.  Three  of  them  are 
familiar  to  me  ; one  of  them  belonged  to  the  elder  Assemann, 
now  dead,  custodian  of  the  Vatican  library;  another  is  in  the 
gallery  of  the  Roman  College ; each  of  them  is  about  a palm 
(8.8  in.  Eng.)  in  height,  and  seated,  and  the  latter  has  Arabic 
writing  on  both  thighs,  on  the  back,  and  on  the  top  of  the  flat 
cap ; the  third  — which  was  in  the  museum  of  the  Count  Cay- 
lus  — is  standing,  and  has  Arabic  writing  on  its  back.  The 
two  former  were  found  among  the  Druses,  a tribe  dwelling  on 
Mount  Lebanon ; and  it  is  probable  that  the  third  figure  also 


ART  AMONG  THE  PERSIANS. 


219 


may  have  come  from  the  same  place.  They  are  supposed  to  be 
descendants  of  the  Franks  who  took  refuge  there  during  the 
Crusades  (17)  ; they  wish  to  be  styled  Christians,  but  still  they 
worship  certain  idols,  like  those  mentioned,  very  secretly,  from 
fear  of  the  Turks;  and  as  they  seldom  allow  the  figures 
to  be  seen,  they  are  consequently  to  be  regarded  as  a rarity 
in  Europe. 


220 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


BOOK  III. 

ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS  AND  THEIR  NEIGHBORS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PRELIMINARY  REMARKS. 

After  the  Egyptians,  the  Etruscans  were  the  first,  of  the 
nations  of  Europe,  to  practise  the  arts,  which  began  to  flourish 
among  them  even  at  an  earlier  date,  as  it  appears,  than 
among  the  Greeks.  Hence,  the  art  of  the  Etruscans,  particu- 
larly in  regard  to  its  antiquity,  merits  more  than  ordinary 
attention,  especially  as  their  earliest  works  which  have  been 
preserved  give  us  an  idea  of  the  most  ancient  Greek  works 
which  resembled  them,  but  of  which  none  are  in  existence. 

A thorough  consideration  of  Etruscan  art  requires,  first  of  all, 
a brief  notice  of  the  earliest  history  and  form  of  government  of 
this  people,  as  well  as  of  their  temperament ; because  herein  lie 
the  causes  of  the  progress  of  art  among  them.  In  the  next 
place,  I shall  examine  it,  in  a few  of  the  most  remarkable  extant 
works,  in  reference  to  the  characteristics  which  they  exhibit ; 
and  as  the  art  of  the  neighboring  nations  bears  a resemblance 
to  that  of  the  Etruscans,  whatever  we  learn  in  regard  to  the 
latter  throws  light  on  the  former. 

1.  The  first  chapter,  which  touches  first  upon  the  earliest 
history,  the  characters,  and  subsequent  circumstances  of  the 
Etruscans,  gives  an  account  of  the  wandering  of  the  Pelasgi  to 
Etruria ; it  then  passes  on  to  a comparison  of  the  state  of  things 
in  this  land  with  that  of  Greece  in  the  earliest  ages.  From  this 
comparison,  it  appears  clear  that  circumstances  at  that  time, 
among  the  Etruscans,  were  far  more  favorable  to  art  than  they 


ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


221 


were  among  the  Greeks.  But  I shall  chiefly  attempt  to  show, 
in  the  first  place,  that,  if  art  was  not  planted  by  the  Greeks 
among  the  Etruscans,  it  had  at  least  been  much  promoted  by 
them.  We  infer  this,  partly  from  the  Greek  colonies  which 
established  themselves  in  Etruria,  but  yet  more  from  the  ideas 
drawn  from  Greek  fable  and  history,  which  are  represented  by 
the  Etruscan  artists  on  the  larger  number  of  their  works. 

2.  In  regard  to  the  Greek  colonies  which  went  to  Etruria,  we 
find  in  the  ancient  writers  an  account  of  two  migrations,  the 
first  of  which  took  place  six  hundred  years  prior  to  the  other. 
This  was  the  expedition  of  the  Pelasgi  who  came  from  Arcadia, 
and  of  others  who  had  resided  in  Athens.  They  were  also 
called  Tyrrhenians  by  Thucydides,  Plutarch,  and  others,  after 
having  mentioned  them  under  the  name  of  Pelasgi.  We  may 
therefore  infer,  that  the  Tyrrhenians  were  a people  who  were 
embraced  under  the  general  name  of  Pelasgi.  When  their 
native  land  no  longer  had  room  for  them,  they  divided  into 
two  parts,  one  of  them  crossing  over  to  the  coasts  of  Asia, 
the  other  to  Etruria,  principally  to  the  country  about  Pisa, 
where  they  gave  to  the  land  which  they  seized  the  name  of 
Tyrrhenia.  The  new-comers,  associating  themselves  with  the 
original  occupants  of  the  country,  carried  on  a maritime  trade 
earlier  than  the  Greeks  did,  and,  being  jealous  of  the  expedition 
of  the  Argonauts  to  Colchis,  opposed  them ; and  having  assailed 
them  with  a powerful  fleet  near  the  Hellespont,  a sanguinary 
battle  took  place,  in  which  all  the  Greek  heroes,  Glaucus  ex- 
cepted, were  wounded.  This  first  colony  to  Etruria  was,  prob- 
ably, strengthened  by  later  arrivals,  — to  say  nothing  of  the 
Lydians  from  Asia  Minor,  who,  after  the  Trojan  war,  likewise 
despatched  colonies  thither.  But  as  the  art  of  drawing  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  known,  during  this  period,  either  to  the 
Greeks  or  to  the  Etruscans,  the  first  migration  of  the  Tyrrhe- 
nians to  Etruria  is  foreign  to  my  purpose. 

3.  The  second  migration  of  the  Greeks  to  Etruria  took  place 
about  three  hundred  years  after  Homer’s  time,  and  the  same 
number  of  years  before  Herodotus,  according  to  the  calculation 
of  time  given  by  this  historian  himself ; that  is  to  say,  in  the  days 
of  Thales  ajid  of  Lycurgus,  the  Spartan  lawgiver.  Strengthened 
by  these  fresh  accessions,  the  Etruscans  spread  themselves 
throughout  Italy,  even  to  the  outmost  promontories  of  the  land, 
— which  was  afterwards  named  Magna  Gnecia,  as  proved  by 


222 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


the  coins  of  that  age,  in  addition  to  the  testimony  of  authors. 
Of  these,  I can  mention,  among  others,  one  of  silver  in  the 
museum  of  the  Duke  of  CarafFa  Noja ; on  one  side  of  it,  below 
the  figure  of  an  ox  in  relief,  is  stamped  the  name  of  the  city  of 
Buxentium,  TY-j-OEM,  and  on  the  other  side,  below  an  ox 
stamped  in  deep,  is  the  name  of  the  city  of  Syrinos,  MONZTZM, 
situated  on  the  bay  of  Heraclea.  By  the  possession  of  such  an 
extent  of  territory,  the  Etruscans  enlarged  their  commerce,  and 
extended  it  so  far  as  to  form  an  alliance  with  the  Phoenicians. 
When  the  Carthaginians,  under  command  of  Hamilcar,  as  allies 
of  the  Persians,  invaded  Sicily,  and  were  defeated  by  Gelo,  king 
of  Syracuse,  they  united,  notwithstanding,  with  the  fleet  of  the 
Etruscans,  and  fell  upon  the  Greeks  in  Italy,  but  were  repulsed 
with  great  slaughter  by  Hiero,  successor  of  Gelo.  It  appears 
from  a rare  silver  coin  of  the  city  of  Faleria,  with  the  name  of 
the  city  marked  on  it  in  Greek  letters,  that  the  Etruscans  openly 
acknowledged  its  Greek  origin.  Faleria  was  one  of  the  twelve 
chief  cities  of  Etruria,  and  the  site  of  it  could  not  be  a matter 
of  dispute,  as  Dempster  asserts.  For  the  original  wall  round 
the  town,  constructed  without  mortar,  of  irregular  white  stones, 
as  are  the  ancient  fortress  of  Preeneste,  and  the  walls  of  Fiesole, 
Terracina,  and  Fondi,  lies  about  two  miles  from  Civita  Castel- 
lana,  and  the  place  is  still  called  Falari. 

4.  That  these  new  colonies  introduced  into  Etruria  their 
mode  of  writing  with  Greek  letters,  together  wTith  their  mythol- 
ogy, and  instructed  the  ignorant  aboriginal  Etruscans  in  their 
history  unto  the  end  of  the  Trojan  war,  and  that  through  them 
the  arts  began  to  flourish  in  this  land,  is,  in  my  opinion,  mani- 
fest from  the  Etruscan  works,  most  of  which,  if  not  all,  repre- 
sent the  same  mythology  and  the  earliest  incidents  among  the 
Greeks.  For,  if  the  Etruscans  had  understood  the  art  of  writ- 
ing, they  would  not  have  allowed  their  entire  ancient  history 
to  sink  into  oblivion ; instead  of  the  events  of  Greek  history, 
they  would  have  represented  on  their  monuments  those  of  their 
own  land,  but,  from  the  want  of  writing,  that  is,  of  annals,  they 
could  not  have  any  knowledge  of  them. 

5.  In  opposition  to  this  opinion,  a few  Etruscan  works  might 
be  cited  on  which  the  Greek  heroic  stories  are  represented  in  a 
manner  differing  somewhat  from  the  way  in  which  they  are 
related  in  Homer;  as,  for  example,  the  fates  of  Hector  and 
Achilles,  on  an  Etruscan  patera  of  bronze,  — where  the  balance 


ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


223 


is  held,  not  by  Jupiter,  as  the  poet  says,  but  by  Mercury,  — ■ 
and  several  other  incidents,  of  which  I have  made  mention  in 
my  Monuments  of  Antiquity.  On  the  patera  just  mentioned, 
which  has  been  carried  to  England,  the  names  of  the  figures,  in 
the  Etruscan  language,  are  placed  by  them.  But  this  devia- 
tion, instead  of  refuting  what  I have  said,  rather  gives  it 
additional  confirmation,  since  the  traditions  of  one  land  usu- 
ally undergo  some  change  in  another;  and  in  regard  to  the 
Etruscans,  the  variation  may  have  been  made  by  one  of  their 
poets. 

6.  The  mythology  of  the  Etruscan  deities  bears  a great  affin- 
ity to  the  Greek  theology  of  the  earliest  ages,  — as  we  see  from 
numerous  winged  figures  on  Etruscan  works.  For,  on  the 
most  ancient  Greek  representations,  wings  were  given,  according 
to  Pausanias,  to  a far  greater  number  of  deities  and  other  fig- 
ures than  was  done  by  the  artists  of  the  enlightened  ages  of 
Greece.  But  the  Etruscans  gave  wings  not  to  nine  divinities 
only,  as  Pliny  relates;  but  it  is  also  shown  in  my  Ancient 
Monuments  that  they  represented  almost  all  the  other  divini- 
ties as  winged. 

7.  But  the  most  ancient  and  celebrated  event,  in  which 
the  most  powerful  states  of  Greece  participated,  is  the  league 
of  the  Argives  against  the  Thebans,  prior  to  the  Trojan  war,  or 
the  expedition  of  the  seven  heroes  against  Thebes.  The  recol- 
lection of  this  war,  however,  has  not  been  preserved  in  the 
same  manner  on  Greek  as  on  Etruscan  monuments.  Five  of 
the  seven,  and  their  names  in  the  Etruscan  language,  are  found 
engraved  on  a carnelian  of  the  Stosch  museum.  Tydeus,  one 
of  the  heroes,  likewise  with  his  name  in  Etruscan  letters,  may 
be  seen  on  another  carnelian  in  the  same  museum.  Capaneus, 
another  hero  belonging  to  the  expedition  against  Thebes,  is 
found  engraved  on  more  than  one  gem,  — which  have  not  less 
the  appearance  of  being  the  workmanship  of  Etruscan  artists, 
— in  the  act  of  being  hurled,  by  a thunderbolt  of  Jupiter,  from 
the  ladder  with  which  he  was  attempting  to  scale  the  walls  of 
Thebes.  The  other  Greek  heroes  who,  with  their  names,  have 
been  imaged  on  Etruscan  gems,  are  Theseus,  when  a captive  to 
King  Aidoneus,  — in  the  possession  of  the  Baron  von  Riedesel ; 
Peleus,  the  father  of  Achilles,  and  Achilles  himself,  in  the  mu- 
seum of  the  Duke  of  Caraffa  Noja,  at  Naples;  and  on  another 
gem  Achilles  and  Ulysses,  likewise  with  their  names  in  Etrus- 


224 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


can  letters  ; so  that  we  can  assert  that  most  of  the  monuments 
of  Greek  art  which  have  been  preserved  must,  in  point  of  an- 
tiquity, yield  to  the  Etruscan.  By  these  representations,  drawn 
from  Greek  heroic  story,  the  Etruscan  artists  had  not  only 
made  it  their  own,  but  they  also  depicted  Greek  incidents  of 
subsequent  periods,  — as  it  is  proved  by  the  Etruscan  sepul- 
chral urns  of  later  times  which  have  been  explained  by  me  in 
the  Ancient  Monuments.  On  them  is  represented  the  hero 
Echetlus,  who,  during  the  battle  of  Marathon,  appeared  on  the 
field,  a stranger  to  all,  and,  at  the  head  of  the  Athenians,  slew 
the  Persians  with  a plough  instead  of  weapons,  and  hence  was 
called  Echetlus,  from  the  portion  of  a plough  named  eyerA^, 
and  was  honored  like  other  heroes  (1).  This  image,  which  is 
preserved  on  no  Greek  monument,  proves  likewise  that  the 
Etruscan  arts  maintained  a constant  communication  with  those 
of  Greece.  It  is  probable,  however,  from  the  primeval  style  of 
the  engraved  gems  of  which  mention  has  been  made,  that  art 
flourished  even  earlier  among  the  Etruscans  than  among  the 
Greeks  themselves.  We  may,  also,  presume  this  to  have  been 
the  case  by  comparing  the  condition  of  the  Greeks  with  the 
circumstances  existing  in  Etruria  at  the  periods  subsequent  to 
the  second  migration  above  mentioned. 

8.  From  a few  brief  accounts  which  authors  give  us  of  the 
form  of  government  of  the  Etruscans,  showing  clearly  that  it 
was  uniform  in  its  nature,  we  can  infer  — although  we  have  to 
regret  the  loss  of  their  earliest  history  — that  they  enjoyed  pro- 
found peace  after  the  Trojan  war,  whilst  Greece  remained  in  a 
continual  state  of  distraction.  Etruria  was  divided  into  twelve 
parts,  each  of  which  had  its  special  chief,  termed  Lucumo,  and 
these  Lucumons  were  subject  to  a common  ruler  or  king,  — such 
as  Porsenna  appears  to  have  been.  That  the  constitution  of  the 
Etruscan  state  was  of  this  nature  may  also  be  shown  by  the 
repugnance  displayed  towards  the  kings  of  other  nations.  The 
dislike  went  so  far,  that,  when  the  Yeientes,  who  had  previously 
had  a republican  government,  elected  a king,  the  Etruscans 
renounced  alliance  with  them,  and  from  friends  became  ene- 
mies. The  government  of  Etruria  appears  to  have  been 
rather  democratic  than  aristocratic ; for  neither  war  nor  peace 
was  negotiated  elsewhere  than  in  the  public  assemblies  of  the 
twelve  tribes,  composing  the  body  of  the  state,  which  were 
held  at  Bolsena,  in  the  temple  of  Yulturna.  A government  of 


ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


225 


this  kind,  in  which  each  individual  of  the  people  participated, 
must  necessarily  exert  an  influence  on  the  intelligence  of  the 
whole  community,  elevate  their  genius  and  perception,  and 
render  both  fit  for  the  practice  of  the  arts.  The  peace,  there- 
fore, which  was  maintained  in  Etruria  through  the  union  and 
power  of  the  whole  people,  whose  rule  embraced  all  Italy,  was 
the  most  prominent  cause  of  the  flourishing  condition  of  the 
arts  among  them. 

9.  Greece,  on  the  contrary,  wuth  the  exception  of  Arcadia, 
found  itself,  at  the  time  of  the  second  migration  of  the  Pelasgi 
to  Etruria,  in  the  most  lamentable  condition ; rebellions,  of 
frequent  occurrence,  rent  asunder  the  ancient  constitution,  and 
subverted  the  entire  state.  The  disorder  commenced  in  the 
Peloponnesus,  where  the  Achaeans  and  the  Ionians  were  the 
principal  tribes.  The  descendants  of  Hercules,  in  order 
to  reconquer  this  portion  of  Greece,  came  with  an  army,  com- 
posed mostly  of  Dorians,  who  dwelt  in  Thessaly,  and  drove 
out  the  Achaeans,  a portion  of  whom,  in  return,  dispossessed 
the  Ionians.  The  other  Achaeans,  inhabitants  of  Lacedaemon, 
and  descendants  of  ASolus,  fled  at  first  to  Thrace,  and  after- 
wards to  Asia  Minor,  where  they  gave  to  the  land  of  which  they 
took  possession  the  name  of  iEolia,  and  built  Smyrna  and  other 
cities.  A portion  of  the  Ionians  sought  safety  in  Athens ; 
another  portion  went  to  Asia  Minor  under  the  lead  of  Nileus,  a 
son  of  Codrus,  the  last  Athenian  king,  and  called  their  settle- 
ment Ionia.  The  Dorians,  who  wTere  masters  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesus, cultivated  neither  the  arts  nor  the  sciences ; they  occupied 
themselves  solely  with  agriculture,  — avrovpyol  tc  yap  elcn  neAo- 
irovvrjcrioi,  for  the  Peloponnesians  are  tillers  of  the  soil } But 
other  parts  of  Greece  were  devastated  and  left  unimproved ; 
the  sea-coasts,  where  trade  and  navigation  lay,  were  constantly 
visited  by  pirates ; and  the  inhabitants  saw  themselves  com- 
pelled to  remove  from  the  sea,  and  abandon  the  fairest  portion 
of  the  land.  The  more  inland  districts  shared  no  better  fate  ; 
for  the  inhabitants  mutually  drove  each  other  from  their  pos- 
sessions ; and  hence,  as  every  one  was  obliged  to  go  always 
armed,  there  was  no  security  in  cultivating  the  land,  no  quiet 
to  think  upon  the  arts. 

10.  Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  Greece,  when  Etruria, 
tranquil  and  industrious,  won  and  maintained  for  herself  a 

1 Thucyd.  lib.  1,  c.  141,  p.  93,  1.  17. 

15 


VOL.  i. 


226 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


degree  of  respect  greater  than  was  paid  to  any  other  nation  of 
Italy ; and  she  attracted  the  entire  trade,  not  only  of  the 
Etruscan  Sea,  but  also  of  the  Ionian,  which  she  confirmed  by 
her  colonies  in  the  most  fertile  islands  of  the  Archipelago,  and 
especially  in  the  island  of  Lemnos.  In  this  flourishing  con- 
dition of  the  ancient  nation  of  the  Etruscans,  united  with  the 
Tyrrhenians,  the  arts  were  blooming  at  a time  when  the  first 
essays  in  them  in  Greece  had  come  to  naught ; and  numerous 
specimens  of  their  productions  plainly  show  that  they  were 
executed  before  the  Greeks  themselves  were  able  to  produce 
any  work  of  shapely  appearance. 

11.  This  brief  sketch  of  the  earliest  history  of  the  Etruscans 
reaches,  however,  to  the  period  when  the  arts  flourished  among 
them  ; and,  owing  to  the  favorable  external  circumstances  of 
which  mention  has  been  made,  they  ought  to  have  attained 
the  highest  state  of  perfection.  But  as  this  point  was  not 
reached,  and  as  an  excessive  degree  of  hardness  continued  to 
characterize  the  drawing  of  their  artists,  — which  will  be  shown 
hereafter,  — - the  cause  of  the  failure  apparently  lay  in  the  char- 
acter and  temperament  of  the  Etruscans ; at  least,  we  must 
believe  that  subsequent  circumstances  obstructed  the  further 
progress  of  the  arts  among  them. 

12.  The  disposition  of  the  Etruscans  appears  to  have  been 
more  tinged  with  melancholy  than  was  the  case  with  the  Greek 
race,  — as  we  may  infer  from  their  religious  services  and  their 
customs.  Such  a temperament  is  fitted  to  profound  investiga- 
tion, but  it  gives  rise  to  emotions  of  too  violent  a nature,  and 
the  senses  are  not  affected  with  that  gentle  agitation  which 
renders  the  soul  perfectly  susceptible  to  beauty.  This  con- 
jecture is  grounded,  in  the  first  place,  on  the  practice  of  sooth- 
saying, which  was  invented,  in  the  West,  by  this  people ; hence 
Etruria  is  called  the  mother  and  producer  of  superstition  ; and 
the  books  in  which  the  art  of  divination  was  written  filled  with 
fear  and  terror  those  who  had  recourse  to  them  for  advice,  — 
so  terrible  were  the  figures  and  words  in  which  they  were  com- 
posed. An  idea  of  their  priests  may  be  formed  from  those  who, 
in  the  three  hundred  and  ninety-ninth  year  of  the  city  of  Borne, 
with  flaming  torches  and  snakes  in  their  hands,  at  the  head  of 
the  Tarquinii,  assaulted  the  Romans.  Furthermore,  we  might 
infer  a temperament  of  this  kind  from  the  sanguinary  fights  at 
their  burials  and  on  their  arenas,  which  were  first  practised 


ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


22T 


among  them,  and  afterwards  introduced  also  by  the  Romans. 
These  combats  were  an  abhorrence  to  the  refined  Greeks  (2), 
as  I shall  notice  more  fully  in  the  following  book  (3).  Even 
the  self-inflicted  scourging  of  modern  times  was  an  invention  of 
Tuscany.  Hence  on  Etruscan  sepulchral  urns  are  commonly 
seen  representations  of  bloody  fights  over  the  dead  (4).  Roman 
funeral  urns,  on  the  contrary,  rather  have  pleasing  images, 
because  the  greater  number  were  probably  executed  by  Greeks. 
Most  of  them  are  fables,  allusive  to  human  life  ; agreeable  rep- 
resentations of  death,  as  in  the  sleeping  Endymion  on  numerous 
urns ; the  Naiades  carrying  off  Hylas  (5) ; dances  of  the  Bac- 
chantes, and  festivities,  as,  for  example,  the  beautiful  Marriage 
of  Peleus  and  Thetis , in  the  Albani  villa  (6).  Scipio  Africanus 
desired  that  his  friends  would  drink  at  his  grave  ; and  among 
the  Romans  (7)  dancers  preceded  the  dead  body. 

13.  But  the  prosperity  of  the  Etruscans  did  not  last  long 
enough  to  enable  them  to  overcome  Nature,  and  her  influence 
upon  art.  Soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  Republic  at 
Rome,  they  were  engaged  in  bloody  and  unsuccessful  wars  with 
the  Romans ; and  a few  years  subsequent  to  the  death  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great,  the  entire  country  was  subdued  by  their 
enemies ; and  even  their  language,  after  disguising  itself  little 
by  little  with  the  Roman,  became  lost.  Etruria  was  converted 
into  a Roman  province  after  the  last  king,  iElius  Volturinus, 
fell  in  battle  near  the  sea  of  Lucumo,  — events  which  happened 
in  the  four  hundred  and  seventy-fourth  year  of  the  building 
of  Rome,  and  in  the  one  hundred  and  twenty-fourth  Olympiad. 
Shortly  afterwards,  namely,  in  the  four  hundred  and  eighty- 
ninth  year  of  the  Roman  reckoning  of  time,  and  in  the  one 
hundred  and  twenty-ninth  Olympiad,  Yolsinium,  now  Bolsena, 
“ a city  of  artists,”  — as  the  name,  by  some  derived  from  the 
Phoenician,  signifies,  — was  taken  by  Marcus  Flavius  Flaccus, 
and  from  this  city  alone  two  thousand  statues  were  carried  to 
Rome ; and  it  is  probable  that  other  cities  also  were  stripped  in 
a similar  manner. 

14.  We  may  from  this  fact  understand  how  it  happened  that 
Rome,  in  former  times,  in  addition  to  an  incredible  number  of 
Greek  statues,  was  also  filled  with  Etruscan  works ; and  how  it 
happens  that  discoveries  of  such  objects  are  still  continually 
making.  Art,  however,  continued  to  be  practised  among  the 


228 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


Etruscans  at  the  time  when  they  were  subject  to  the  Romans, 
as  it  was  among  the  Greeks,  since  the  latter  suffered  a common 
fate  with  them,  as  it  will  be  shown,  hereafter.  Of  Etruscan 
artists  we  find  no  account  by  name,  with  the  sole  exception  of 
Mnesarchus,  the  father  of  Pythagoras,  who  was  a gem-engraver, 
and  is  said  to  have  been  a native  of  Thuscia  or  Etruria. 


ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


229 


CHAPTER  II. 

CONFORMATION  OF  GODS  AND  HEROES,  PECULIAR  TO  THE 
ETRUSCANS. 

After  these  preliminary  remarks,  I proceed  to  treat  par- 
ticularly the  art  of  the  Etruscans,  and,  in  order  to  prepare 
the  way  for  a more  exact  study  and  determination  of  its  char- 
acteristics, I shall  in  the  first  place  point  out  the  peculiar 
conformation  of  the  figures,  especially  of  their  deities.  In  the 
next  place,  I shall  consider  the  most  remarkable  works,  and 
by  means  of  them  be  enabled  to  establish  two  different  periods 
in  the  style  of  their  artists.  The  chapter,  therefore,  is  divided 
into  two  parts ; namely,  one  on  the  images  of  the  deities  and 
heroes,  and  the  other  a notice  of  the  principal  works. 

1.  In  regard  to  the  configuration  and  forms,  together  with 
the  different  attributes,  of  the  Etruscan  deities,  it  is  not  to  be 
denied  that  the  Greeks  and  the  Etruscans  agree  in  the  greater 
number  of  instances,  — a fact  which  indicates  at  once  that  the 
former  colonized  among  the  latter,  and  that  a certain  degree  of 
intercourse  was  constantly  kept  up  between  them.  There  are, 
however,  other  conformations  of  the  deities,  which  are  peculiar 
to  the  Etruscans. 

2.  To  us  the  representation  of  several  of  the  Etruscan  di- 
vinities appears  strange  ; but  there  were  strange  and  extraor- 
dinary shapes  among  the  Greeks  also,  as  proved  by  the  figures 
on  the  Box  of  Cypselus,  of  which  Pausanias  gives  a description. 
As  the  heated  and  undisciplined  imagination  of  the  earliest 
poets  sought  for  strange  figures,  and  those  which  would  make 
more  impression  upon  the  rude  men  of  the  times  than  pictures 
of  beauty  and  tenderness,  — partly  to  excite  attention  and 
wonder,  and  partly  to  arouse  the  passions,  — so  too,  and  for 
the  same  reasons,  Art  also  in  her  infancy  shaped  forms  of  a 
similar  kind.  The  conception  of  a Jupiter,  enveloped  in  the 
dung  of  horses  and  other  animals,  — as  he  is  represented  by 


280 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


the  poet  Pampho,  who  lived  before  Homer,  — is  not  more 
strange  than  is,  in  the  art  of  the  Greeks,  the  image  of  Apom- 
yos  or  Muscarius,  whose  figure  is  borrowed  from  a fly,  so  that 
the  wings  form  the  beard ; the  belly  forms  the  face  ; and  on 
the  head,  in  the  place  of  hair,  is  the  head  of  the  fly.  He  is  rep- 
resented in  this  shape  on  an  engraved  gem  of  the  former  Stosch 
museum,  of  which  an  engraving  may  be  found  in  the  Ancient 
Monuments. 

3.  The  Etruscans  formed  noble  conceptions  and  figures  of 
the  superior  deities.  I shall  speak,  in  the  first  place  generally, 
and  afterwards  particularly,  of  the  attributes  assigned  to  them. 
Wings  are  an  attribute  belonging  to  almost  all  the  Etruscan 
divinities.  J upiter,  on  an  Etruscan  gem  of  the  Stosch  museum, 
has  them ; also  on  a glass  paste  and  on  a carnelian  of  the 
same  museum,  when  he  appears  in  his  glory  to  Semele.  Among 
the  earliest  Greeks  Diana  was  winged ; so  too  was  sKe  among 
the  Etruscans ; and  the  wings  which  have  been  given  to  the 
nymphs  of  this  goddess,  on  a sepulchral  urn  in  the  Campido- 
glio,  as  well  as  on  a rilievo  in  the  Borghese  villa,  are  probably 
derived  from  the  most  ancient  images  of  them.  Minerva, 
among  the  Etruscans,  has  wings  not  only  on  the  shoulders,  but 
also  on  the  feet;  and  an  English  writer  mistakes  much  when 
he  asserts  that  not  a single  instance  of  a winged  Minerva  is  to 
be  found,  nor  even  a mention  of  one  by  authors.  Venus  has, 
likewise,  been  represented  with  wings.  The  Etruscans  attached 
wings  to  the  heads  of  other  deities,  as  Cupid,  Proserpine,  the 
F uries.  Many  winged  Genii  are  seen  on  Etruscan  funeral  urns, 
especially  of  the  subterranean  graves  of  the  very  ancient  Etrus- 
can city  of  Tarquinium,  near  Corneto,  of  which  I shall  give 
an  account  hereafter.  Among  others,  we  see  there  a winged 
Genius,  — who  stands  leaning  on  a crooked  shepherd’s  staff,  in 
conversation  with  a clothed  female  figure,  — and  two  serpents, 
which  raise  themselves  from  the  ground  towards  the  Genius. 
The  male  figure  might  denote  Tages,  who  was  a Genius,  or,  as 
Festus  says,  a son  of  a Genius,  and  who,  as  the  myth  of  the 
Etruscans  related,  sprang  forth  from  a ploughed  field.  This 
Tages  is  said  to  have  taught  the  Etruscans  the  art  of  divina- 
tion, which  they  assiduously  cultivated  earlier  than  any  other 
people ; and  the  snakes  seem  to  convey  an  allusion  to  the 
same  circumstance.  I do  not,  therefore,  believe  that  a bronze 
child  with  a bulla  about  his  neck  can  represent  Tages,  as 


ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


231 


Buonarroti  supposes,  because  he  has  no  wings.  It  is  singular 
that  the  Etruscan  Genii  are  nude,  with  the  exception  of  a cloth 
which  has  fallen  down  upon  the  hips,  and  covers  the  abdomen 
and  the  private  parts,  and  half  of  the  thighs.  As  neither  the 
Genii  on  Greek  works,  nor  on  the  Etruscan  vases,  so  called, 
are  thus  represented,  it  may  be  regarded  as  one  proof  that 
these  vases  were  not  pictorially  embellished  by  Etruscan  artists. 
Even  cars  are  found  made  with  wings ; but  this,  too,  the 
Etruscans  had  in  common  with  the  Greeks ; for  Euripides 
gives  to  the  Sun  a winged  car,  and  on  the  coins  of  Eleusis 
Ceres  sits  in  a car  of  this  kind,  drawn  by  two  serpents.  Fable 
also  speaks  of  another  winged  chariot  belonging  to  Neptune, 
which  Idas  received  through  the  aid  of  Apollo  (1),  for  the 
purpose  of  carrying  off  Marpessa. 

4.  The  Etruscans  also  armed  nine  divinities  with  the  thun- 
derbolt, as  Pliny  informs  us ; but  neither  he  nor  any  one  since 
tells  who  they  are.  But  if  we  assemble  together  the  deities 
who  were  thus  fashioned  by  the  Greeks,  we  shall  find  the  num- 
ber to  be  the  same.  Among  the  gods,  in  addition  to  Jupiter, 
the  thunderbolt  was  also  an  attribute  of  that  Apollo  who  was 
worshipped  at  Heliopolis  in  Assyria ; and  he  is  so  represented 
on  a coin  of  the  city  of  Thyrra,  in  Acarnania.  Mars  battling 
with  the  Titans,  on  an  antique  glass  paste,  and  Bacchus  on  an 
engraved  gem,  — both  of  which  are  in  the  Stosch  museum,  — 
have  the  same ; with  this  attribute  Bacchus  is  also  seen  on  an 
Etruscan  patera.  Vulcan  and  Pan/ in  two  small  bronze  fig- 
ures, in  the  museum  of  the  Roman  College,  and  Hercules  on  a 
coin  of  Naxos,  have  the  same  emblem.  Among  the  goddesses, 
the  thunderbolt  is  attributed  to  Cybele,  and  to  Pallas  on  coins 
of  Pyrrhus,  and  also  on  other  coins,  and  in  a small  figure  of 
her  in  marble  in  the  Negroni  villa.  I might  also  mention 
Cupid,  on  the  shield  of  Alcibiades,  holding  the  thunderbolt. 

5.  Of  unusual  modes  of  representing  individual  deities,  I 
will  mention,  among  the  gods,  Apollo  with  a hat  thrown  from 
his  head  backward  upon  his  shoulders,  just  as  Zethus,  the 
brother  of  Amphion,  is  represented  on  two  rilievi  in  Rome,  — 
probably  in  allusion  to  his  employment  as  a shepherd  in  the 
service  of  King  Admetus;  for  those  who  cultivated  the  fields 
or  lived  in  the  country  wore  hats.  In  this  manner  the  Greeks 
probably  represented  Aristseus,  the  son  of  Apollo  and  Cyrene, 
by  whom  they  were  instructed  in  the  management  of  bees ; 


232 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


for  Hesiod  terms  him  the  field  Apollo.  The  hats  were  white. 
On  a few  Etruscan  works  Mercury  has  a pointed  beard,  which 
curves  forwards.  This  is  the  most  ancient  form  of  their 
beards,  — as  I will  show  hereafter,  — and  Mercury  is  seen,  with 
a beard  so  shaped,  on  a small  round  altar  in  the  Campidoglio, 
and  on  a three-sided  one  in  the  Borghese  villa.1  The  most 
ancient  Greek  statues  of  Mercury  were  also  probably  shaped 
in  this  manner;  for  a beard  of  this  kind,  only  wedge-like, 
that  is,  broad  and  pointed  like  a wedge,  was  continued  in 
their  Hermse.  Mercury  is  also  found,  on  undoubted  Etruscan 
gems,  with  a helmet  on  his  head.  Among  other  emblems 
attributed  to  him  'is  a short  sword,  shaped  like  a sickle, 
and  resembling  the  one  generally  held  by  Saturn,  with  which 
he  emasculated  his  father,  Uranus ; and  this  was  the  shape 
of  the  swords  with  which  the  Lydians  and  Carians  in  the  army 
of  Xerxes  were  armed.  The  sword  in  the  hand  of  Mercury 
contained  an  allusion  to  the  decapitation  of  Argus ; for  on  a 
gem  of  the  Stosch  museum  with  Etruscan  writing,  he  holds,  at 
the  same  time,  the  sword  in  his  right  hand,  and  in  his  left  the 
head  of  Argus,  from  which  drops  of  blood  are  falling.  But  a 
small  bronze  Mercury,  a span  high,  in  the  museum  of  Mr. 
Hamilton,  Minister  from  Great  Britain  at  Naples,  is  altogether 
extraordinary  ; for  it  is  armed  with  a coat  of  mail,  which  has 
the  usual  pendants  on  its  lower  edge,  but  the  thighs  and  legs 
are  bare.  This  representation,  like  the  helmet  on  the  head  of 
a statue  of  Mercury  at  Elis,  points  to  his  battle  with  the 
Titans,  in  which,  according  to  Apollodorus,  he  was  armed. 
Moreover,  on  a carnelian  of  the  former  Stosch  museum,  this 
deity  is  seen  with  a whole  tortoise,  which  rests  on  his  right 
shoulder  in  a manner  resembling  a hat  that  has  fallen  from  the 
head.  This  image  I have  published  in  my  Ancient  Monuments , 
where  I also  make  mention  of  a head  of  the  same  deity,  of 
marble,  which  bears  a tortoise,  partly  because  a figure  with 
such  a covering  of  the  head  is  likewise  found  represented  at 
Thebes,  in  Egypt. 

6.  Among  goddesses,  a Juno,  on  the  three-sided  altar  above 
mentioned,  in  the  Borghese  villa,  is  especially  deserving  of 
note,  because  she  holds  with  both  hands  a pair  of  large 
tongs  (2)  ; and  she  was  thus  represented  also  by  the  Greeks. 
The  figure  is  that  of  a Juno  Martialis,  a warlike  Juno  ; and  the 

i Plate  X. 


/u_ 


ART  OF  THF  ETRUSCANS. 


233 


tongs  probably  contained  an  allusion  to  a particular  manner 
of  forming  the  order  of  battle  to  make  an  attack,  which  was 
called  forceps;  and  it  was  a saying,  “To  fight  like  a pair  of 
nippers,”  forcipe  et  serra  proeliari , when  an  army  so  opened  in 
fighting  as  to  enclose  the  enemy  between,  and  was  able  to  exe- 
cute the  same  opening,  if,  whilst  engaged  in  fighting  in  front, 
it  should  be  assailed  in  the  rear.  Venus  was  figured  with  a 
dove  in  her  hand ; and  in  this  manner  she  stands,  draped,  on 
the  above-mentioned  triangular  altar.  On  the  same  work  is 
another  figure  of  a draped  goddess,  with  a flower  in  her 
hand  (3),  which  might  indicate  another  Venus ; for  she  holds  a 
flower  in  a round  work  in  the  Campidoglio,  described  below ; 
she  is  also  represented  in  this  manner  on  the  base  of  one  of  the 
two  beautiful  triangular  candelabra  which  were  in  the  Bar- 
berini  palace ; these,  however,  are  Greek  productions.  But  a 
statue  with  a dove,  which  Mr.  Spence  thinks  he  saw  in  Rome, 
not  long  before  my  day,  is  now  at  least  no  longer  here.  He  is 
inclined  to  hold  it  as  a Genius  of  Naples,  and  quotes  two  pas- 
sages from  a poet  in  regard  to  it.  Some  one  adduces  also  a 
small  figure  in  the  gallery  at  Florence,  supposed  to  be  an 
Etruscan  Venus,  with  an  apple  in  the  hand ; perhaps  the  case 
is  the  same  with  the  apple  as  with  the  violin  of  a small  bronze 
Apollo  in  the  same  gallery,  about  the  age  of  which  Addison 
ought  not  to  have  been  in  doubt,  for  it  is  evidently  a modern 
addition.  The  three  Graces  are  seen  draped,  as  with  the  earli- 
est Greeks,  on  the  oft-cited  Borghese  altar;  they  have  taken 
hold  of  each  other,  and  are  apparently  engaged  in  dancing. 
Gori  ■supposes  that  he  finds  them  in  a nude  state  on  a patera. 

7.  After  these  remarks  upon  the  Etruscan  images  of  the 
deities,  I will  endeavor,  in  the  second  portion  of  this  chapter, 
to  designate  the  principal  works  of  Etruscan  art,  and  thereby 
be  enabled  to  form  a conclusion  as  to  the  drawing  itself  and 
the  style  of  the  artists.  But  I am  forced  to  regret  that  our 
knowledge  in  this  respect  is  so  deficient,  that  we  cannot  always 
venture  to  distinguish  the  Etruscan  from  the  earliest  Greek. 
For  on  the  one  hand  we  are  in  doubt  on  account  of  the  similar- 
ity between  Etruscan  and  Greek  works ; and  on  the  other, 
there  are  a few  works,  which  have  been  discovered  in  Tuscany, 
that  resemble  Greek  works  of  a good  age  (4).  It  may  here  be 
observed,  first  of  all,  that  antique  Etruscan  works  differ  from 
the  Greek  in  this  particular ; namely,  very  many  of  the  former, 


234 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


especially  engravings  on  bronze  or  gems,  have  the  name  placed 
by  the  figures,  whether  the  figures  be  of  gods  or  of  heroes,  — a 
practice  not  usual  among  the  Greeks  when  the  arts  were  in 
their  bloom.  The  contrary,  indeed,  is  seen  on  a few  engraved 
gems ; among  them  I remember  a small  onyx,  in  the  museum 
of  the  Duke  of  Caraffa  Noja,  on  which,  near  a figure  of  Pallas, 
is  written  A©H  ©HA,  the  goddess  Pallas.  But  the  shape  of 
the  letters,  and  the  figure  itself,  point  to  a period  when  art  was 
at  a very  low  stage,  when  artists  began  to  put  around  figures 
more  than  one  row  of  letters. 

8.  The  works  to  be  pointed  out  consist  of  figures  and 
statues,  rilievi,  engraved  gems,  engraved  work  on  bronze,  and 
paintings. 

9.  The  word  figure , as  used  here,  includes  the  smaller  images 
of  bronze,  and  also  animals.  The  former  are  not  rare  in  muse- 
ums, and  I possess  several  myself.  Among  them  are  found 
pieces,  by  their  shape  and  conformation  belonging  to  the  earli- 

0 est  age  of  Etruscan  art,  as  it  will  be  shown  in  the  next  section. 
Of  the  animals,  the  largest  and  most  important  is  a Chimaera,1 
of  bronze,  in  the  gallery  at  Florence,  which  is  composed  of  a 
lion  of  natural  size  and  a goat ; the  Etruscan  writing  (5)  on  it 
proves  it  to  have  been  the  work  of  an  Etruscan  artist. 

10.  The  statues,  that  is,  figures  of  or  under  life-size,  are 
some  of  them  of  bronze,  and  some  of  them  of  marble.  Of 
bronze,  there  are  two  statues  which  are  Etruscan,  and  two 
reputed  to  be  Etruscan.  The  former  have  indisputable  marks 
of  their  origin ; one  of  them  is  in  the  Barberini  palace  ; it  is 
about  four  palms  (2  ft.  11  in.  Eng.)  in  height,  and  is  prob- 
ably a Genius  (6);  hence  a cornucopia  has  been  put  into  the 
hand  in  modern  times.  The  second  statue,  which  is  in  the 
gallery  at  Florence,  is  presumed  to  be  an  Haruspex  (7)  ; it  is 
dressed  like  a Roman  senator ; and  on  the  hem  of  the  mantle 
is  engraved  Etruscan  writing.2  The  former  figure  belongs,  un- 
doubtedly, to  the  earliest  ages ; the  latter  is  of  a later  date, 
as  we  may  conjecture  from  the  smooth  chin,  and  understand 
from  the  workmanship.  We  see  that  it  is  copied  from  life,  and 
represents  a particular  individual ; it  would,  therefore,  if  it  had 
been  made  in  earlier  times,  have  had  a beard  (8),  since  the 
beard  at  that  time  was  universally  worn  among  the  Etruscans, 
as  it  was  by  the  most  ancient  Romans.  The  other  two  statues 

i Plate  XI.  2 piate  XIX. 


ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS . 


235 


of  bronze,  in  regard  to  which  it  would  be  doubtful  to  decide 
between  Grecian  and  Etruscan  art,  are  a Minerva  and  a pre- 
sumed Genius,  both  of  the  size  of  life.  The  lower  half  of  the 
Minerva  is  very  much  injured  (9) ; but  the  head,  together  with 
the  breast,  is  in  perfect  preservation,  and  the  shape  of  the  head 
wholly  resembles  the  Greek.  The  place  where  it  was  discovered, 
namely,  Arezzo  in  Tuscany,  is  the  sole  ground  for  conjecturing 
it  to  be  the  production  of  an  Etruscan  artist.  The  Genius  rep- 
resents a young  man  of  the  size  of  life,  and  was  found  in  the 
year  1530,  at  Pesaro,  on  the  Adriatic  (10).  Now  as  this  city 
was  a Greek  colony,  we  might  suppose  that  Greek  statues  would 
be  discovered  there  rather  than  Etruscan.  Gori,  indeed,  im- 
agines that  he  recognizes  in  the  workmanship  of  the  hair  an 
Etruscan  artist,  and  he  compares,  somewhat  inappropriately,  the 
manner  in  which  it  lies  with  that  of  fish-scales  ; but  the  hair  on 
a few  heads  of  hard  stone  and  of  bronze,  in  Rome,  as  well  as  on 
some  Herculaneum  busts,  is  wrought  in  precisely  the  same  way. 
This  statue  is,  however,  one  of  the  most  beautiful  of  the  bronze 
statues  which  have  come  down  to  us  from  antiquity. 

11.  It  is  not  easy  to  pass  a decided  opinion  upon  those  marble 
statues  which  seem  to  be  Etruscan,  because  they  may  possibly 
belong  to  the  earlier  period  of  Greek  art ; and  the  probability 
always  inclines  more  in  favor  of  the  latter  than  of  the  former. 
Hence  an  Apollo  of  this  kind  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  and 
another  statue  of  the  same  deity  in  the  Conti  palace,  - — which 
was  discovered  about  forty  years  ago,  during  the  popedom  of 
one  of  this  family,  in  a small  temple  at  the  foot  of  the  promon- 
tory of  CircEeum,  now  called  Mount  Circello  (11),  situated  be- 
tween Nettuno  and  Terracina,  — may,  with  more  certainty,  be 
regarded  as  very  ancient  Greek  productions  than  as  Etruscan 
(12).  These  two  statues  of  Apollo  are  somewhat  larger  than 
life,  and  have  quivers  which  are  suspended  on  the  trunks  of  the 
trees  against  which  they  stand.  Both  are  executed  in  the  same 
style,  with  the  difference  only  that  the  former  appears  to  be 
more  antique  ; at  least  the  hair  over  the  forehead  is  arranged  in 
small  ringlets,  whereas  in  the  other  it  is  executed  with  greater 
freedom.  Neither  will  I undertake  to  assert  that  a figure, 
wrongly  called  a Vestal,  in  the  Giustiniani  palace  (13),  which 
probably  is  among  the  very  oldest  statues  in  Rome,  or  a Diana 
in  the  Herculaneum  museum,  which  has  every  mark  of  Etrus- 
can style,  was  executed  by  artists  of  this  nation  rather  than  by 


286 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


Greeks.  In  regard  to  the  Vestal,  so  called,  it  is  scarcely  credi- 
ble that  such  a figure,  of  which  the  feet  are  not  even  to  be  seen, 
was  carried  from  Greece  to  Rome,  when,  from  the  statements 
of  Pausanias,  it  is  evident  that  the  most  ancient  works  in 
Greece  were  left  undisturbed.  The  Diana  of  the  Herculaneum 
museum  is  represented  in  motion,  as  are  most  of  the  figures  of 
this  goddess.  The  corners  of  the  mouth  are  turned  upwards, 
and  the  chin  is  rather  small ; but  we  see  plainly  that  it  is  not 
intended  to  be  a portrait,  or  to  represent  any  individual,  but 
that  it  is  an  imperfect  configuration  of  beauty;  nevertheless, 
the  feet  are  uncommonly  elegant,  and  none  of  more  beauty  are 
found  on  undoubted  Greek  figures.  Over  the  forehead,  the  hair 
hangs  in  small  locks  ; on  the  temples,  it  falls  in  long  strings 
down  upon  the  shoulders ; but  it  is  tied  behind  at  a distance 
from  the  head,  which  is  surrounded  by  a diadem,  whereon  are 
eight  red  roses,  wrought  in  relief.  The  dress  is  painted  white. 
The  chemise  or  under-garment  has  wide  sleeves,  which  are  laid 
in  crimped  or  pinched  folds,  and  the  short  mantle,  as  well  as  the 
robe,  in  smoothed  parallel  folds.  The  outer  edge  of  the  hem  of 
the  mantle  is  bordered  by  a narrow  golden-yellow  stripe,  and 
directly  above  it  passes  a broader  stripe  of  an  orange  color,  with 
white  flower-work,  to  denote  embroidery ; above  this  is  a third 
stripe,  also  orange ; and  the  hem  of  the  robe  is  painted  of  the 
same  color.  The  strap  of  the  quiver  on  the  shoulder,  which 
passes  from  the  right  shoulder  across  the  chest,  is  red,  like  the 
straps  of  the  sandals.  This  statue  stood  in  a small  temple,  be- 
longing to  a villa  of  the  ancient  ash-buried  city  of  Pompeii. 

12.  The  presumption  of  Etruscan  workmanship  would  apply 
with  the  greatest  probability  to  a statue  of  a priest,  so  called, 
larger  than  life,  and  ten  palms  (7  ft.  3 in.  Eng.)  in  height,  in  the 
Albani  villa,  which  has  remained  uninjured,  with  the  exception 
of  the  arms ; these  are  a restoration.  The  attitude  is  perfectly 
upright,  with  the  feet  standing  close  to  each  other.  The  folds 
of  the  robe,  which  is  without  sleeves,  all  lie  parallel,  and  as  if 
they  were  smoothed  upon  one  another.  The  sleeves  of  the  under 
garment  are  laid  in  crimped  pressed  plaits.  I shall  notice  this 
sort  of  dress  at  the  end  of  the  following  chapter,  and  more 
fully  hereafter,  in  connection  with  female  dress.  The  hair  above 
the  forehead  lies  in  small  curled  ringlets,  resembling  snail-shells, 
in  the  manner  in  which  it  is  usually  executed  on  the  heads  of 
Hermae ; it  hangs  down  in  front,  over  the  shoulders  on  each  side, 


ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


287 


in  four  long  serpentine  bands  ; behind  — where  it  is  cut  off  per- 
fectly even,  and  tied  at  a distance  from  the  head  — it  falls  down 
below  the  tie  in  five  long  locks,  which  lie  together,  and  have  the 
shape  in  some  degree  of  a hair  bag,  about  a palm  and  a half  in 
length.  A statue  in  the  Mattei  villa,  which  represents  a woman 
far  advanced  in  pregnancy,  — probably  a patroness  of  women  in 
pregnancy  or  labor,  as  was  J uno,  too,  — is  also  executed  in  a 
style  very  nearly  resembling  that  of  the  priest,  as  it  is  called. 
It  stands  with  the  feet  close  together,  in  a straight  direction, 
and  parallel  to  each  other,  and  supports  her  belly  with  both 
hands  crossed.  The  folds  of  the  dress  run  in  a straight  line, 
and  are  not  hollowed  underneath,  as  in  the  Vestal  mentioned 
above,  but  only  denoted  by  an  incision. 

13.  Of  works  executed  in  relief,  I will  content  myself  by  se- 
lecting and  describing  four  monuments,  which  follow  each  other 
step-wise,  and  according  to  their  ages.  The  first  and  most  an- 
cient, not  only  of  the  Etruscan,  but  also  of  all  rilievi  in  Rome, 
stands  in  the  Albani  villa ; a copperplate  engraving  of  it  may 
be  seen  in  the  Ancient  Monuments , for  the  first  time  published 
by  me.  This  work  in  five  figures  represents  the  goddess  Leu- 
cothea,1  who  was  called  Ino  before  her  deification ; she  was  one 
of  the  three  daughters  of  Cadmus,  king  of  Thebes ; her  two  sis- 
ters were  named  Semele  and  Agape.  Semele  was,  as  it  is  well 
known,  the  mother  of  Bacchus,  whose  education  was  undertaken 
by  his  mother’s  sister,  Ino ; and  the  child  is  here  represented 
standing  upon  her  lap.  She  is  sitting  in  a chair  which  is  pro- 
vided with  a back,  and  also  with  arms,  and  to  such  a seat  might 
even  refer  the  epithet  Ei >0povo9,  having  a beautiful  seat , which 
Pindar  bestows  upon  these  daughters  of  Cadmus.  Upon  her 
forehead  she  has  a kind  of  fillet  (diadem)  placed,  which  is  shaped 
like  a sling ; that  is,  the  band  on  the  fore  part  of  the  head  is 
three  fingers  in  breadth,  and  is  tied  about  the  hair  by  means  of 
two  narrow  bands  on  each  side,  thereby  explaining  the  'SfavSovr), 
in  Aristophanes,  as  a kind  of  band  worn  about  the  head.  The 
hair  is  arranged  upon  the  forehead  and  temples  in  crimped  ring- 
lets, and  hangs  straight  down  upon  the  shoulders  and  back. 
Opposite  to  her  stand  three  Nymphs,  by  whom  Bacchus  was 
reared ; they  are  of  different  sizes,  and  the  most  forward  of  them, 
who  is  also  the  largest,  holds  the  walking-strap  of  the  young 
god.  The  heads  of  all  five  figures  very  much  resemble  those  of 
i Plate  XIII. 


238 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


the  Egyptians  in  the  forms  of  the  eyes  — which  are  narrow  and 
turned  upwards  — and  mouth,  which  likewise  is  turned  up  at 
the  corners.  Her  garment  is  grooved  with  straight  parallel  folds, 
denoted  by  mere  incisions  (14),  so  that  two  lines  are  continually 
approximating  each  other. 

14.  The  second  rilievo  of  Etruscan  art,  of  which  a copperplate 
engraving  is  to  be  seen  in  my  Ancient  Monuments,  is  a round 
altar  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  representing  Mercury  in  com- 
pany with  Apollo1  and  Diana.  The  drawing  of  the  figures 
themselves,  and  especially  the  shape  of  Mercury,  appears  to 
leave  no  doubt  in  this  case  as  to  the  Etruscan  style.  For  only 
in  extant  works  of  the  Etruscans  has  Mercury  a beard,  and  a 
beard,  moreover,  of  the  kind  which  we  term  Pantaloon’s  beard, 
because  the  personage  so  called  in  our  comedies  wears  a beard, 
projecting  forwards,  of  such  a shape.  Mercury  must,  however, 
have  been  represented  in  the  oldest  Greek  works  also,  not  only 
bearded,  but  even  with  a beard  resembling  that  on  the  altar  (15) 
of  which  I now  speak,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the  epithet  ap- 
plied to  him  in  the  writings  of  Pollux,  which  does  not  signify  a 
“ twisted  beard,”  barba  intorta , as  the  commentators  understand 
it  (16),  but  a wedge-shaped  beard;  and  from  this  primeval  form 
of  a Greek  Mercury,  masks  with  such  a beard  seem  to  have  been 
called  'Ep/xwveia.  If  any  one  should  feel  disposed,  on  this  ac- 
count, to  remain  in  doubt,  in  regard  to  the  workmanship  of  this 
altar,  between  the  Etruscan  and  the  earliest  Greek  style,  it  does 
not  show  that  my  idea  is  incorrect ; and  a knowledge  of  the 
Etruscan  style  can  equally  well  be  derived  from  it,  because,  as 
I have  already  pointed  out,  the  earliest  Greek  drawing  was  sim- 
ilar to  the  Etruscan  (17).  The  shape  of  the  bow  may  here  re- 
ceive a passing  observation,  as  it  is  curved  only  at  the  tips,  the 
remainder  of  its  length  being  almost  entirely  straight,  just  as  it 
is  shaped  also  on  Greek  works  where  Apollo  and  Hercules,  each 
with  a bow,  are  found  together ; that  is,  where  the  latter  is 
carrying  off  from  the  former  the  tripod  at  Delphos ; Hercules, 
however,  is  furnished  with  a Scythian  bow,  which  was  very 
much  crooked  (18),  like  the  oldest  Greek  sigma. 

15.  The  third  rilievo  is  a four-sided  altar, — formerly  stand- 
ing in  the  market-place  at  Albano,  but  now  to  be  found  in  the 
Capitoline  museum,  — on  which  are  pictured  several  of  the  la- 
bors of  Hercules.  It  might  be  objected  that  the  parts  of  this 

1 Plate  XIV.  See  Plate  X.,  Mercury. 


7 


ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


239 


Hercules  are,  perchance,  not  represented  more  visibly  and  prom- 
inently than  in  the  Farnese  Hercules,  and  that  from  this  circum- 
stance we  cannot  infer  the  Etruscan  origin  of  the  work.  This 
I must  acknowledge  ; and  I have  no  other  distinctive  mark  than 
the  beard,  which  is  pointed,  and  of  which,  as  well  as  of  the  hair 
of  the  head,  the  curls  are  signified  by  small  rings,  or  rather  small 
. balls,  arranged  in  rows,  which  is  the  most  ancient  style  in  the 
shape  and  execution  of  the  beard. 

16.  The  fourth,  and  a later,  work  of  supposed  Etruscan  art 
is  likewise  found  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  in  the  form  of  a 
round  altar ; and  it  is  generally  looked  upon  as  such,  since  at 
present  a large  marble  vase  is  firmly  set  upon  it,  to  which  it 
serves  as  a base.  But  in  reality  it  is  a well’s  mouth,  bocc.a  di 
pozzo , as  is  shown  by  the  grooves  worn  on  its  inner  edge  by  the 
rubbing  of  the  cord  of  the  bucket.  Of  this  rilievo,  which  repre- 
sents the  twelve  superior  deities  (19),  there  is  a copperplate 
engraving  in  my  Ancient  Monuments } Besides  the  style  of  the 
drawing,  which  has  all  the  characteristics  of  Etruscan  art,  I 
thought  that  I might  draw  the  same  conclusion  from  the  figure 
of  a youthful  Vulcan,  without  a beard,  wTho  stands  in  the  act  of 
opening  Jupiter’s  forehead  with  a hammer,  in  order  to  hasten 
the  birth  of  Pallas  from  his  brain ; for  he  is  represented  at  such 
an  age,  and  without  a beard,  in  the  performance  of  the  same 
office,  on  undoubted  Etruscan  gems  and  sacrificial  cups.  But 
this  conclusion  is  not  of  universal  application,  since  the  same 
divinities  have  been  represented  without  a beard  not  by  the 
most  ancient  Greeks  alone ; for  Vulcan  is  also  seen  thus  on 
coins  of  the  islands  of  Lemnos  and  Lipari,  in  the  museum  of  the 
Duke  of  Caraffa  Noja  at  Naples,  on  Roman  coins,  and  on  lamps  ; 
likewise  on  a beautiful  Greek  rilievo  in  the  palace  of  the  Mar- 
quis Rondinini,  which  represents  him  as  having  already  struck 
the  seated  and  pregnant  Jupiter  the  blow  that  is  to  give  birth 
to  Pallas.  A copy  of  the  work  may  be  seen  on  the  title-page 
of  the  second  volume  of  my  Ancient  Monuments.  In  view  of 
the  drawing,  it  might  be  objected,  in  opposition  to  such  opin- 
ion, that,  as  we  know  Cicero  procured  from  Athens  wells’  mouths 
of  this  kind  for  his  country  residences,  the  earliest  Greek  style 
might  have  been  imitated  in  this  case  from  a similar  work,  since 
the  ancients  embellished  them  with  rilievi,  as  it  appears  from 
the  well  near  which  Pamphus,  one  of  the  earliest  sculptors,  rep- 

1 Plate  XV. ; the  upper  half  of  the  figure  of  Juno. 


240 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


resented  Ceres  sorrowing  over  the  rape  of  Proserpine ; and  the 
objection  is  one  not  easily  answered  (20).  But  I repeat  what  I 
have  already  remarked  in  reference  to  the  second  of  these  works, 
that  that,  as  wTell  as  this,  may,  on  the  same  grounds,  serve  as 
an  example  of  the  Etruscan  style. 

17.  From  the  engraved  gems,  I have  selected  partly  the  most 
ancient  and  partly  the  most  beautiful,  in  order  that  the  reader 
may  form  from  them  a more  correct  and  thorough  judgment. 
When  he  has  before  him  works  evidently  of  the  highest  Etrus- 
can art,  and  which,  wTith  all  their  beauty,  have  imperfections, 
the  remarks  which  I shall  make  upon  them  in  the  next  chapter 
will  have  so  much  the  greater  force  if  applied  to  works  of  less 
merit.  The  three  gems  which  I take  as  the  basis  of  the  follow- 
ing argument  are,  like  most  of  the  Etruscan  engraved  gems, 
Scarabaei,  that  is,  stones  having  a beetle  wrought  on  the  raised 
and  arched  side  of  them.  A hole  is  bored  through  them  length- 
wise ; but  it  cannot  be  known  whether  they  were  worn  as  an 
amulet  about  the  neck,  or  whether  they  were  set  movably  in  a 
ring ; the  latter  is  probable,  from  a golden  pivot  sticking  in  the 
hole  of  a stone  of  this  kind  in  the  Piombino  museum. 

18.  One  of  the  most  antique  engraved  gems,  not  only  among 
the  Etruscan,  but  among  all  that  are  known,  is  unquestionably 
the  carnelian  in  the  Stosch  museum,  of  which  mention  has 
already  been  made,  representing  a council  of  five  of  the  seven 
Greek  heroes  in  the  expedition  against  Thebes.1  As  only  five 
heroes  appear  here,  we  might  believe  — in  order  not  to  allege 
the  want  of  space  as  a reason  — that  the  Etruscan  artist  had 
taken  a particular  account  as  his  guide  on  this  point ; for  as, 
according  to  Pausanias,  there  were  more  chiefs  of  this  army 
than  the  seven  introduced  by  iEschylus,  so  to  others  a less 
number  than  seven  may  have  been  known.  The  names  placed 
by  the  figures  show  Polynices,  Parthenopseus,  Adrastus,  Tydeus, 
and  Amphiaraus  ; and  both  the  drawing  and  the  letters  testify 
to  the  remote  antiquity  of  the  gem.  The  figures,  in  which  infi- 
nite industry  and  great  delicacy  of  execution  are  combined  with 
elegance  of  form  of  some  parts,  as  the  feet,  — which  is  a proof 
of  a skilful  master,  — point  to  an  age  when  the  head  was,  prob- 
ably, scarcely  a sixth  part  of  the  height,  and  the  letters  come 
nearer  to  their  Pelasgic  originals  and  to  the  earliest  Greek  let- 
ters than  on  other  Etruscan  works.  This  gem  (21),  among 

i Plate  XVI. 


\ 


ART  OF  THF  ETRUSCANS. 


241 


others,  is  sufficient  refutation  of  a writer  who  makes  the  un- 
founded assertion  that  the  Etruscan  monuments  of  art  are 
works  of  their  later  periods. 

19.  The  two  other  gems  are,  probably,  the  most  beautiful  of 
all  the  Etruscan  gems.  One  of  them,  likewise  a carnelian,  is 
also  in  the  Stosch  museum;  the  other,  of  agate,  belongs  to  Herr 
Christian  Dehn,  in  Rome.  The  former  exhibits  Tydeus,  with 
his  name,  in  the  act  of  drawing  a javelin  from  his  leg  (22),  in 
which  he  had  been  wounded,  having  fallen  into  an  ambuscade 
of  fifty  Thebans,  all  of  whom  he  slew  with  the  exception  of  one.1 
This  figure,  in  the  exactness  with  which  the  bones  and  muscles 
are  rendered,  gives  a proof  of  the  correct  knowledge  of  anatomy 
possessed  by  the  artist ; but  also  at  the  same  time  of  the  hard- 
ness of  the  Etruscan  style  (23).  The  other  gem  represents 
Peleus,  the  father  of  Achilles,  with  his  name,  in  the  act  of 
washing  his  hair  at  a fountain,  which  is  intended  to  signify  the 
river  Sperchius,  in  Thessaly ; for  he  had  made  a vow  that  he 
would  cut  off  the  hair  of  his  son,  and  consecrate  it  to  the  river, 
if  he  should  return  in  safety  from  Troy  (24).  The  boys  of 
Phigalia  cut  off  their  hair  and  consecrated  it  to  the  river  of  the 
place;  and  Leucippus  allowed  his  hair  to  grow  for  the  river 
Alpheus.  We  notice  here,  in  reference  to  Greek  heroes  on 
Etruscan  works,  what  Pindar  says  of  Peleus  in  particular,  that 
there  is  no  land  so  remote,  and  so  different  in  language,  that 
the  fame  of  this  hero,  the  son-in-law  of  the  gods,  has  not 
reached  it. 

20.  The  Etruscan  artists,  next  to  their  skill  in  gem-engrav- 
ing, have  displayed  their  dexterity  in  engraving  bronze,  of 
which  numerous  paterae  give  proof.  This  utensil,  which  we 
term  a sacrificial  basin,  was  used  in  pouring  a libation  either  of 
water,  or  wine,  or  honey,  partly  on  the  altar,  and  partly  on  the 
victim,  and  is  of  different  forms.  Those  which  we  see  figured 
in  sacrifices,  on  Roman  rilievi,  are  for  the  most  part  proper 
round  cups  without  handles ; yet  on  such  a work  in  the  Albani 
villa  a patera  is  found,  shaped  after  the  Etruscan  fashion,  like 
a flat  plate,  and  having  a handle;  but  in  the  Herculaneum 
museum,  many  paterae,  which  are  deep  cups  that  have  been 
hollowed  out  on  a lathe,  have  a handle,  commonly  terminating 
in  a ram’s  head.  The  Etruscan  paterae,  on  the  contrary,  — 
those  of  them  at  least  on  which  figures  are  engraved,  — resem- 

i Plate  XVII. 

16 


VOL.  I. 


242 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


ble  a flat  dish  surrounded  by  a low  rim,  and  have  a handle,  of 
such  a kind,  however,  that  it  must,  in  most  of  the  specimens, 
on  account  of  its  too  great  shortness,  have  been  inserted  into  a 
handle  of  another  material.  Those  paterae  which  had  orna- 
ments of  the  plant  called  filix,  in  Italian  felce,  “fern,”  are 
termed  paterae  felicatae  ; but  I know  none  of  this  sort.  Where 
the  ornaments  were  of  ivy,  the  vessels  were  termed  paterae  hede- 
ratae ; most  of  them  are  ornamented  in  this  way;  and  I have 
one  of  them  in  my  possession.  Engraved  works  like  these  were 
termed  by  the  Greeks  KaTay\v<pa,  kataglyphs. 

21.  Of  the  coins,  a few  are  among  the  very  earliest  mon- 
uments of  Etruscan  art ; and  I have  two  of  them  before  me 
which  belong  to  an  artist  in  Rome  who  has  a museum  of  curi- 
ously rare  Greek  coins.  They  are  made  of  a compound  whit- 
ish metal,  and  are  in  very  good  preservation.  On  one  side  of 
them  is  an  animal,  which  appears  to  be  a stag ; and  on  the 
other  are  two  figures,  turned  to  the  front,  which  resemble  each 
other,  and  hold  staves.  These  must  have  been  the  first  essays 
of  their  art.  The  legs  are  two  lines,  terminating  in  round 
points,  denoting  the  feet ; the  left  arm,  which  holds  nothing, 
is  slightly  crooked,  but  from  the  shoulder  down,  a perpendic- 
ular line,  and  it  reaches  almost  to  the  feet.  The  private  parts 
are  a little  shorter ; they  are  unusually  long  in  animals  also, 
on  the  earliest  coins  and  gems.  The  other  coin  has  a head  on 
one  side,  and  a ’horse  on  the  other. 

22.  This  notice  of  Etruscan  works  according  to  their  kinds, 
as  given  above,  is  the  simplest  form  of  classification,  and  not 
connected  with  any  system.  But  in  reference  to  art,  and  their 
antiquity,  according  to  which  they  are  to  be  studied  in  the 
next  chapter,  they  should  be  arranged  in  the  following  order. 
The  coins  just  mentioned,  the  rilievo  of  Leucothea,  and  prob- 
ably also  the  cited  statue  in  the  Albani  villa,  likewise  the 
bronze  Genius  in  the  Barberini  palace,  and  the  pregnant 
woman  in  the  Mattei  villa,  appear  to  belong  to  the  earliest  age 
and  to  the  first  style.  I consider  the  three  goddesses  on  a 
round  altar,  together  with  the  four-sided  base  on  which  are  the 
labors  of  Hercules,  — both  in  the  Campidoglio,  — as  well  as 
the  above-mentioned  large  three-sided  altar  in  the  Borghese 
villa,  and  the  two  figures  of  Apollo  in  the  Campidoglio  and 
the  Conti  palace,  as  works  of  the  next  period,  and  of  the 
second  style.  I also  believe  that  the  engraved  gems  previously 


I 


\ 


ART  OF  THF  ETRUSCANS. 


243 


described  are  works  rather  of  the  second  than  of  the  first  style, 
especially  if  they  are  compared  with  the  Leucothea.  Here, 
too,  I would  also  place  the  well-curb,  in  the  Capitoline  museum, 
on  which  are  executed  the  twelve  superior  deities,  if  we  are 
willing  to  regard  it  as  an  Etruscan  work.  The  bronze  statues 
above  mentioned,  in  the  gallery  at  Florence,  as  well  as  the 
greater  number,  if  not  all,  of  the  sepulchral  urns  known, — 
most  of  which  were  discovered  at  Volterra, — appear,  in  com- 
parison with  the  works  just  designated,  to  belong  to  the  last 
period  of  Etruscan  art. 

23.  Furthermore,  Etruscan  paintings  require  some  little 
notice  ; but  as  no  others  have  been  preserved  than  those  which 
were  discovered  in  the  ancient  tombs  of  Tarquinii,  one  of  the 
twelve  chief  cities  of  Etruria,  it  cannot  seem  a departure  from 
my  plan,  if  I preface  it  with  an  account  of  the  last  discovered 
covered  tombs  themselves. 

24.  All  these  tombs  are  made  by  digging  into  a soft  stone, 
named  Tufo.  They  are  situated  in  a plain  near  Corneto, 
about  three  miles  from  the  sea,  and  twelve  miles  on  the  other 
side  of  Civita  Yecchia.  The  entrance  into  them  is  from  above 
through  a round  vertical  shaft,  which  tapers  conically  from 
within  outwardly  towards  the  aperture.  In  this  passage-way 
small  holes,  almost  half  the  height  of  a man  apart,  are  dug 
one  over  another,  that  serve  as  steps  by  which  to  enter  the 
excavations;  the  number  of  such  steps  was  usually  five.  In 
one  of  these  tombs  there  is  an  oblong  urn  for  the  reception  of 
the  dead  body,  dug  out  of  the  stone  itself.  The  vault,  or  ceil- 
ing, of  a portion  of  these  tombs  is  cut  so  as  to  resemble  the 
frame  of  the  ceiling  in  chambers ; that  of  another  portion  re- 
sembles sunken  squares,  which  are  termed  lacunaria ; a few 
of  them  have  ornaments  around  their  borders.  In  a few  others 
of  these  tombs  the  ceiling  is  cut  after  the  fashion  of  the  ancient 
pavements,  composed  of  small  square  slabs  of  equal  sides,  set 
on  the  narrower  edge,  in  the  manner  of  fish-bones,  — a kind  of 
workmanship  which  is  hence  termed  spina  pesce.  The  roof  is 
supported  by  square  pillars,  in  greater  or  less  number,  propor- 
tionate to  the  size  of  the  tomb  ; they  are  cut  from  the  Tufo 
itself.  Although  these  excavations  were  not  lighted  by  any 
opening,  — for  the  entrance  from  above  was  closed,  — still, 
they  are  filled  with  embellishments,  not  only  on  the  ceiling, 
but  also  on  the  walls  and  pillars.  Among  them  may  be  noticed 


244 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


the  ornaments,  called  Mseanders.  A few,  indeed,  have  a broad 
painted  stripe,  which,  in  this  case,  serves  as  a substitute  for  a 
frieze,  extending  around  on  all  sides,  and  over  the  columns; 
and  a few  columns  are  covered,  from  the  bottom  to  the  ceiling, 
with  large  figures.  These  paintings  are  executed  on  a thick 
coating  of  mortar ; a few  of  them  can  be  discerned  tolerably 
well ; others,  on  the  contrary,  to  which  moisture  or  air  has  had 
access,  have  partly  disappeared. 

25.  The  paintings  of  one  of  these  excavations  have  been 
published  by  Buonarroti  in  outlines,  badly  drawn ; but  the 
excavations  of  which  I give  an  account  are  a later  discovery, 
and  the  pictures  contained  in  them  are  more  important.  Most 
of  the  friezes  depict  fights,  or  acts  of  violence  against  the  life  of 
some  persons ; others  represent  the  Etruscan  doctrine  of . the 
condition  of  souls  after  death.  In  these  we  see,  sometimes, 
two  black,  winged  Genii,  with  a hammer  in  one  hand  and  a 
serpent  in  the  other,  who  are  drawing,  by  the  pole,  a chariot, 
in  which  sits  the  figure  or  soul  of  the  deceased.  Sometimes, 
two  other  Genii  are  pounding  with  long  hammers  a naked 
male  figure  lying  on  the  earth.  Among  the  class  of  paintings 
first  mentioned,  we  see,  at  times,  regular  battles  between  war- 
riors, three  of  whom,  nude  figures,  draw  close  to  three  others, 
place  their  round  shields  so  as  to  overlap,  and  fight  in  this 
manner.  Some  warriors  have  square  shields;  most  of  them 
are  nude.  In  other  combats,  short  swords,  resembling  daggers, 
are  thrust  into  the  breasts  of  fallen  figures  by  some  above  them. 
An  aged  king,  with  a toothed  crown  around  his  head,  is  run- 
ning towards  such  a scene  of  bloodshed.  It  is  probably  the 
oldest  dentated  royal  crown  that  is  found  represented  on  an- 
cient works.  This  crown  shows,  also,  the  higher  antiquity  of 
the  diadem,  the  first  use  of  it  among  the  Greeks  being  assigned 
by  all  the  more  modern  writers  to  a time  posterior  to  the 
death  of  Alexander.  Just  such  a toothed  crown  is  worn  by  a 
male  figure  on  two  Etruscan  sepulchral  urns,  which  seems,  like- 
wise, to  represent  a king ; and  also  by  a female  figure  on  a vase 
of  terra-cotta.  There  is  also  found  on  a Herculaneum  painting 
a nude,  hovering,  youthful  male  figure,  which  holds  in  its  hand 
a similar  crown.  On  another  frieze,  where  neither  of  these 
two  kinds  of  conceptions  is  introduced,  we  see,  among  other 
figures,  a dressed  woman,  having  on  her  head  a cap  that  wid- 
ens upwards,  over  which,  as  far  as  the  middle  of  it,  her  robe  is 


ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


245 


drawn.  Such  a cap  was  termed  by  the  ancient  Greeks  7nA<W, 
and  it  was,  according  to  Pollux,  a garb  usual  with  women. 
The  statue  of  Juno  at  Sparta  had  a similar  head-dress ; it  is 
likewise  seen  on  the  Juno  of  Samos  and  of  Sardis,  on  coins ; 
Ceres,  too,  in  a rilievo  of  the  Albani  villa,  wears  a similar  cap. 
It  may  serve  for  further  speculation,  if  I remark  here,  that, 
in  the  same  place,  between  dancing  female  figures,  a few  are 
represented  perfectly  stiff,  and  after  the  Egyptian  style.  Prob- 
ably these  are  deities,  who  had  this,  and  no  other,  accepted 
shape.  I say  probably,  because  the  paintings  have  suffered 
from  mould,  and  all  parts  of  them  are,  consequently,  not  dis- 
tinguishable. 

26.  Among  the  paintings  I include  painted  statues,  — like 
the  one  in  the  Herculaneum  museum,  of  which  I have  given  a 
description,  — and  painted  rilievi  on  funeral  urns,  the  figures  of 
which  are  covered  with  a white  color,  whereon  the  other  colors 
are  afterwards  laid.  A few  of  these  have  been  published  by 
Buonarroti. 

An  examination  of  an  account  of  twelve  urns  of  porphyry, 
which  are  said  to  have  been  at  Chiusi,  in  Tuscany,  but  are  not 
to  be  found  at  present,  either  there  or  elsewhere  in  Tuscany  or 
Italy,  will  form  a supplement  to  this  chapter.  They  might  pos- 
sibly, if  they  ever  existed,  have  been  made  of  a stone  bearing 
some  resemblance  to  porphyry,  especially  as  Leander  Alberti 
gives  the  name  of  porphyry  to  such  a stone  found  at  Yolterra. 
Gori,  by  whom  the  statement  is  quoted  from  a manuscript  in 
the  library  of  the  Strozzi  family,  at  Florence,  also  communicates 
an  inscription  on  one  of  these  urns ; but  the  account  seemed  to 
me  suspicious,  and  I therefore  procured  a perfect  copy  from  the 
original.  The  circumstance  itself,  and  the  age  of  the  manuscript, 
create  suspicion.  It  is  not  credible,  that  the  Grand-Dukes  of 
Tuscany  — all  of  whom  have  given  great  attention  to  everything 
relating  to  the  arts  and  antiquity  — should  have  allowed  such 
rare  pieces  to  leave  the  country,  especially  as  they  were  proba- 
bly discovered  somewhere  about  the  middle  of  the  previous  cen- 
tury. Furthermore,  the  letters  of  which  the  Strozzi  manuscript 
is  composed  were  all  written  between  the  years  1653  and  1660 ; 
and  the  one  containing  this  account  is  of  the  year  1657,  and 
written  by  one  monk  to  another.  I therefore  hold  the  story  to 
be  a monkish  legend.  Gori  himself  has  made  alterations  in  it. 
In  the  first  place,  he  has  not  given  correctly  the  measures  of 


246 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


the  urns,  as  stated.  The  letter  mentions  two  braccie  in  height, 
and  the  same  in  length,  — a Florentine  braccia  contains  two  and 
a half  Roman  palms  (1  ft.  10  in.  Eng.),  — but  Gori  states  only 
three  palms  (2  ft.  2 in.  Eng.).  In  the  second  place,  the  inscrip- 
tion in  the  original  does  not  look  very  Etruscan ; but,  in  print, 
this  form  and  appearance  have  been  given  to  it.  l 


ART  OF  TEE  ETRUSCANS. 


247 


CHAPTER  III. 

STYLE  OF  ETRUSCAN  ARTISTS. 

Haying,  in  the  preceding  chapters,  given  some  introductory 
information  in  regard  to  the  external  circumstances  and  sources 
of  Etruscan  art,  and  the  manner  of  representing  the  gods 
and  heroes,  and  noticed  some  of  its  productions,  I now  direct 
the  reader’s  attention  to  its  attributes  and  characteristics,  that 
is  to  say,  to  the  style  of  the  Etruscan  artists.  This  will  be  the 
subject  of  the  present  chapter. 

I will  here  make  the  general  remark,  that  the  characteristics 
whereby  the  Etruscan  and  the  most  ancient  Greek  style  may  be 
distinguished  from  each  other,  — which,  apart  from  the  drawing, 
might  be  derived  from  accidental  things,  as  usages  and  dress, — ■ 
may  be  deceptive.  The  Athenians,  says  Aristides,  formed  the 
arms  of  Pallas  after  a design  which  she  had  given  them ; but 
we  cannot  infer  Greek  workmanship  from  a Greek  helmet  of 
Pallas,  or  other  figures.  For  Greek  helmets,  so  called,  are  found 
even  on  indisputable  Etruscan  w7orks ; as,  for  example,  the  one 
worn  by  the  Minerva  on  the  oft-cited  three-sided  altar  in  the 
Borghese  villa,  and  on  a cup  with  Etruscan  letters,  in  the  mu- 
seum of  the  College  of  St.  Ignatius,  at  Rome. 

1.  The  style  of  the  Etruscan  artists  did  not  always  remain 
uniformly  the  same,  but,  like  the  Egyptian  and  Grecian,  it  had 
different  stages  and  epochs,  from  the  simple  shapes  of  their  ear- 
liest periods  until  the  bloom  of  their  art,  when,  having  been 
subsequently  improved  by  an  imitation  of  Greek  works,  as  it  is 
very  probable,  it  finally  assumed  an  appearance  different  from 
that  of  the  earlier  ages.  These  different  stages  in  Etruscan  art 
are  to  be  well  noted  and  accurately  distinguished,  in  order  that 
we  may  arrive  at  some  degree  of  systematic  knowledge  in  regard 
to  it.  After  the  Etruscans  had  been  for  a considerable  time 
subject  to  the  Romans,  their  art  finally  declined,  — a decline 
which  is  visible  in  twenty-nine  small  bronze  cups  in  the  museum 


248 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIFNT  ART. 


of  the  above-mentioned  college.  Of  this  number,  those  on  which 
the  writing  approximates  to  the  Roman  writing  and  language 
are  worse  drawn  and  executed  than  the  more  ancient  ones.  But, 
further  than  this,  we  do  not  learn  much  of  a definite  nature ; 
and  as  art  in  its  decline  is  of  no  style  in  itself,  I abide  by  the 
three  epochs  previously  determined. 

We  can,  therefore,  fix  three  different  styles  of  Etruscan  art, 
as  we  have  already  done  in  regard  to  Egyptian  art,  — the  more 
ancient,  the  later,  and  the  improved  style,  or  that  which  has 
resulted  from  imitation  of  the  Greeks.  In  all  three  styles  it 
would  be  proper  to  speak,  in  the  first  place,  of  the  drawing  of 
the  nude,  and,  in  the  second,  of  draped  figures ; but  as  the  dress 
does  not  differ  much,  in  its  kinds,  from  the  Greek,  the  few  spe- 
cial remarks  which  might  be  needed  in  regard  to  it  and  its  orna- 
ments may  be  grouped  togethe*r  at  the  end  of  the  chapter. 

2.  The  most  ancient  style  is  of  the  time  when  the  Etruscans 
extended  themselves  throughout  all  Italy,  even  to  the  outermost 
promontories  of  Magna  Grsecia  ; and  we  can  obtain  a clear  idea 
of  the  drawing  of  this  period  from  the  rare  silver  coins  which 
were  stamped  in  the  cities  of  the  lower  part  of  Italy,  — the 
richest  collection  of  which  is  contained  in  the  museum  of  the 
Duke  of  Caraffa  Noja. 

3.  The  attributes  of  the  elder  and  first  style  of  the  Etruscan 
artists  are,  in  the  first  place,  the  straight  lines  of  their  drawing, 
together  with  the  stiff  attitudes  and  constrained  action  of  their 
figures,  and,  in  the  second  place,  their  imperfect  idea  of  beauty 
of  the  face.  The  first  attribute  consists  in  this,  that  the  outline 
of  the  figures  sinks  and  swells  but  little ; the  consequence  is, 
the  figures  look  thin  and  spindle-like,  — notwithstanding  Ca- 
tullus says  “ the  stout  Etruscans,”  — because  the  muscles  are 
slightly  marked.  This  style  is,  consequently,  deficient  in 
variety.  The  cause  of  the  stiffness  in  the  attitudes  is  to  be 
found  partly  in  the  mode  of  drawing,  but  principally  in  the 
ignorance  of  the  earliest  ages  ; for  variety  in  position  and  action 
cannot  be  expressed  and  figured  without  sufficient  knowledge  of 
the  body,  and  without  freedom  in  drawing.  Art,  like  wisdom, 
begins  with  self-knowledge. 

4.  The  second  attribute,  namely,  an  imperfect  conception  of 
-beauty  of  face,  was  common  to  the  Etruscans,  even  as  it  was  to 

the  Greeks  in  the  infancy  of  their  art.  The  form  of  the  head 
is  an  elongated  oval,  which  a pointed  chin  causes  to  seem  rather 


ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


249 


small ; the  opening  of  the  eyes  is  narrow,  and  turned  obliquely 
upwards ; the  eyes  lie  on  a level  with  the  eyebrow-bones ; and 
the  corners  of  the  mouth  are  likewise  turned  upwards. 

These  attributes  are  precisely  the  same  with  those  which  we 
defined  as  belonging  to  the  earliest  Egyptian  figures ; and,  thus, 
the  statements  which  we  made  in  the  first  chapter,  derived  from 
ancient  authors,  in  regard  to  the  similarity  of  Egyptian  and 
Etruscan  figures,  become  gradually  more  intelligible.  We  must 
conceive  of  the  figures  of  this  style  as  of  a robe  made  simply 
with  strait  breadths,  to  which  they  who  made  it,  and  they  who 
wore  it,  adhered  for  a long.  time.  The  former  did  not  refine 
upon  it ; the  latter  found  it  sufficient  for  a covering.  The  first 
artist  drew  a figure  in  a certain  style ; others  followed  him.  A 
certain  cast  of  countenances,  also,  was  adopted,  from  which  the 
artist  departed  so  much  the  less,  that  the  earliest  images  were 
figures  of  the  deities,  each  one  of  which  must  resemble  an- 
other. Art,  at  that  time,  was  like  a bad  system  of  instruction, 
which  makes  blind  followers,  and  admits  neither  doubt  nor  in- 
quiry. And  drawing  was  like  Anaxagoras’s  sun,  which  he  and 
his  scholars  maintained  to  be  a stone,  in  defiance  of  all  perceiv- 
able evidence.  Nature  should  have  taught  the  artist;  but 
custom  had  become  nature  to  him,  and  hence  the  difference 
between  art  and  nature. 

5.  This  first  style  is  found  in  many  small  bronze  figures, 
in  addition  to  the  coins  mentioned;  and  some  of  them  per- 
fectly resemble  the  Egyptian  in  the  arms  and  feet,  the  former 
hanging  down  close  to  the  sides,  and  the  latter  being  placed 
parallel  to  each  other.  The  statue  in  the  Mattei  villa,  as  well 
as  the  rilievo  of  Leucothea  in  the  Albani  villa,  has  all  its  char- 
acteristics. The  drawing  of  the  Genius  in  the  Barberini  palace 
is  very  flat,  and  without  any  special  marking  of  the  parts ; the 
feet  stand  on  an  even  line,  and  the  excavated  eyes  are  opened 
flat,  and  drawn  somewhat  upwards.  The  robes  of  the  statue  in 
the  Mattei  villa,  and  of  the  figures  on  the  rilievo,  cannot  be 
conceived  in  a more  simple  manner ; the  folds,  which  are  mere 
incisions,  seem  as  if  they  were  drawn  with  a comb.  An  atten- 
tive observer  of  the  essential  in  antiquities  will  find  this  style 
also  in  a few  other  works  in  Borne,  but  not  located  in  places 
equally  celebrated  and  usually  visited  ; for  example,  on  a male 
figure,  seated  on  a stool,  in  a small  rilievo  in  the  court-yard  of 
the  Capponi  mansion. 


250 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


6.  Notwithstanding  all  this  want  of  skill  in  the  drawing  of 
figures,  the  earliest  Etruscan  artists  attained,  in  their  vases,  to 
the  knowledge  of  elegance  of  forms ; that  is,  they  had  learnt 
that  which  is  simply  ideal  and  scientific,  and  had,  on  the  con- 
trary, continued  deficient  in  the  excellence  acquired  by  imita- 
tion. This  fact  is  shown  by  many  vases,  the  drawing  of  the 
pictures  on  which  indicates  the  very  earliest  style  : and  here  I 
am  able  to  adduce,  in  particular,  a vase  in  the  first  volume  of 
the  Hamilton  Collection , the  front  side  of  which  presents  a male 
figure,  in  a two-horse  chariot,  between  two  standing  figures ; on 
the  back  side,  two  other  figures  on  horseback  are  painted.  But 
still  more  remarkable  is  a vase  of  bronze,  about  a Roman  palm 
and  a half  (13  in.  Eng.)  in  diameter,  which  was  once  gilded, 
and  on  the  belly  of  which  the  most  pleasing  ornaments  are  en- 
graved. On  the  middle  of  the  cover  of  it  stands  a nude  male 
figure,  half  a palm  (4.4  in.  Eng.)  in  height,  with  a discus  in  the 
right  hand  ; and  on  the  rim  are  attached  three  smaller  figures 
on  horseback,  one  of  which  is  riding,  the  other  two  are  sitting 
sidewise  on  the  horses  ; and  both  the  figures  and  the  horses  are 
executed  in  the  most  ancient  style.  This  vase  was  'discovered 
about  five  years  ago,  in  the  vicinity  of  ancient  Capua.  When 
found  it  was  full  of  ashes  and  bones.  It  is  now  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  royal  intendant,  the  Chevalier  Negroni,  at  Caserta. 

7.  But  the  Etruscan  artists  forsook  this  style,  when  they  had 
attained  a greater  degree  of  knowledge.  In  the  earliest  ages 
they  appear  to  have  made  more  draped  than  nude  figures,  like 
the  most  ancient  Greeks ; but  they  now  began  to  represent 
more  frequently  the  nude.  For  it  appears  from  some  small 
figures  of  bronze,  naked  as  far  as  the  private  parts,  — which  are 
concealed  in  a bag,  tied  by  strings  about  the  hips,  — that  it  was 
considered  contrary  to  decorum  to  represent  figures  entirely 
nude. 

8.  If  we  were  disposed  to  judge  from  the  earliest  engraved 
gems  of  the  Etruscans,  we  should  believe  that  the  first  style  had 
not  been  generally  adopted,  at  least  among  the  gem-engravers. 
For  the  rendering  of  figures  on  gems  is  knobby  and  globular,  ■ — ■ 
characteristics  which  are  the  opposite  of  those  mentioned  as 
belonging  to  the  first  style  ; but  one  does  not  contradict  the 
other.  If  their  gems  were  engraved  on  a wheel,  in  the  manner 
of  the  present  day,  as  the  appearance  of  them  seems  to  show, 
then  the  easiest  way  of  using  the  lathe  was  to  work  out  and 


ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


251 


produce  a figure  by  spherical  forms  ; and  the  most  ancient  gem- 
engravers  probably  did  not  understand  how  to  work  with  very 
pointed  tools.  Spherical  forms,  therefore,  were  not  an  elemen- 
tary principle  of  art,  but  a mechanical  process  in  execution. 
The  engraved  gems  of  their  earliest  times,  however,  are  the 
opposite  of  their  most  ancient  figures  in  marble  and  bronze ; and 
it  is  manifest  from  the  former,  that  the  improvement  in  art 
commenced  with  a strong  degree  of  expression,  and  with  a vis- 
ible marking  of  the  parts  in  their  figures ; this  is  also  evident 
in  some  works  of  marble ; and  it  is  the  characteristic  of  the 
most  flourishing  period  of  their  art. 

9.  We  are  unable  to  determine,  with  any  precision,  the  time 
when  this  style  was  perfectly  formed  ; but  it  is  probable  that  it 
coincided  with  the  improvement  of  Greek  art.  For  we  may 
look  upon  the  time  preceding  and  during  the  age  of  Phidias,  as 
upon  the  restoration  of  the  arts  and  sciences  in  more  modern 
days,  which  did  not  commence  in  one  country  only,  and  after- 
wards spread  itself  abroad  into  other  lands ; but  man’s  entire 
nature  appeared  to  be  astir,  at  that  epoch,  in  every  land,  and 
great  inventions  started  up  at  once.  In  regard  to  Greece,  at 
the  period  mentioned,  this  is  true  of  all  kinds  of  knowledge  ; 
and  it  seems  as  if  a universal  spirit,  which  exerted  an  influence 
especially  on  art,  inspiring  and  animating  it,  had  also  diffused 
itself,  at  that  time,  over  other  civilized  nations. 

10.  We  pass,  therefore,  from  the  first  and  more  ancient 
Etruscan  style  to  the  second  and  subsequent.  Its  attributes 
and  marks  are,  in  part,  a perceptible  signification  of  the  joints 
and  muscles,  and  the  arrangement  of  the  hair  in  rows,  and 
partly  a constrained  attitude  and  action,  which  in  some  figures 
is  violent  and  exaggerated.  In  regard  to  the  first  attribute, 
the  muscles  are  tumidly  raised,  and  lie  like  hills;  the  bones 
are  sharply  drawn,  and  rendered  altogether  too  visibly ; hence, 
the  style  is  hard  and  painful.  But  we  must  remark,  that  both 
modes  of  this  attribute,  namely,  the  strong  marking  of  muscles 
and  of  bones,  are  not  found  constantly  together  in  all  sorts  of 
works.  In  marble  the  muscles  are  not  always  very  artificial 
because  only  divine  figures  have  been  preserved  ; but  exaggera- 
tion, especially  in  the  drawing  of  the  leg-bone,  and  a sharp  and 
hard  outline  of  the  muscles  of  the  calf  of  the  leg,  are  visible  in 
all  of  them. 

It  may  be  established  as  a rule,  generally,  that  the  Greeks 


252 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


studied  more  the  expression  and  marking  of  the  muscles ; but 
the  Etruscans,  of  the  bones.  If,  therefore,  I criticise  a rare 
and  beautifully  engraved  gem,  with  this  fact  before  me,  and  see 
bones  too  strongly  rendered,  I am  inclined  to  regard  it  as 
Etruscan,  although  in  other  respects  it  would  do  honor  to  a 
Greek  artist.  It  represents  Theseus,  after  having  slain  Phsea, 
— of  which  Plutarch  makes  mention.  Twenty  years  ago,  this 
carnelian  was  in  the  royal  Farnese  museum,  at  Capo  di  Monte, 
in  Naples;  but  since  that  time  it  has  been  stolen;  and  other 
beautiful  gems  have  disappeared,  both  before  and  since,  from 
the  same  place.  In  the  Stosch  museum  there  is  a carnelian  on 
which  the  same  conception  is  engraved  ; but  the  stone  is  stated 
to  be  a chalcedony.  The  former  gem  can  also  serve  as  an 
instance  of  the  difficulty  of  deciding  between  Etruscan  and 
Greek  works  of  the  elder  style. 

11.  The  arrangement  of  the  hair  in  rows,  not  of  the  head 
only,  but  also  of  the  pubis,  is  found,  without  an  exception  too, 
on  all  Etruscan  figures,  even  those  of  beasts,  — as  we  may  notice 
on  the  celebrated  she-wolf  of  bronze,  in  the  Campidoglio,  giving 
suck  to  Romulus  and  Remus.1  As  this  is  probably  the  same 
she-wolf  which,  in  the  time  of  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus, 
stood  in  a small  temple  on  the  Palatine  hill,  — that  is,  in  the 
temple  of  Romulus,  now  called  Santo  Theodoro,  in  which  it 
was  discovered,  — and  as  it,  according  to  the  same  writer,  was 
held  to  be  an  ancient  work  of  art,  ^dX/cea  7rotrJ/xara  7raXaids 
epyacnas,  it  must  consequently  be  regarded  as  a production  of 
Etruscan  artists,  whom  the  Romans,  in  their  earliest  existence, 
employed.  Cicero  says  of  a she-wolf  of  this  kind,  that  it  had 
been  injured  by  lightning,  — an  accident  which  occurred  during 
the  consulship  of  Julius  Cmsar  and  Bibulus  (1) ; and  an  injury 
of  such  a nature  on  the  hinder  leg  — where  there  is  a burst 
fissure  two  fingers  in  breadth  — of  the  animal  of  which  we  now 
speak,  seems  to  prove  it  to  be  the  same  one.  Dion  Cassius 
says,  indeed,  in  the  passage  quoted,  that  the  she-wolf  which 
was  struck  by  lightning  stood  on  the  Capitol ; but  this  asser- 
tion may  be  a mistake,  as  the  writer  lived  two  hundred  years 
afterwards.  I wish,  however,  to  observe  in  this  place  that 
only  the  she-wolf  is  ancient;  the  two  children  are  a modern 
addition. 

12.  The  second  characteristic  of  this  style  cannot  be  compre- 

i Plate  XIX. 


ART  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


253 


bended  in  a single  idea ; for  constraint  and  violence  are  not  one 
and  the  same.  The  latter  relates  not  only  to  attitude,  action, 
and  expression,  but  also  to  the  movement  of  all  parts;  the  former 
may,  it  is  true,  be  said  of  the  action,  but  it  also  consists  with 
the  quietest  position.  Constraint  is  the  opposite  of  natural- 
ness ; and  violence  is  the  reverse  of  decency  and  decorum. 
The  former  is  an  attribute  also  of  the  first  style ; but  the 
latter  belongs  particularly  to  the  second.  Exaggeration  in 
attitude  flows  from  the  first  attribute ; for,  in  order  to  obtain 
the  desired  strong  expression,  and  the  visible  marking  of  the 
bones  and  muscles,  the  figure  was  placed  in  attitudes  and 
actions  in  which  they  could  be  most  strikingly  manifested ; and 
the  artist  chose  exaggeration  instead  of  repose  and  stillness ; 
and  feeling  was,  as  it  were,  blown  up,  and  swelled  to  its  utmost 
limits. 

13.  The  remark  which  I have  just  made  in  general  terms 
may  be  illustrated,  particularly,  by  individual  figures  and 
works ; and  I refer  the  reader  especially  to  Tydeus  and  Peleus, 
and  also  to  a bearded  Mercury  on  the  oft-mentioned  Borghese 
altar,  who  has  the  muscles  of  a Hercules.  The  collar-bones  of 
these  small  figures,  the  ribs,  the  cartilages  of  the  elbow  and 
knees,  and  the  joints  of  the  hands  and  feet,  are  rendered  as 
prominently  as  the  bones  of  the  arms  and  legs ; in  regard  to 
Tydeus,  even  the  point  of  the  breast-bone  is  made  visible.  All 
the  muscles  are  in  the  most  violent  action,  even  those  of 
Peleus,  in  whose  case  there  is  less  reason  for  it  than  with 
Tydeus,  of  whom  even  the  muscles  under  the  arm  are  not  for- 
gotten. The  constrained  position  shows  itself  on  the  round 
altar  before  mentioned,  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  and  in  sev- 
eral figures  on  the  Borghese  altar.  Here,  the  feet  of  the  god- 
desses placed  in  front  are  set  close  and  parallel  to  each  other ; 
and  the  feet  of  those  who  are  seen  sidewise  stand  in  a straight 
line  one  behind  the  other.  The  action  of  the  hands,  generally 
of  all  figures,  is  constrained  and  unlearned,  so  that,  when  any- 
thing is  held  in  the  fore-fingers  the  others  stick  out  stiff  and 
straight.  Notwithstanding  the  great  knowledge  and  skill  in 
execution  possessed  by  the  Etruscan  artists,  they  were  deficient 
in  conceptions  of  beauty ; for  the  head  of  Tydeus  is  designed 
after  a common  conformation,  and  the  head  of  Peleus,  not  finer 
in  form,  is  twisted  as  much  as  his  body  out  of  its  natural 


254 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


14.  The  remark  made  by  Pindar  in  regard  to  Vulcan,  “that 
he  was  born  without  grace,”  might  be  applied,  in  some  measure, 
to  the  figures  of  this  style  as  well  as  of  the  first.  Generally, 
this  second  style,  compared  with  the  Greek  style  of  a good 
period,  might  be  looked  upon  as  a young  man  who  has  not 
enjoyed  the  advantages  of  a careful  education,  and  whose  de- 
sires and  exuberant  spirits,  which  impel  him  to  acts  of  excess, 
have  been  left  unchecked,  — as  such  one,  I say,  when  compared 
with  a beautiful  youth  in  whom  a wise  education  and  skilful 
instruction  will  control  the  ardor  of  the  passions,  and  impart, 
by  refinement  of  demeanor,  greater  elevation  even  to  the  admi- 
rable conformation  of  nature.  This  second  style  is,  also,  to  be 
termed  mannered,  as  we  now  say,  — an  expression  which  means 
nothing  else  than  a constant  uniformity  of  character  in  all  sorts 
of  figures  ; for  Apollo,  Mars,  Hercules,  and  Vulcan,  on  Etruscan 
works,  do  not  differ  in  drawing.  Now,  as  a character  always 
one  and  the  same  is  no  character,  we  might  apply  to  the  Etrus- 
can artists  the  censure  which  Aristotle  made  of  Zeuxis,  namely, 
that  they  had  no  character ; and  we  find  the  same  fault  to  cen- 
sure in  the  eulogies  of  celebrated  persons,  written  in  the  modern 
style,  in  the  histories  of  our  time,  — being  usually  composed  in 
so  indefinite  and  general  a manner,  that  they  might  be  attrib- 
uted to  a hundred  others. 

15.  These  characteristics  of  the  ancient  Etruscan  artists  still 
show  forth,  in  modern  days,  in  the  works  of  their  descendants, 
and  to  the  eyes  of  impartial  connoisseurs  manifest  themselves 
in  the  drawings  of  Michael  Angelo,  the  greatest  among  them. 
Hence  some  one  says,  not  without  reason,  that  whoever  has 
seen  one  figure  by  this  artist,  has  seen  them  all.  This  manner- 
ism also,  is  unquestionably,  one  of  the  imperfections  of  Daniel 
da  Volterra,  Pietro  da  Cortona,  and  others. 

16.  In  regard  to  Etruscan  dress  I have  nothing  but  this  to 
remark,  that  in  marble  figures  the  mantle  is  never  cast  freely, 
being  always  placed  in  parallel  folds,  which  run  either  vertically 
or  diagonally.  A free  cast  of  the  mantle  is,  however,  seen  in 
the  case  of  two  of  the  five  Greek  heroes ; consequently,  no  gen- 
eral conclusion  can  be  drawn  from  those  works.  The  sleeves 
of  the  female  under-garment  are  often  broken  into  quite  small 
crimped  plaits,  after  the  manner  of  the  Italian  surplice,  rocclietto , 
of  the  cardinals  and  canons  of  some  churches ; but  persons  in 
Germany  can  form  an  idea  of  what  I wish  to  signify,  from  the 


ART  OF  TEE  ETRUSCANS. 


255 


round  lanterns,  made  of  paper,  which  are  arranged  in  such  folds, 
for  the  purpose  of  drawing  them  out  and  closing  them  again. 
A male  figure  also,  namely,  the  statue  noticed  as  being  in  the 
Albani  villa,  has  sleeves  of  precisely  the  same  kind.  The  hair 
of  most  male  as  well  as  female  figures  is  so  divided,  that  the 
portion  which  comes  down  from  the  crown  of  the  head  is  tied 
behind,  while  the  other  portions  fall  in  strings  upon  the  shoul- 
ders, and  hang  down  in  front  of  them,  — according  to  the  usage 
of  older  times  even  among  other  nations.  The  same  custom 
has  been  previously  pointed  out  as  existing  among  the  Egyp- 
tians, and  it  will  also  be  noticed  of  the  Greeks,  in  one  of  the 
following  books. 

17.  Hitherto,  and  in  the  first  and  second  style,  we  have  con- 
sidered art  under  that  form  which  was  peculiar  to  the  Etrus- 
cans, and  prior  to  their  attainment  of  a more  intimate  knowledge 
of  Greek  works ; that  is  to  say,  before  the  Greeks  had  acquired 
possession  of  the  lower  portion  of  Italy  and  of  other  lands  on 
the  Adriatic  Sea,  and  compressed  the  Etruscans  within  narrower 
limits.  After  they  had  seized  upon  the  most  beautiful  part  of 
Italy,  and  founded  powerful  cities,  the  arts  began  to  flourish 
among  them,  at  an  earlier  date  even  than  in  Greece  itself,  and 
to  diffuse  light  among  their  neighbors,  the  Etruscans,  who  still 
maintained  themselves  in  Campania.  Now  as  the  latter,  in  the 
earliest  ages,  had  represented  the  history  of  the  Greeks  on  their 
monuments,  and  consequently  recognized  them  as  their  teach- 
ers, the  path  was  thus  prepared  for  receiving  instruction  from 
them  in  art  also.  That  this  actually  was  the  case  is  rendered 
probable  by  coins  of  most  of  the  cities  in  Campania,  which,  ac- 
cording to  their  names  in  Etruscan  letters,  were  stamped  at  the 
time  when  the  cities  were  still  inhabited  by  Etruscans ; for  the 
heads  of  the  divinities  on  them  perfectly  resemble  the  heads  on 
Greek  coins,  and  of  Greek  statues,  so  that  even  Jupiter,  on 
Etruscan  coins  of  the  city  of  Capua,  has  the  hair  on  the  fore- 
head arranged  just  as  the  Greeks  fashioned  it,  in  the  manner 
which  will  be  pointed  out  in  a subsequent  chapter. 

18.  This,  therefore,  is  the  third  Etruscan  style;  and  it  is  the 
style  of  the  greater  number  of  works  of  Etruscan  art,  especially 
the  sepulchral  urns  of  white  alabaster  of  Yolterra,  which  were 
all  discovered  in  the  year  1761,  near  the  above-named  city; 
four  of  them  are  in  the  Albani  villa.  These  urns  are  only  three 
palms  (26  in.  Eng.)  long,  and  one  palm  (8.80  in.  Eng.)  broad, 


256 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIFNT  ART. 


and  consequently  can  have  served  for  the  preservation  only  of 
the  ashes  of  the  dead.  A figure  on  the  cover  represents  the  de- 
ceased, half  life-size,  with  the  body  raised  and  supporting  itself 
on  one  arm.  Three  of  such  figures  hold  a cup,  and  one,  a drink- 
ing-horn. It  seems  as  if  the  feet  had  been  sawed  off  because 
there  was  not  space  enough  on  the  cover. 


ART  OF  THE  CAMPANIANS. 


257 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ART  OF  THE  NATIONS  BORDERING  ON  THE  ETRUSCANS. 

This  chapter  contains  a review  of  the  art  of  the  nations 
bordering  on  the  Etruscans,  — which  I here  embrace  in  one 
group,  — namely,  of  the  Samnites,  Yolsci,  and  Campanians, 
and  of  the  latter  especially ; for  among  them  art  flourished  not 
less  than  amoug  the  Etruscans.  The  chapter  concludes  with  an 
account  of  some  figures  that  were  discovered  in  the  island  of 
Sardinia. 

1.  Of  the  works  of  art  of  the  Samnites  and  Yolsci,  nothing, 
so  far  as  we  know,  has  been  preserved  (1),  with  the  exception 
of  a couple  of  coins ; but  of  the  Campanians,  we  have  coins 
and  earthen  painted  vases.  I can,  therefore,  give  only  general 
accounts  of  the  form  of  government  and  mode  of  life  of  the 
former,  from  which  conclusions  might  be  drawn  in  regard  to  art 
among  them  : this  is  the  first  part  of  the  present  chapter ; the 
second  treats  of  the  works  of  art  of  the  Campanians. 

2.  It  is  probably  the  same  with  the  art  of  the  two  former 
nations  as  with  their  language,  which  was  the  Oscic.  It  would 
at  least  not  differ  much  from  the  Etruscan,  even  if  it  is  not  to 
be  regarded  as  one  of  its  dialects.  But  as  we  do  not  know  the 
difference  in  dialect  of  these  two  nations,  so  are  we  also  de- 
ficient in  that  knowledge  which  would  enable  us  to  point  out 
the  characteristics  of  their  coins  or  engraved  gems,  if  perchance 
any  of  them  have  been  preserved. 

3.  The  Samnites  were  fond  of  splendor,  and,  although  a war- 
like people,  were  very  much  devoted  to  the  pleasures  of  life. 
In  war,  their  shields  were  inlaid,  some  with  gold,  others  with 
silver ; and  at  a time  when  the  Romans  did  not,  apparently, 
know  much  of  linen  fabrics,  the  picked  men  of  the  Samnites, 
even  when  in  the  field,  wore  linen  robes  ; and  Livy  relates  that 
the  entire  camp  of  the  Samnites,  in  the  war  with  the  Romans 
under  the  Consul  Lucius  Papirius  Cursor,  which  embraced  a 

VOL.  i.  17 


258 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIFNT  ART. 


square  of  two  hundred  paces  on  each  side,  was  enclosed  by  linen- 
cloths  (2).  Capua  — which  was  built  by  the  Etruscans,  and, 
according  to  Livy,  was  a city  of  the  Samnites,  that  is,  as  he 
states  elsewhere,  had  been  taken  from  the  former  by  the  latter 
— was  celebrated  for  its  voluptuousness  and  effeminacy. 

4.  The  Volsci,  like  the  Etruscans  and  other  neighboring 
nations,  had  an  aristocratic  form  of  government.  On  this 
account,  they  elected  a king  or  leader  only  on  the  breaking  out 
of  war ; and  the  organization  of  the  Samnites  resembled  that 
of  Sparta  and  Crete.  The  frequent  ruins  of  destroyed  cities 
on  hills  situated  near  to  each  other  still  testify  to  the  numerous 
population  of  this  nation ; and  the  history  of  their  many  san- 
guinary wars  with  the  Romans,  who  did  not  succeed  in  sub- 
duing them  until  after  twenty-four  triumphs,  tells  of  their 
strength.  A numerous  population  and  a love  of  show  excited 
intellectual  and  bodily  activity,  and  freedom  elevated  the  soul  : 
these  are  circumstances  very  favorable  to  art. 

5.  In  the  most  remote  periods,  the  Romans  employed  the 
artists  of  both  nations.  Tarquinius  Priscus  procured  from 
Fregellse,  in  the  country  of  the  Volsci,  an  artist,  named  Tur- 
rianus,  who  made  a statue  of  Jupiter,  of  terra-cotta  ; and  from 
the  great  similarity  of  a coin  of  the  Servilius  family  of  Rome 
to  a Samnite  coin,  it  has  been  conjectured  that  it  was  stamped 
by  Samnite  artists.  On  a very  ancient  coin  of  Anxur,  a city  of 
the  Volsci,  now  Terracina,  there  is  a beautiful  head  of  Pallas. 

6.  The  Campanians  were  a people  to  whom  the  soft  climate 
which  they  enjoyed,  and  the  rich  soil  which  they  cultivated, 
imparted  voluptuous  tastes.  The  country  occupied  by  them, 
as  well  as  that  of  the  Samnites,  was,  in  the  earliest  times, 
included  in  Etruria  ; but  the  people  did  not  belong  to  the 
Etruscan  state  ; they  had  an  independent  existence.  After- 
wards, the  Greeks  came,  settled  in  the  country,  and  also  intro- 
duced their  arts,  — proof  of  which  can  still  be  found,  apart 
from  the  Greek  coins  of  Naples,  in  the  coins  of  Cumse,  which 
are  yet  more  ancient. 

7.  I do  not  wish  to  show,  here,  that  Cumoe  was  a more 
ancient  city  than  Naples,  because  both  were  built  at  the  same 
time,  — the  former  by  Megasthenes,  the  latter  by  Hippocles. 
The  two  sailed  simultaneously  from  Cumse  in  Euboea,  their 
native  land,  with  a company  formed  of  the  surplus  population 
of  the  city,  and  sought  their  fortunes  elsewhere ; this  has  been 


r ART  OF  THE  CAMPANIANS. 


259 


proved  by  Martorelli  more  clearly  than  it  was  previously 
known.  But  coins  of  Cumse,  older  than  any  of  Naples,  have 
been  preserved  ; and  my  intention  is  to  remark  that  both  cities 
were  founded  in  the  most  remote  ages,  though  we  cannot  state 
the  exact  date ; Strabo  says  that  Cumae  was  the  oldest  Greek 
city  of  all  those  in  Sicily  and  Italy.  Citizens  of  Chalcis,  the 
capital  city  of  Euboea,  settled  on  an  island,  not  far  from  Naples,’ 
which  was  then  called  Pithecusae,  the  Ischia  of  modern  days  ; 
but  they  forsook  it  on  account  of  the  frequent  recurrence  of 
earthquakes  and  volcanic  eruptions,  one  portion  of  them  build- 
ing Naples  on  the  neighboring  coast,  and  another  going  further 
towards  Vesuvius,  where  they  founded  Nola ; hence,  the  coins 
of  this  city  are  impressed  with  Greek  letters.  I omit  several 
other  Greek  cities,  — as  Dicaearchea,  afterwards  called  Puteoli, 
— which  were  built  by  Greeks  at  a later  period,  because  the 
whole  shore  of  the  country  was  then  inhabited  by  them ; con- 
sequently, they  also  practised  their  arts  here  at  an  early  date, 
and  at  the  same  time,  probably,  taught  their  neighbors,  the 
Campanians,  who  dwelt  in  the  heart  of  the  land.  We  under- 
stand, therefore,  by  what  nation  a portion  of  the  vases  of  terra- 
cotta which  have  been  frequently  disinterred  in  Campania,  and 
especially  about  Nola,  from  the  tombs  there,  were  executed 
and  painted.  But  if  we  are  willing  to  relinquish  to  the  Cam- 
panians the  honor  of  many  of  these  productions,  it  cannot  be 
derogatory  to  them  if  we  regard  them  as  scholars  of  the  Greek 
artists.  No  proof  of  this  would  be  requisite,  if  it  be  true,  as 
Diodorus  asserts,  that  the  Campanians  did  not  begin  until  the 
eighty-fifth  Olympiad  to  be  a distinct  nation. 

8.  We  must,  unquestionably,  regard  as  Campanian  works, 
peculiar  to  this  people,  the  coins  of  those  cities  which  lay  in 
the  heart  of  the  land,  — whither  the  Greeks  led  no  colonies,  — 
as  Capua,  Teanum,:  now  Tiano,  and  other  places,  because  they 
are  marked  with  the  letters  of  the  Campanian  language,  which, 
from  its  resemblance  to  the  Etruscan,  has  been  held  by  some 
of  the  learned  to  be  Punic,  as,  for  example,  by  Bianchini  in 
regard  to  a coin  of  Capua ; but  Maffei  acknowledges  his  igno- 
rance of  the  signification  of  the  letters  on  the  same  coin.  The 
letters  on  a coin  of  Tiano  are  held  to  be  Punic  in  the  book  of 
Pembroke  coins.  Now,  as  the  writing  is  a proof  that  it  was 
adopted  by  the  Campanians  from  the  Etruscans,  so,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  impress  of  the  coins  does  not  show  the  style  of 


260 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


Etruscan  art,  — which  perhaps  had  been,  at  some  former  time, 
that  of  the  Campanian  artists,  — but  seems  to  confirm,  by  the 
drawing,  exactly  what  I have  already  asserted  to  be  the  case. 
The  head  of  a young  Hercules  on  coins  of  both  cities,  and 
the  head  of  Jupiter  on  those  of  Capua,  are  drawn  after  the 
highest  idea  of  beauty ; and  a Victoria,  standing  on  a four-horse 
chariot,  on  coins  of  the  latter  city,  is  not  distinguishable  from  a 
Greek  impression. 

9.  The  coins,  however,  of  the  Campanian  cities  are  few  in 
number  compared  with  the  above-mentioned  painted  vases, 
which  have  been  discovered  at  all  times  in  this  district,  and 
which  are  commonly,  though  erroneously,  called  Etruscan,  in 
accordance  with  the  opinions  of  Buonarroti  and  Gori,  by  whom 
copies  of  them  were,  for  the  first  time,  made  known.  Being 
Tuscans,  they  sought,  for  the  honor  of  their  country,  to  appro- 
priate these  works  to  the  Etruscans. 

10.  The  grounds  of  this  claim  are  in  part  the  accounts  of  the 
vases,  once  so  popular,  which  were  made  in  Tuscany,  and  espe- 
cially at  Arezzo,  an  Etruscan  city,  and  in  part  the  similarity 
between  many  pictures  on  those  vessels  and  the  representations 
engraved  on  the  bronze  Etruscan  sacrificial  basins.  The  figures 
of  Fauns  with  horses’  tails,  in  particular,  are  cited  on  this  point, 
because  the  tails  of  Greek  Fauns  and  Satyrs  are  short,  and  re- 
semble the  tails  of  goats.  They  might  also  have  appealed  to 
the  birds,  of  unknown  kinds,  which  are  painted  on  some  of  the 
vessels,  because  Pliny  says  that,  in  the  soothsaying  books  of  the 
Etruscans,  there  were  representations  of  birds  with  which  he 
was  totally  unacquainted.  I must,  however,  remark  in  this 
place,  that  a large  unknown  bird  is  also  found  on  a vase,  marked 
wfith  the  most  ancient  Greek  writing,  and  exhibiting  a chase,  in 
the  museum  of  Mr.  Hamilton,  minister  from  Great  Britain  at 
Naples,  which  has  been  frequently  cited  by  me.  It  resembles 
a bustard,  — a bird  which  was  known  to  the  ancient  Romans, 
but  in  modern  days,  in  the  warmer  parts  of  Italy  at  least,  is 
quite  a stranger.  I omit  here  the  unimportant  comments  of 
Buonarroti  concerning  crowns  and  vases  in  the  hand  of  Bacchus, 
playthings,  and  instruments,  and  square  caskets,  some  of  which 
he  has  not  seen  at  all  on  Greek  works,  and  some  of  which  he 
has  seen  of  a different  form.  But  he  had  far  too  much  experi- 
ence to  assert  what  Gori  positively,  though  wrongly,  imputes  to 
him,  that  the  divinities  and  the  fabulous  history  which  are  rep- 


ART  OF  THE  CAMPANIANS. 


261 


resented  on  vases  of  this  kind  are  very  different  from  the  same 
representations  in  Greek  pictures ; for  the  contrary  could  have 
been  demonstrated  to  him.  The  opinion  of  Gori  himself,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  absolutely  of  no  weight  in  this  instance,  since  he 
was  never  out  of  Florence,  and  consequently  has  no  personal 
knowledge  of  that  larger  portion  of  antiquities  and  ancient  works 
of  art  which  exists  outside  of  his  native  city.  But,  finally,  — 
as  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  greater  number  of  the  vases  made 
known  by  those  learned  men  were  discovered  in  the  kingdom  of 
Naples,  — they  had  recourse,  in  behalf  of  their  presumed  native 
land,  even  to  the  earliest  period  of  history,  and  to  times  when 
the  Etruscans  were  spread  throughout  all  Italy,  not  considering 
that  the  drawing  of  most  of  these  paintings  pointed  to  far  later 
times,  and  to  those  in  which  art  had  either  attained  its  perfec- 
tion, or  was  beginning  to  approach  it,  according  as  the  vases  are 
more  or  less  ancient.  An  account  of  vases  of  this  kind,  actually 
exhumed  in  Tuscany,  would  have  been  no  weak  ground  on  which 
to  uphold  the  common  opinion  in  favor  of  the  Etruscans ; but 
of  these  no  one  has  made  mention. 

11.  I am  willing  to  acknowledge  that  some  few  vases  of  this 
kind,  which  are  exhibited  in  the  Grand-Ducal  gallery,  were  found 
in  Tuscany,  though  it  cannot  be  proved.  I also  know  that  small 
fragments  of  vessels,  made  of  terra-cotta,  have  been  discovered 
near  the  Etruscan  tombs  in  the  vicinity  of  Corneto.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  all  the  large  collections 
existing  in  Italy,  as  well  as  those  pieces  which  have  been  re- 
moved to  the  other  side  of  the  Alps,  were  discovered  in  the  king- 
dom of  Naples,  principally  near  Nola,  and  extracted  from  the 
ancient  tombs  of  this  city.  Still,  the  unquestionable  certainty 
of  this  fact  does  not  determine  everything  that  is  required  in 
order  to  understand  and  form  a judgment  of  these  vessels,  since 
we  know,  — as  I have  but  recently  cited  a passage  to  show, — 
that  Nola  was  a colony  of  the  Greeks,  and  that  a large  portion 
of  those  known  to  us  are  painted  with  Greek  drawings,  and  a 
few  have  Greek  letters  on  them,  — as  I shall  point  out  more 
clearly.  If,  therefore,  we  deny  that  the  artists  of  Etruria  proper 
had  any  share  in  the  production  of  these  vases,  whose  style, 
notwithstanding,  is  distinctly  shown  in  very  many  of  them, 
whilst,  on  the  contrary,  others  manifestly  proceed  from  Greek 
artists,  our  judgment  hangs  suspended  between  the  Campanians 
and  the  Greeks ; and  hence  a clearer  explanation  is  requisite. 


262 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


12.  It  is  very  probable  that  vases  by  Campanian  artists  are 
found  among  this  painted  pottery,  inasmuch  as  the  earthen 
vessels  of  Campania,  Ccimpana  supellex , are  mentioned  even  by 
Horace ; he  speaks  of  them,  however,  only  in  making  mention 
of  his  household  articles  of  trifling  value.  But  this  conclusion 
may  be  formed  with  more  certainty  from  the  style  of  drawing 
on  some  few  of  the  pieces,  which,  as  I have  said,  resembles 
Etruscan  drawing ; and  there  may  be  the  same  ground  for  the 
similarity  as  for  the  possession  by  the  Campanians  of  a sort  of 
Etruscan  writing.  As  the  Tyrrhenians  or  most  ancient  Etrus- 
cans had  spread  themselves  throughout  Campania,  even  into  the 
land  which  was  afterwards  called  Magna  Grsecia,  and  the  Cam- 
panians, consequently,  are  to  be  regarded  as  their  descendants, 
the  letters  introduced  by  them,  and  also  the  drawing  of  their 
artists  will,  in  this  way,  have  been  preserved  here.  Even  the 
artisans  of  the  Campanians  wrought  differently  from  the  Greeks 
and  Sicilians,  as  Pliny  remarks  of  the  cabinet-makers,  in  par- 
ticular, among  them. 

13.  But,  to  conclude,  the  principal  proof  against  the  Tuscans 
is  furnished  partly  by  the  most  beautiful  of  the  vases  of  this  kind, 
which  were  discovered  and  collected  in  Sicily,  and  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  account  of  my  friend,  the  Baron  von  Biedesel,  — who, 
as  a connoisseur  of  antiquities  and  arts,  travelled  throughout 
Sicily  and  Magna  Grsecia,  — perfectly  resemble  the  most  beau- 
tiful vases  that  are  contained  in  the  museums  at  Naples ; and 
partly  by  the  Greek  writing  on  several  of  them. 

14.  Three  vases,  marked  with  Greek  writing,  are  contained  in 
the  Mastrilli  collection  at  Naples,  which  wTere  made  known,  for 
the  first  time,  by  the  Canon  Mazzochi,  badly  drawn,  and  worse 
engraved ; but  they  appeared  afterwards  more  correctly  drawn, 
at  the  same  time  with  the  Hamilton  Vases.  Another  vase,  with 
the  inscription  KAAAIKAES  KAA02,  “ The  Beautiful  Kalli- 
cles,”  is  contained  in  the  same  collection ; there  is,  moreover,  to 
be  seen  there  a cup  of  terra-cotta,  'with  Greek  letters  on  it. 
But  the  most  ancient  writing  of  all  is  on  the  above-mentioned 
vase  belonging  to  Mr.  Hamilton ; and  in  the  following  chapter 
I shall  make  mention  anew  of  these,  as  well  as  of  other  pieces 
marked  with  Greek  writing.  Now,  as  not  a single  one  of  these 
works  with  Etruscan  writing  on  it  has  hitherto  been  discovered, 
it  follows  of  course  that  the  letters,  no  longer  to  be  distin- 
guished, on  two  beautiful  vases  in  the  collection  of  Signor 


ART  OF  THE  CAMPANIANS . 


263 


Mengs,  at  Rome,  are  not  Etruscan,  but  Greek : one  of  them  I 
have  published  in  my  Ancient  Monuments  (3).  On  a vase  in  the 
Vatican  library,  which  I have  likewise  published  and  explained, 
the  name  of  the  painter  may  be  seen  signed  in  the  following 
form  : AASIMOS  ETPA'PE,  “ Alsimos  painted  it.”  This  inscrip- 
tion has  been  erroneously  read  by  others,  MAEIMOS  ETPA'PE  ; 
and  Gori,  to  whose  system  the  writing  is  hostile,  boldly  pro- 
nounces it  a deception,  without  having  seen  the  vase  itself. 

15.  The  proof  which  arises  from  the  writing,  as  well  as  from 
the  style  of  the  drawing,  extends  also  to  other  vases  without 
any  writing,  and  warrants  the  ascription  of  them  to  Greek 
artists ; and  is  confirmed,  as  I have  already  mentioned,  by  vases 
of  a like  kind  and  workmanship,  found  in  Sicily.  I shall  notice 
the  collections  of  them,  after  having  previously  given  an  account 
of  those  which  were  partly  formed  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples, 
and  a portion  of  which  are  to  be  found  at  the  present  time  in 
the  city  of  Naples. 

16.  The  first  and  oldest  collection  formed  there  is,  so  far  as  I 
know,  the  one  which  adorns  the  Vatican  library.  We  are  in- 
debted for  it  to  the  Neapolitan  jurist,  Joseph  Valetta ; it  was 
purchased  from  his  heir  by  the  senior  Cardinal  Gualtieri ; 
and  after  his  death  it  was  incorporated  into  the  library  men- 
tioned (4).  The  same  Valetta  bequeathed  to  the  library  of  the 
Theatines  in  the  church  of  the  Santi  Apostoli,  at  Naples,  some 
twenty  vases  of  a similar  kind,  which  are  there  exhibited. 

17.  Not  inferior,  at  least  in  size,  is  the  collection  made  by 
the  Count  Mastrilli,  of  Naples.  It  was  enlarged,  a few  years 
ago,  by  a considerable  number  which  had  been  collected  by 
another  member  of  the  same  family  residing  at  Nola.  Both 
collections,  united  together,  are  now  in  possession  of  their  heir, 
the  Count  Palma,  of  Naples. 

18.  Together  with  this  collection  is  to  be  noticed  the  one 
contained  in  the  Porcinari  mansion.  It  consists  of  nearly 
seventy  pieces,  one  of  the  most  beautiful  of  which  represents 
Orestes,  pursued  by  two  figures,  and  kneeling  with  the  left  knee 
on  the  cover  of  the  tripod  of  Apollo.  The  cover,  oXfios,  is  hung 
with  something,  of  which  I shall  speak  at  a fitting  time,  in  the 
third  volume  of  my  Ancient  Monuments.  This  vase,  together 
with  a pair  of  others  in  the  same  cabinet,  appears  in  the  Ham- 
ilton Collection. 

19.  A short  time  ago,  the  Duke  of  Caraffa  Noja,  a passionate 


264 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART 


lover  of  antiquities,  began  to  collect,  together  with  other  ancient 
works,  vases  also,  of  which  engravings  will  soon  be  published. 
The  most  beautiful,  and  at  the  same  time  the  most  learned 
piece  represents,  in  some  twenty  figures,  the  fight  of  the  Greeks 
and  Trojans  over  the  body  of  Patroclus  ; the  latter  are  distin- 
guished from  the  former  by  their  helmets,  which  have  some 
resemblance  to  a Phrygian  bonnet. 

20.  At  last,  and  subsequently  to  all  the  lovers  of  such  earthen 
productions  just  named,  Mr.  Hamilton,  of  whom  I have  made 
frequent  mention,  collected  a still  larger,  and  a more  select, 
number  of  them,  which  have  been  published  by  M.  d’Hancar- 
ville,  together  with  the  choicest  specimens  of  the  Mastrilli  and 
Porcinari  collections,  in  four  splendid  volumes  of  the  largest 
folio  size.  This  wrork  surpasses  in  magnificence  all  engraved 
works  of  the  ancient  monuments  hitherto  published  ; for,  to- 
gether with  the  shape  of  the  vessels,  and  their  measured  solid 
contents,  each  one  is  presented  in  several  different  plates ; the 
ornaments  on  them,  but  still  more  the  figures,  are  accurately 
copied  with  the  utmost  care,  and  with  a true  understanding  of 
the  drawing  of  the  ancients ; and,  besides,  each  vase  has  been 
struck  off  with  its  own  proper  color ; so  that  in  these  volumes 
we  have  a treasure  of  Greek  drawing,  and  the  clearest  evidence 
of  the  perfection  of  Greek  art.  The  worthy  possessor  of  this 
collection  can  boast  of  being  able  to  show,  in  two  vases,  not 
only  one  of  the  most  ancient  monuments  of  Greek  art,  but  also 
the  most  perfect  in  drawing  and  beauty,  which  the  world  knows, 

• — as  I will  prove  concerning  both. 

21.  Among  some  other  collections,  also  emanating  from  the 
kingdom  of  Naples,  one  of  the  most  considerable  is  that  which 
has  been  formed  by  Signor  Raphael  Mengs,  during  his  residence 
there  ; five,  quite  singular  pieces,  from  the  collection,  have  been 
published  in  my  Ancient  Monuments.  There  are,  besides  these, 
yet  other  vases  among  them  not  less  deserving  of  publicity,  as, 
for  instance,  the  one  wThich  represents  an  Amazon  on  horseback, 
her  hat  thrown  down  upon  her  shoulder,  in  combat  with  a Hero. 
The  Hero  is  probably  Achilles,  and  the  Amazon,  Penthesilea, 
because  the  use  of  a hat  is  an  invention  attributed  to  her. 

22.  To  conclude,  I must  not  forget  to  cite,  amongst  the  vases 
whose  native  land  is  the  country  about  Naples,  the  one  which 
was  purchased  at  Rome,  by  his  Serene  Highness,  the  reigning 
Prince  of  Anhalt-Dessau,  — on  account  of  a peculiarity  hitherto 


ART  OF  THE  CAMPANIANS. 


265 


unobserved  on  other  vases.  We  see  painted  on  it  a female 
draped  figure,  which  stands  in  front  of  a winged  Genius,  and 
holds  before  herself  a round  mirror,  grasped  by  its  handle,  in 
which  we  see  the  profile  of  the  face  of  the  figure,  drawn,  not  in 
color,  but  with  a shining  glaze,  which  appears  of  a lead  tint. 
I presume  that  the  larger  portion  of  vases  of  this  kind  to  be 
found  in  different  cities  of  Italy,  the  collections  of  which  are 
noticed  by  Gori,  originate  from  the  same  places. 

23.  I have  had  frequent  opportunities  to  examine,  at  my 
leisure,  all  the  collections  previously  mentioned ; and  I should 
have  liked  to  examine  for  myself,  and  not  with  the  eyes  of 
others,  the  vases  that  are  to  be  found  in  Sicily,  because  all  the 
arts  flourished  in  this  island  not  less  than  in  Magna  Grsecia. 
On  this  account,  I must  confine  myself  to  a bare  notice  of  the 
places  in  which  the  greater  number  of  them  have  been  col- 
lected ; these  are  Girgenti  and  Catania. 

24.  In  the  former  place,  several  adorn  the  museum  of  Luc- 
chesi,  the  bishop  of  the  city,  who  likewise  possesses  a beautiful 
cabinet  of  coins ; and  I shall  hereafter  cite  from  his  museum 
two  very  ancient  golden  cups.  One  of  the  most  beautiful  vases 
is  found  in  the  scribe’s  office  of  the  cathedral  church.  It  is 
five  Roman  palms  (3  ft.  8 in.  Eng.)  in  height ; the  figures,  as 
usual,  are  yellow,  on  a black  ground ; and  the  style  of  the  draw- 
ing, as  I have  been  assured,  conforms  to  the  idea  which  we  have 
of  the  grandest  epoch  in  art. 

25.  The  Benedictines  of  the  latter  city  have  in  their  museum 
more  than  two  hundred  of  these  vases ; and  the  Prince  Biscari, 
a worthy  man  and  a lover  of  the  arts,  is  the  possessor  of  a col- 
lection not  less  considerable.  In  the  latter,  as  well  as  the 
former,  are  all  possible  forms  of  such  vases,  and  on  them  may 
be  seen  depicted  (5)  rare  incidents  in  heroic  history. 

26.  I am  well  aware  that  the  list,  just  presented,  of  existing 
celebrated  collections  of  vases  ought  to  have  been  placed  at 
the  close  of  the  remarks  which  still  remain  to  be  introduced  in 
regard  to  such  works,  and  that  the  uses  to  which  they  were 
applied  in  ancient  times,  not  less  than  the  drawing  and  paint- 
ing on  them,  should  have  been  first  discussed,  because  informa- 
tion of  the  latter  kind  relates  to  that  which  is  essential  in 
them,  more  than  the  former,  which  is  merely  an  historical  notice. 
But  the  reason  which  induced  me  to  prefer  the  one  to  the  other 
was,  that  the  collections  mentioned,  having  been  made  in  lands 


266 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


inhabited  by  the  Greeks,  are  able  to  furnish  proof  in  refutation 
of  the  erroneous  opinion,  that  such  vases  were  executed  by 
Etruscan  artists.  I have,  therefore,  precisely  through  their 
aid,  endeavored  to  establish  a correct  name  for  them,  — which 
must  be  the  first  point  in  all  subjects  of  discussion. 

27.  In  the  first  place,  — in  regard  to  the  use  made  of  such 
vases,  — they  are  found  of  every  kind  and  shape,  from  the 
smallest,  which  must  have  served  as  playthings  for  children  (6), 
to  those  of  three,  four,  five  palms  in  height ; the  varied  forms 
of  the  larger  ones  are  seen  in  books,  containing  engravings  of 
them.  They  were  used  in  various  ways.  Earthen  vessels  contin- 
ued to  be  employed  at  sacrifices,  especially  those  of  Vesta.  Some 
served  for  the  preservation  of  the  ashes  of  the  dead,  the  greater 
number  of  them  having  been  found  in  tombs  buried  in  rubbish, 
and  in  graves,  particularly  near  the  city  of  Nola,  not  far  from 
Naples.  It  is  asserted  that  several  of  these  vases,  belonging  to 
the  Castellan  at  Caserta,  were  found  enclosed  in  a common 
stone ; and  a vase,  which  I have  published  in  my  Ancient  Mon- 
uments (7),  is  said  to  have  been  discovered  in  a similar  envelope. 
The  very  shape  of  the  vase  itself  is  painted  on  the  stone,  and 
it  stands  seemingly  on  a hill,  which  is  probably  designed  to 
denote  a grave,  of  the  kind  usual  in  the  most  ancient  times. 
On  each  side  of  this  vessel  stands  a young  male  figure,  which 
is  nude,  with  the  exception  of  a robe  hanging  from  one  shoulder, 
and  which  has  a sword  under  the  arm  pointing  upward,  after 
the  manner  of  heroic  figures ; — the  sword,  in  such  cases,  is 
termed  vttwXHlos  ; — and  it  is  my  opinion,  that  these  figures 
represent  Orestes  and  Pylades  at  the  tomb  of  Agamemnon. 

28.  Vases  of  this  kind  were  found  even  in  the  tombs  situated 
in  the  midst  of  the  Tiphates  mountains,  ten  miles  above  the 
ancient  city  of  Capua,  near  to  a place  called  Trebbia,  which  is 
reached  by  untrodden  and  toilsome  paths.  Mr.  Hamilton,  the 
Minister  from  Great  Britain  to  Naples,  caused  these  tombs  to 
be  opened  in  his  presence,  partly  for  the  purpose  of  seeing  the 
mode  of  their  construction,  and  partly  for  the  purpose  of  ascer- 
taining whether  vases  of  the  kind  would  be  found  in  tombs 
located  in  places  so  difficult  of  access.  On  the  discovery  of 
one  of  these  tombs,  a drawing  of  it  was  made  on  the  spot  by 
this  amateur  and  connoisseur  of  the  arts,  of  which  a copper- 
plate engraving  may  be  seen  in  the  second  volume  of  the  large 
collection  of  his  vases.  The  skeleton  of  the  deceased  lay 


ART  OF  THE  CAMPANIANS. 


267 


stretched  upon  the  hare  earth,  the  feet  turned  towards  the 
entrance  of  the  tomb,  and  the  head  near  the  wall,  into  which 
six  short,  flat  iron  rods,  spread  out  like  the  sticks  of  a fan,  were 
driven  by  means  of  the  nail  about  which  they  are  enabled  to 
turn.  In  the  same  place,  and  by  the  head,  stood  two  tall,  iron 
candelabra,  corroded  by  rust.  But,  at  some  height  above  the 
head,  vases  hung  from  bronze  nails  driven  into  the  wall ; one 
stood  near  the  candelabra ; and  two  others  were  placed  at  the 
right  side  of  the  skeleton,  near  the  feet.  On  the  left  side,  near 
the  head,  lay  two  iron  swords,  together  with  a colo  vinario , 
“ wrine-strainer,”  of  bronze,  which  is  a deep  cup,  pierced  with 
holes  like  a sieve,  and  furnished  with  a handle ; this  cup  fits 
nicely  into  another  cup,  not  perforated,  and  it  served,  as  it  is 
known,  for  the  filtering  of  wine.  For  since  wine  could  be 
kept  in  the  large  doliis , “ casks  ” of  burnt  earth,  longer  than  in 
tuns  formed  of  wooden  staves,  and  was,  consequently,  thicker 
than  our  wine,  which  is  commonly  drunk  soon  after  the  vintage, 
such  a wine  seemed  to  require  filtration.  On  the  same  side, 
at  the  feet,  stood  a round  bronze  cup,  in  which  was  a simpulum, 
that  is,  a smaller  round  cup  with  a long  handle,  the  upper  ex- 
tremity of  which  is  bent  like  a hook,  and  which  was  used  to 
dip  wfine  from  the  casks,  in  order  to  taste  it,  and  also  for  the 
purpose  of  pouring  into  a larger  cup  the  wine  of  libation,  at 
sacrifices.  Near  the  cup  lay  two  eggs  and  a grater,  resembling 
a cheese-grater. 

29.  I cannot  refrain  from  subjoining  a few  observations  in 
relation  to  this  discovery,  although  they  lead  me  somewhat 
from  my  point ; I shall,  however,  return  to  it  again  presently, 
when  I come  to  speak  generally  of  the  vases  in  tombs.  That 
the  dead  were  entombed  with  the  feet  turned  towards  the 
entrance  of  the  sepulchre  is  known  also  through  other  sources  ; 
but  it  must  have  been  a custom  peculiar  to  the  dwellers  in  this 
land  to  place  the  body,  not  in  a coffin,  but  on  the  bare  earth, 
since  it  might  have  been  put,  without  much  expense,  in  an 
oblong  box,  — many  of  which  are  found  with  their  bodies. 
The  pieces  of  iron,  spread  out  in  the  shape  of  a fan,  close  to 
the  head  of  the  skeleton,  seem  to  have  represented  an  actual 
fan,  and  to  refer  to  the  custom  of  driving  away  with  a fan  the 
flies  from  the  face  of  the  dead.  The  cup  or  crater,  and  grater, 
together  with  the  eggs,  are  to  be  regarded  as  symbols  of  the 
food  and  drink  which  were  left  behind  for  the  soul  of  the  de- 


268 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


ceased,  since  we  know  that,  among  the  last  appeals  to  the  dead, 
they  were  reminded  to  drink  to  the  welfare  of  those  who  re- 
mained behind.  On  a round  sepulchral  urn  in  the  Mattei  villa, 
among  others  we  read 

HAVE.  ARCENTI.  TV.  NOBIS.  BIBES. 

“Farewell  to  thee,  Arcentes  ! Mayest  thou  drink  to  us  ! ” 

The  suspended  vases  cannot  be  regarded  as  for  the  ashes  of  the 
dead,  any  more  than  those  which  stood  near  the  skeleton ; 
partly  because,  as  we  see,  it  was  either  not  a general  custom,  in 
that  place,  to  burn  the  dead,  or  because  it  was  not  agreeable  to 
the  owner  of  the  tomb  in  question ; and  partly,  also,  because 
only  a single  body  was  entombed  here  ; and,  finally,  because  all 
these  vases  were  open  and  uncovered,  whilst,  on  the  contrary, 
all  jars  intended  for  the  ashes  of  the  dead  have  a cover. 

30.  It  is  singular,  however,  that  the  ancient  writers  make 
no  mention,  anywhere,  of  vases  being  deposited  in  tombs  for 
other  purposes  than  that  of  holding  the  ashes  of  the  dead ; 
for  a vase  with  oil,  which,  according  to  Aristophanes,  was  placed 
near  the  corpse,  does  not  seem  to  be  intended  in  this  case. 

31.  Not  less  familiar  is  the  use  made  of  such  vases  in  the 
public  games  of  Greece,  where,  in  the  earliest  ages,  a mere 
earthen  vase  was  the  prize  of  victory,  as  is  indicated  by  a vase 
on  coins  of  the  city  of  Tralles,  and  on  many  engraved  gems. 
The  custom  had  been  retained,  even  to  later  periods,  in  Athens, 
where  the  prize  in  the  Panathensea  was  precisely  such  vases, 
which  were  filled  with  oil  pressed  from  olives  consecrated  to 
Pallas ; and  to  it  the  vases  on  the  summit  of  a temple  at 
Athens  are  allusive.  They  were  embellished  with  painting,  as 
Pindar  indicates  (8)  in  a passage  which  is  so  interpreted  also 
by  the  scholiast  of  the  poet.  To  this  custom  the  pictures  on 
several  of  the  largest  vases,  both  in  the  Vatican  and  Hamilton 
collections,  appear  to  allude ; for  sometimes  they  represent 
Castor,  at  others,  Pollux,  in  a temple,  the  latter  standing,  and 
with  a horse,  the  former  sitting,  with  a pointed  helmet  in  his 
hand,  of  the  form  of  the  cap  usually  worn  by  him.  Castor 
would  be  an  image  of  horse-racing ; and  in  Pollux,  as  a cele- 
brated athlete,  the  other  games  would  be  denoted. 

32.  Moreover,  many  of  these  vases,  if  not  the  most  of 
them,  must  have  served  instead  of  our  porcelain,  and  have 
been  executed  for  the  ornamentation  of  the  places  in  which 


ART  OF  THE  CAMPANIANS. 


269 


they  were  put.  This  may  be  inferred,  in  the  first  place,  from  the 
painting,  as  it  is  commonly  finished  better  on  one  side  than  on 
the  other,  so  that  the  inferior  side  was  placed  against  the  wall. 
But  the  make  of  some  of  these  vases  renders  such  use  of  them 
unquestionable,  for  they  have  no  bottom,  nor  ever  have  had 
one,  as  some  of  the  largest  pieces  in  the  Hamilton  collection 
are  found  to  be  thus  shaped  (9).  From  the  numerous  figures 
which  hold  a strigilis , a bathing-scraper,  it  would  seem  as  if 
many  of  them  had  been  made  with  the  view  of  being  placed  in 
bathing-houses. 

33.  The  chief  purpose  of  the  present  treatise,  however,  is 
neither  to  discuss  the  shape  of  these  vases,  nor  to  define  their 
uses,  but  to  consider  the  paintings  or  drawings  executed  on 
them,  the  greater  number  of  which  may,  from  their  character- 
istics, be  ascribed  to  Greek  artists,  and,  consequently,  may  be 
to  our  artists  a worthy  subject  of  study  and  imitation.  We 
often  perceive  in  drawings,  more  distinctly  than  in  finished 
pictures,  the  spirit  of  the  artist,  his  thoughts,  together  with  his 
manner  of  designing  them,  as  also  the  freedom  with  which  the 
hand  was  capable  of  following  and  obeying  the  understanding. 
This  is  the  object  which  should  be  kept  in  view  in  the  forma- 
tion of  valuable  collections  of  drawings.  Now  this  purpose 
will  be  attained  in  a still  nobler  way  by  means  of  such  painted 
vases,  since  these  are  actual  drawings,  and,  together  with  four 
marble  slabs  in  the  Herculaneum  museum,  — of  which  I shall 
make  mention  hereafter,  — are  the  sole  drawings  that  have 
come  down  to  us  from  ancient  times.  For  the  figures,  here, 
are  given  merely  in  outline,  as  drawings  must  be ; that  is  to 
say,  not  only  the  exterior  outlines  of  the  figures,  but  also  all  parts 
of  them,  together  with  the  cast  and  folds  of  the  garments,  as  well 
as  the  ornaments  on  them,  are  rendered,  but  they  are  rendered 
by  means  of  lines  and  strokes,  without  light  and  shade.  We 
term  them  paintings,  therefore,  not  in  the  proper  meaning  of 
the  word,  it  is  true,  but  because  they  are  drawings  laid  on  with 
colors,  though  this  is  a usual  practice  even  in  drawings ; and 
we  can  designate  these  vases  as  painted  vases,  without  any 
misapplication  of  the  term,  just  as  we  call  that  an  engraving 
on  copper  which  in  reality  is  only  an  etching. 

34.  In  most  specimens,  the  figures  are  painted  with  a single 
color  only ; or,  to  speak  more  correctly,  the  color  of  the  figures 
is  the  true  ground  of  the  vases,  or  the  natural  color  of  the  very 


270 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


fine,  burnt  clay  itself ; but  the  field  of  the  picture,  or  the  color 
between  the  figures,  is  a shining  blackish  color,  with  which 
the  outlines  of  the  figures  are  painted  on  the  reddish-yellow 
ground  (10).  Of  vases  painted  with  more  than  one  color,  sev- 
eral are  found  in  the  collections.  One  of  them,  and  likewise 
one  of  the  learned  vases  in  the  museum  of  Signor  Mengs,  at 
Rome,  presents  a parody  of  the  fable  of  Jupiter  and  Alcmena; 
that  is,  it  is  turned  into  ridicule  and  represented  in  a comic 
way;  or  we  might  say,  that  it  is  a picture  of  the  principal 
scene  of  a comedy,  such  as  the  Amphitryon  of  Plautus  (11). 
Alcmena  is  looking  out  of  a window,  as  they  did  whose  favors 
were  venal,  or  who  wished  to  play  the  prude,  and  enhance  their 
price  ; the  window  is  placed  high  in  the  wall,  after  the  custom 
of  the  ancients.  Jupiter  is  disguised  by  a bearded  white  mask, 
and,  like  Serapis,  wears  on  his  head  the  Modius,  which  is  of  one 
piece  with  the  mask.  He  is  carrying  a ladder,  between  the 
rounds  of  which  he  sticks  his  head,  as  if  he  had  the  intention  of 
climbing  to  the  chamber  of  his  love.  On  the  other  side  is  Mer- 
cury, with  a big  belly,  figured  as  a servant,  and  disguised  like 
Sosia  in  Plautus.  In  his  left  hand  he  holds  his  wand  down- 
ward, as  if  he  was  desirous  of  concealing  it,  in  order  that  he 
may  not  be  recognized  ; in  the  other,  he  carries  a lamp,  which 
he  raises  towards  the  window,  either  for  the  purpose  of  lighting 
Jupiter,  or  to  signify  the  intention  of  using  the  axe  and  the 
lamp,  as  Delphis  in  Theocritus  says  to  Simsetha  ; that  is,  to  ex- 
press the  idea  in  a corresponding  phrase  of  our  day,  to  employ 
force  with  fire  and  sword,  if  his  beloved  should  deny  him  admis- 
sion. He  wears  a large  priapus,  which,  even  here,  has  its  sig- 
nificance ; and  in  the  comedies  of  the  ancients,  the  actors  tied 
a large  member  of  red  leather  in  front.  Both  figures  have 
whitish  hose  and  stockings  of  one  piece,  which  reach  to  the 
ankles,  like  the  seated  comic  actors,  with  masks  before  their 
faces,  in  the  Mattei  and  Albani  villas;  for  the  actors  in  the 
comedies  of  the  ancients  could  not  appear  without  hose.  The 
nude  of  the  figures  is  flesh-colored,  even  to  the  priapus,  which 
is  a dark  red,  as  is  also  the  clothing  of  the  figures ; the  robe  of 
Alcmena  is  marked  with  little  white  stars.  Garments,  wrought 
with  stars,  were  known  among  the  Greeks  in  the  earliest  ages ; 
the  hero,  Sosipolis,  in  a very  ancient  picture,  had  such  a one ; 
and  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  wore  one  of  the  same  kind. 

35.  The  drawing  on  most  of  the  vases  is  of  such  a quality, 


ART  OF  THE  CAMPANIANS. 


271 


that  the  figures  might  deservedly  have  a place  in  a drawing  by 
Raphael ; and  it  is  remarkable,  that  no  two  are  found  with  pic- 
tures of  precisely  the  same  kind ; and  of  the  many  hundreds 
which  I have  seen,  each  one  has  its  peculiar  representation. 
Whoever  studies  and  is  able  to  comprehend  the  masterly  and 
elegant  drawing  on  them,  and  knows  the  mode  of  proceeding  in 
laying  the  colors  on  baked  works  of  a similar  kind,  will  find  in 
this  sort  of  painting  the  strongest  proof  of  the  great  correct- 
ness, and  dexterity  too,  of  the  artists  in  drawing.  For  these 
vases  are  painted  not  otherwise  than  our  pottery,  or  the  com- 
mon porcelain,  when  the  blue  color  is  laid  on  it,  after  it  has 
been  baked,  as  the  term  is.  Painting  of  this  kind  requires  to 
be  executed  dexterously  and  rapidly ; for  all  burnt  clay  instantly 
absorbs  the  moisture  from  the  colors  and  the  pencil,  even  as  a 
parched  and  thirsty  soil  absorbs  the  dew,  so  that,  if  the  outlines 
are  not  drawn  rapidly  with  a single  stroke,  nothing  remains  in 
the  pencil  but  an  earthy  matter.  Consequently,  as  breaks,  or 
lines  joined  and  again  commenced,  are  not  generally  found, 
every  line  of  the  contour  of  the  figure  must  be  drawn  with  an 
unbroken  sweep ; this  must  seem  almost  miraculous,  when  we 
consider  the  quality  of  the  figures.  We  must  also  reflect,  that, 
in  this  sort  of  workmanship,  no  change  or  amendment  is  pos- 
sible ; as  the  outlines  are  drawn,  so  they  must  remain.  As  the 
smallest,  meanest  insects  are  wonders  in  nature,  so  these  vases 
are  a wonder  in  the  art  and  manner  of  the  ancients ; and  as, 
in  Raphael’s  first  sketches  of  his  ideas,  the  outline  of  a head, 
and  even  entire  figures,  drawn  with  a single  unbroken  sweep  of 
the  pen,  show  the  master  to  the  connoisseur  not  less  than  his 
finished  drawings,  so  the  great  facility  and  confidence  of  the 
ancient  artists  are  more  apparent  in  the  vases  than  in  other 
works.  A collection  of  them  (12)  is  a treasure  of  drawings. 

36.  However  much  I might  say  of  many  such  vases,  I should 
not  believe  that  I had  done  anything,  unless  I again  placed  be- 
fore the  reader  a description  of  a part  of  the  most  beautiful 
vase  in  the  Hamilton  collection ; I mean  only  that  representa- 
tion which  is  painted  on  the  upper  part  of  the  curve  of  the 
belly,  below  the  mouth,  — omitting  the  painting  on  the  belly  of 
the  vase,  which  depicts  the  love  of  Jason  and  Medea.  I confine 
myself  to  this  picture  especially,  because  it  may  be  pronounced 
the  very  highest  specimen  of  drawing  which  has  been  preserved 
to  us  in  the  works  of  the  ancients ; but  the  meaning  of  the  fig- 
ures is  somewhat  obscure. 


272 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIFNT  ART. 


37.  My  first  thought  fell  upon  the  chariot-race  which  CEno- 
maus,  king  of  Pisa,  had  established  for  the  suitors  of  Hippo- 
damia,  and  in  which  Pelops  obtained  the  victory  and  a bride. 
This  conjecture  seemed  to  be  supported  by  the  altar  in  the 
middle  ; for  the  course  extended  from  Pisa  to  the  altar  of  Nep- 
tune at  Corinth.  But  there  is  no  token  of  this  divinity  here, 
and  as  Hippodamia  had  only  a single  sister,  named  Alcippa,  the 
other  female  figures  would  be  imaginary. 

38.  Afterwards,  I thought  of  the  race  which  Icarius  proposed 
to  the  suitors  of  his  daughter  Penelope,  at  Sparta,  who  should 
fall  to  the  lot  of  him  who  outstripped  the  others.  Ulysses 
obtained  the  prize.  It  would,  therefore,  be  necessary  to  imag- 
ine him  in  the  figure  of  the  young  hero  embracing  a youthful 
beauty,  who  strives  to  escape  from  him.  The  image  of  the 
goddess,  who,  in  this  case,  seems  to  designate  the  place,  would 
be  that  of  Juno  at  Sparta,  which  wore  a similar  broad-topped 
hood,  named  irvXewv,  — of  which  I have  previously  spoken  in 
the  second  chapter  of  this  book,  and  more  in  detail  in  the 
Ancient  Monuments. 

39.  But  as  Penelope  had  only  two  sisters,  Erigone  and  Iph- 
thime,  who  had  no  share  in  the  race,  the  contest  arranged  by 
Danaus,  at  Argos,  for  the  marriage  of  his  forty-eight  daughters, 
seemed  to  be  more  pertinent  here.  As  they,  with  the  sole  excep- 
tion of  Hypermnestra,  had  murdered  in  one  night,  by  their 
father’s  command,  the  same  number  of  sons  of  iEgyptus,  their 
uncle,  a general  feeling  of  indignation  was  excited  against  them 
by  the  deed.  Their  father,  therefore,  offered  to  bestow  his 
daughters  in  marriage  without  demanding  a dowry,  so  that  they 
might  select  among  the  young  men,  each  the  one  who  pleased  her 
most.  But  as  many  suitors  did  not  present  themselves,  Danaus 
arranged  a race,  in  which  the  winner  should  make  the  first 
choice  among  his  daughters;  and  so  on,  one  after  another.  We 
do  not  know,  however,  who  of  the  suitors  was  the  first ; neither 
is  it  known  who  were  the  subsequent  ones. 

40.  The  figure  of  the  goddess  might  be  Juno  at  Argos,  if  we 
regarded  only  the  hood,  which  likewise  resembled  that  of  the 
figure  on  the  vase ; but  the  thing  which  she  holds  in  her  hand 
does  not  correspond  with  the  emblems  attributed  to  that  god- 
dess. It  would  be  appropriate  to  Rhea,  because  it  resembles 
the  stone  which  she  offers,  wrapped  up  like  a child,  to  Saturn, 
on  a four-sided  altar  in  the  Capitoline  museum. 


ART  OF  THE  CAMPANIANS. 


273 


41.  To  see  two  female  figures  on  a chariot  will  not  surprise 
those  who  know  that  the  Venus  of  Homer  rode  on  a chariot 
together  with  Iris,  who  holds  the  reins,  and  who  remember,  in 
Callimachus,  that  Pallas  was  accustomed  to  take  with  her  on 
her  chariot  Chariclo,  who  afterwards  became  the  mother  of  Tire- 
sias;  it  is  known,  indeed,  that  Cynisca,  the  daughter  of  the 
Spartan  King  Archidamus,  obtained  the  victory  in  the  chariot- 
race  of  the  Olympic  games. 

42.  The  chariots,  in  this  scene,  are  carved  as  they  were  — I 
will  not  say  in  the  time  of  Danaus,  but  — at  a very  early  date ; 
for  Euripides  gives  to  the  son  of  Theseus,  in  the  expedition  of 
the  Greeks  against  Troy,  a chariot  which  was  ornamented  with 
an  image  of  Pallas. 

43.  It  seems  to  me  to  be  the  most  appropriate  place,  at  the 
conclusion  of  this  chapter,  to  say  a few  words  in  regard  to  some 
bronze  figures,  discovered  in  the  island  of  Sardinia,  which,  from 
their  conformation  and  remote  antiquity,  deserve  a certain  de- 
gree of  attention.  A short  time  ago,  two  other  similar  figures 
from  this  island  were  made  known ; but  those  of  which  I speak 
are  in  the  museum  of  the  College  of  Saint  Ignatius,  to  which 
they  were  sent,  as  a gift,  by  the  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani. 
They  are  four  in  number,  and  of  different  sizes,  varying  from 
half  a palm  to  two  palms  (16.8  in.  Eng.).  The  form  and  con- 
figuration of  them  are  altogether  barbarous,  and  at  the  same 
time  offer  the  clearest  indications  of  the  remotest  antiquity  in  a 
land  wherein  the  arts  never  flourished.  Their  heads  are  elon- 
gated, eyes  unusually  large,  members  ill-shaped,  and  necks 
long  and  stork-like,  in  the  style  in  which  some  of  the  ugliest  of 
the  small  Etruscan  figures  of  bronze  are  formed. 

44.  Two  of  the  three  smaller  figures  appear  to  be  soldiers, 
but  without  helmets ; both  of  them  have  a short  sword,  hang- 
ing upon  the  front  of  the  chest,  and  from  right  to  left,  by  a 
belt,  thrown  over  the  head.  On  the  left  shoulder  is  suspended 
a short  mantle,  — which  is  a narrow  strip  of  cloth,  — that 
reaches  half  down  the  thigh.  It  is  apparently  a four-cornered 
cloth,  capable  of  being  folded  up ; on  one  side,  the  inner,  it  is 
edged  with  a narrow  raised  border.  This  singular  sort  of  gar- 
ment may,  perhaps,  be  the  garb  called  Mastruca  (13),  which 
belonged  exclusively  to  the  Sardinians.  One  figure  holds  in  its 
hand  a plate,  apparently  containing  fruits. 

VOL.  i.  18 


274 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


45.  The  most  remarkable  of  these  figures  is  a soldier,1  almost 
two  palms  in  height,  with  a short  doublet,  and,  like  the  former, 
having  hose  and  greaves  to  the  lower  part  of  the  calf  of  the  leg, 
— being  the  reverse  of  other  examples  of  greaves;  for  whilst 
those  worn  by  the  Greeks  covered  the  front  part  of  the  leg, 
these  lie  over  the  calf  of  the  leg,  and  are  open  in  front.  In  this 
manner  the  legs  of  Castor  and  Pollux  may  be  seen  protected  on 
a gem  in  the  Stosch  museum,  in  the  description  of  which  I have 
cited  the  former  figure  as  an  illustration.  This  soldier  holds 
with  the  left  hand,  before  his  body,  but  at  some  distance  from 
it,  a round  shield,  and  beneath  it  three  arrows,  the  feathers  of 
which  rise  above  the  shield ; in  his  right  hand  he  holds  the  bow. 
The  breast  is  protected  by  a short  cuirass,  as  also  are  the  shoul- 
ders with  capes,  — a sort  of  shoulder-armor  which  is  seen  on  a 
vase  of  the  former  Mastrilli  collection  at  Nola,  and  on  another 
vase  in  the  Vatican  library.  A gladiator,  in  a monument  made 
known  by  me,  likewise  wears  a similar  piece  of  armor  on  his 
shoulder;  the  piece  in  this  case,  as  well  as  on  the  figures  of  the 
vases  before  mentioned,  is  square ; but  in  the  Sardinian  figures, 
of  which  we  now  speak,  it  is  shaped  like  the  capes  worn  by  our 
drummers  on  the  shoulders  of  their  uniforms.  I have  since 
learned  that  this  mode  of  protecting  the  shoulders  was  also  cus- 
tomary among  the  Greeks  of  the  earliest  periods;  for,  among 
other  pieces  of  armor  which  Hesiod  assigns  to  Hercules,  he 
gives  him  this;  and  the  scholiast  of  the  poet  terms  it  Swo-awior, 
from  cra>£aj/,  to  protect.  The  head  is  covered  with  a flat  cap, 
from  the  sides  of  which  two  long  horns,  like  teeth,  project  for- 
wards and  upwards.  On  the  head  lies  a basket  with  two  shaft- 
handles,  which  is  supported  on  the  horns,  and  can  be  taken  off. 
On  his  back  he  carries  the  body  of  a wagon  with  two  small 
wheels,  the  pole  of  which  is  stuck  into  a ring  on  his  back,  so 
that  the  wheels  project  above  his  head. 

46.  This  arrangement  informs  us  of  an  unknown  custom  of 
the  ancient  nations,  in  war.  In  Sardinia,  the  soldier  was  obliged 
to  carry  his  rations  with  him ; but  he  did  not  carry  them  on 
his  shoulders,  as  the  Roman  soldiers  did,  but  drew  them  after 
him  on  a frame,  on  which  the  basket  stood.  When  the  cam- 
paign was  ended,  and  the  soldier  had  no  further  need  of  his 
light  wagon,  he  stuck  it  in  the  ring  which  wras  fastened  on  his 
back,  and  set  the  basket  on  his  head  above  the  two  horns.  The 

1 Plate  XX. 


\ 


THE 

HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


VOLUME  II. 


TO 

MY  FATHER, 


WITH  EVERY  SENTIMENT  OF  FILIAL  REGARD. 

G.  HENRY  LODGE. 


\ 


PREFACE. 


When  I undertook,  eight  years  ago,  a translation  of  Winck- 
elmann’s  History  of  Ancient  Art , I had  no  intention  of  ever 
offering  it  to  the  public.  It  was  a pleasant  task,  at  which 
I labored  silently,  — solely  for  my  own  gratification  and  in- 
struction. Urged,  however,  by  the  gentle  solicitations  of  one 
whom  I felt  unwilling  to  deny,  — encouraged,  besides,  by 
the  growing  love  of  art  in  this  country,  stimulated  as  it 
has  been  by  a few  admirable  works  from  the  hands  of  native 
artists,  — and  impelled,  from  my  admiration  of  this  noble 
masterpiece,  by  a desire  of  making  it  more  generally  use- 
ful in  an  English  version,  I at  last  determined  to  take  the  re- 
sponsibility of  submitting  one  volume  to  the  judgment  of  the 
public.  I have  chosen  the  second,  because  it  treats  of  Greek 
art,  the  monuments  of  which  are  far  more  numerous  and  inter- 
esting than  those  of  any  other  nation,  and  because  it  presents 
a systematic  exposition  of  the  principles  by  which  the  author 
supposed  the  Greek  artists  to  have  been  governed  in  the  concep- 
tion and  conformation  of  those  works  which  still  stand  the  no- 
blest creations  of  artistic  genius,  and  about  which  the  students 
and  the  lovers  of  beauty,  grace,  and  majesty  still  gather  with 
admiration  and  reverence.  Esteeming  this  volume  the  most 
interesting  and  important  of  the  series,  I have  not  hesitated  to 
offer  it  first  for  the  perusal  of  the  American  public.  I have 
felt  at  greater  liberty  to  make  the  selection,  as  there  is  no  nec- 
essary connection  between  this  and  the  preceding  volume.  It 
treats  of  Greek  art  alone  : Winckelmann  carries  out  in  it  the 
plan  with  which  he  started,  of  attempting  to  furnish  a system 
of  ancient  art  in  general,  and  which  he  has  completed,  in  the 
first  volume,  in  reference  to  the  art  of  the  Egyptians,  Phoeni- 
cians, Etruscans,  and  other  nations. 


282 


PREFACE. 


As  far  as  it  was  in  my  power,  I have  endeavored  to  render 
this  translation  a worthy  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  illus- 
trious author,  whose  innate  feeling  of  the  beautiful  and  elevated, 
and  whose  masterly  application  of  their  principles  to  the  forma- 
tive arts,  eminently  qualified  him  for  his  task.  His  heart  felt 
the  beauty  and  grandeur  of  ancient  art,  and  his  understanding 
justified  his  emotions.  From  his  early  familiarity  with  the 
literature  of  Greece,  his  mind  had  acquired  an  antique  cast; 
and  I can  easily  imagine,  that,  when  he  entered  Rome  for  the 
first  time,  and  gazed  upon  the  splendors  of  art  that  were  gath- 
ered together  in  that  “ Niobe  of  nations,”  he  felt  and  thought 
like  a Greek,  standing  in  the  Olympic  Stadium,  surrounded  by 
the  matchless  treasures  of  his  native  land.  It  is  not,  then, 
astonishing,  that,  with  all  the  eloquence  of  an  earnest  and  de- 
voted spirit,  he  denounced  the  exaggeration,  the  fantastic  con- 
ceits, and  the  affectation  of  modern  art,  and  fearlessly  and 
singly  held  up  to  admiration  the  repose,  the  simplicity,  the 
purity,  and  the  truth  to  nature  of  the  antique.  Winckelmann 
does  not  deal  merely  in  the  dates  and  the  names  of  works  and 
artists  ; he  is  more  than  an  antiquarian ; he  is  the  philosophi- 
cal historian  of  ancient  art.  He  is  not  contented  with  present- 
ing to  view  the  most  beautiful  monuments  of  human  genius, 
but  he  investigates  and  exhibits  the  sources  of  their  beauty, 
the  characteristics  of  their  style,  and  the  reasons  why  they  still 
command  the  admiration  of  the  world,  even  as  they  did  in  those 
distant  ages  when,  like  Minerva,  they  came  into  being,  radiant 
with  wisdom  and  beauty.  Our  own  feelings  tell  us  that  he  is 
right,  when  he  refers  us  back  to  nature  as  the  sure  guaranty  of 
their  undying  fame.  He  exposes  the  causes  and  principles  of 
the  origin  and  cultivation  of  the  arts,  — the  circumstances, 
both  external  and  internal,  which  produced  their  flourishing 
state,  and  those  which  brought  about  their  decline  and  fall,  — 
and  also  the  causes  to  which  may  reasonably  be  attributed  the 
points  of  resemblance  and  difference  observable  in  the  arts  of 
different  nations.  The  soundness  of  his  judgment,  the  acute- 
ness and  originality  of  his  observations,  and  the  copiousness  of 
his  illustrations,  drawn  from  an  intimate  familiarity  with  every 
extant  monument  of  ancient  art,  and  with  everything  in  ancient 
classic  literature  which  could  elucidate  the  subject  to  which  he 
had  devoted  his  life,  render  him  the  most  trustworthy,  instruc- 
tive, and  delightful  of  the  writers  on  art.  I cannot  but  think 


PREFACE. 


283 


that  a careful  study  of  Winckelmann’s  History  of  Ancient  Art , 
and  a thoughtful  consideration  of  the  great  principles  embodied 
in  it,  must  necessarily  tend  to  form  a pure,  correct,  and  ele- 
vated taste. 

That  I might  render  this  volume  more  interesting  to  the  gen- 
eral reader,  I have  added  a number  of  engravings,  selected  from 
different  sources,  to  those  contained  in  the  German  edition. 
Among  them  may  be  enumerated  the  head  of  the  Jupiter  of 
Phidias,  copied  from  a cast  in  the  Boston  Athenaeum ; a head 
of  Bacchus,  forming  the  frontispiece,  and  the  ear  of  a Pancra- 
tiast,  from  Winckelmann’s  Monumenti  Antichi  Inediti ; Silenus 
with  Bacchus  in  his  arms,  and  another  figure  of  this  demigod 
under  a more  common  form,  from  the  Museo  Pio-Clementino ; 
heads  of  Jupiter  Serapis,  Pluto,  and  a Triton,  from  the  Museo 
Chiaramonti  ; and  a head  of  Medusa  from  the  Gems  of  the  Mu- 
seum Florentinum  ; — books  belonging  to  the  library  of  the  Bos- 
ton Athenaeum,  from  which  I have  derived  much  valuable  aid 
in  the  preparation  of  this  volume. 

Although,  as  I have  previously  remarked,  this  treatise  on  the 
drawing  of  the  nude  figure  forms  a volume  complete  in  itself, 
still  it  is  my  intention  to  present  to  the  public,  at  some  future 
time,  the  remaining  volumes  of  the  series. 


ART  AMONG  TEE  GREEKS. 


285 


BOOK  IV. 

ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

GROUNDS  AND  CAUSES  OF  THE  PROGRESS  AND  SUPERIORITY 
OF  GREEK  ART  BEYOND  THAT  OF  OTHER  NATIONS. 

1.  The  same  remark  is  applicable  to  the  study  of  Greek  art, 
as  to  that  of  Greek  literature.  No  one  can  form  a correct  judg- 
ment of  either,  without  having  read,  repeatedly,  every  thing  in 
the  latter,  and  without  having  seen  and  investigated,  if  possible, 
all  that  remains  of  the  former.  But  as  the  study  of  Greek  lit- 
erature is  made  more  difficult  than  that  of  all  other  languages 
united,  by  the  great  number  of  its  authors  and  commentators, 
so  the  countless  multitude  of  the  remains  of  Greek  art  renders 
the  investigation  of  them  far  more  laborious  than  that  of  the 
remains  of  other  ancient  nations ; no  one  individual  can  possibly 
observe  them  all. 

2.  Greek  art  is  the  principal  purpose  of  this  history,  and, 
from  the  innumerable  beautiful  monuments  of  it  which  remain, 
it  is  the  worthiest  object  of  study  and  imitation ; it  therefore 
demands  a minute  investigation,  consisting,  not  in  notices  of 
imperfect  characteristics,  and  in  explanations  of  the  conceptions 
which  it  embodies,  but  in  information  as  to  its  essential ; an 
investigation  in  which  not  merely  facts  are  communicated  for 
instruction,  but  also  principles  for  practice.  The  treatise  in 
which  we  have  discussed  the  art  of  the  Egyptians,  the  Etruscans, 
and  other  nations,  may  enlarge  our  ideas,  and  lead  to  correct- 
ness of  judgment ; but  this  on  Greek  art  will  attempt  to  base 


286 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


them  on  the  Unity  of  Truth  (the  one  and  the  true),  as  a stand- 
ard of  opinion  and  a rule  in  execution. 

3.  The  work  will  be  divided  into  four  parts.  The  first,  which 
is  introductory,  will  treat  of  the  grounds  and  causes  of  the  ad- 
vancement and  superiority  of  Greek  art  over  that  of  other  nations ; 
the  second,  of  its  essential ; the  third,  of  its  rise  and  fall ; and  the 
fourth,  of  the  mechanical  part  of  art.  This  chapter  will  close 
with  a consideration  of  the  paintings  which  have  come  down  to 
us  from  antiquity. 

4.  The  superiority  which  art  acquired  among  the  Greeks  is  to 
be  ascribed  partly  to  the  influence  of  climate,  partly  to  their 
constitution  and  government,  and  the  habits  of  thinking  which 
originated  therefrom,  and,  in  an  equal  degree  also,  to  respect 
for  the  artist,  and  the  use  and  application  of  art. 

5.  The  influence  of  climate  must  vivify  the  seed  from  which 
art  is  to  be  produced ; and  for  this  seed  Greece  was  the  chosen 
soil.  The  talent  for  philosophy  was  believed  by  Epicurus  to  be 
exclusively  Greek ; but  this  preeminence  might  be  claimed  more 
correctly  for  art.  The  Greeks  acknowledged  and  prized  the 
happy  clime  under  which  they  lived,  though  it  did  not  extend 
to  them  the  enjoyment  of  a perennial  spring;  for,  on  the  night 
when  the  revolt  against  the  Spartan  government  broke  out  in 
Thebes,  it  snowed  so  violently  as  to  confine  every  one  to  the 
house.  Moderateness  of  temperature  constituted  its  superiority, 
and  is  to  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  more  remote  causes  of  that 
excellence  which  art  attained  among  the  Greeks.  The  climate 
gave  birth  to  a joyousness  of  disposition ; this,  in  its  turn,  in- 
vented games  and  festivals ; and  both  together  fostered  art, 
which  had  already  reached  its  highest  pinnacle  at  a period  when 
that  which  we  call  Learning  was  utterly  unknown  to  the  Greeks. 
At  this  time  they  attached  a peculiar  signification  to  the  hon- 
orable title  of  Author,  who  was  regarded  with  a certain  degree  of 
contempt ; and  Plato  makes  Socrates  say,  that  distinguished  men, 
in  Greek  cities,  had  not  drawn  up  or  left  behind  them  any  writ- 
ings, for  fear  of  being  numbered  among  the  Sophists. 

6.  Much  that  might  seem  ideal  to  us  was  natural  among 
them.  Nature,  after  having  passed  step  by  step  through  cold 
and  heat,  established  herself  in  Greece.  Here,  where  a temper- 
ature prevails  which  is  balanced  between  winter  and  summer, 
she  chose  her  central  point ; and  the  nigher  she  approaches  it, 
the  more  genial  and  joyous  does  she  become,  and  the  more  gen- 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


287 


eral  is  her  influence  in  producing  conformations  full  of  spirit  and 
wit,  and  features  strongly  marked  and  rich  in  promise.  Where 
clouds  and  heavy  mists  rarely  prevail,  but  Nature  acts  in  a se- 
rene and  gladsome  atmosphere,  such  as  Euripides  describes  the 
Athenian,  she  imparts  an  earlier  maturity  to  the  body ; she  is 
distinguished  for  vigorous  development,  especially  of  the  female 
form ; and  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  in  Greece  she  per- 
fected man  to  the  highest  degree  ; — for  what  the  Scholiasts 
assert  respecting  the  long  heads  or  long  faces  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  island  of  Euboea  is  an  absurd  dream,  devised  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  finding  the  derivation  of  the  name  of  a people  there, 
called  Ma/cp(oi/€s. 

7.  The  Greeks  were  conscious  of  this,  and,  as  Polybius  says, 
of  their  superiority  generally  to  other  nations ; and  among  no 
people  has  beauty  (1)  been  prized  so  highly  as  among  them.  In 
a very  old  ode,  — ascribed  by  an  unpublished  Scholiast  to  Si- 
monides or  Epicharmus,  the  first  of  the  four  wishes,  of  which 
Plato  quotes  only  three,  is  to  be  healthy ; the  second,  beautiful, 
kuXov  yevecrOai,  or  (f)v av  KaXov  yevicrOat,  as,  according  to  the  Scho- 
liast above  referred  to,  the  words  properly  signify ; the  third, 
to  be  rich  honestly,  dSo'Aws  tt\ovt<Clv  ; and  the  fourth,  not  men- 
tioned by  Plato,  to  be  gay  and  merry  with  one’s  friends,  yj3a v 
/act a (fitXoiv  ; — this  signification  of  the  word  in  this  place  may, 
by  the  way,  serve  to  eludidate  Hesychius. 

8.  Since,  therefore,  beauty  was  thus  desired  and  prized  by 
the  Greeks,  nothing  was  concealed  which  could  enhance  it. 
Every  beautiful  person  sought  to  become  known  to  the  whole 
nation  by  this  endowment,  and  especially  to  please  the  artists, 
because  they  decreed  the  prize  of  beauty;  and,  for  this  very 
reason,  they  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  beauty  daily.  Beauty 
was  an  excellence  which  led  to  fame ; for  we  find  that  the  Greek 
histories  make  mention  of  those  who  were  distinguished  for  it. 
Some  persons  were  even  characterized  by  a particular  name, 
borrowed  from  some  beautiful  portion  of  the  body ; thus,  De- 
metrius Poliorcetes  was  named,  from  the  beauty  of  his  eyelids, 
XapiTo/3A€<£apos,  that  is  to  say,  “ on  whose  lids  the  Graces  dwell.” 
It  ‘appears,  indeed,  to  have  been  a belief,  that  the  procreation  of 
beautiful  children  might  be  promoted  by  the  distribution  of 
prizes  for  beauty,  as  there  is  reason  to  infer  from  the  contests 
of  beauty  which  were  instituted  in  the  remotest  ages  by  Cypse- 
lus,  king  of  Arcadia,  in  the  time  of  the  Heraclidse,  on  the  banks 


288 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIFNT  ART. 


of  the  river  Alpheus,  in  Elis';  and  also  from  the  fact,  that,  at 
the  festival  of  the  Philesian  Apollo,  a prize  for  the  most  exqui- 
site kiss  was  conferred  on  the  youthful.  Its  assignment  twas 
subject  to  the  decision  of  a judge,  as  was  probably  also  the  case 
at  Megara,  at  the  tomb  of  Diodes. , At  Sparta,  and  at  Lesbos, 
in  the  temple  of  Juno,  and  among  the  citizens  of  Parrhasia,  the 
women  contended  for  the  prize  of  beauty  (2).  The  regard  for 
this  quality  was  so  general  and  so  strong,  that,  as  Oppian  de- 
clares, the  Spartan  women  placed  in  their  sleeping-rooms  an 
Apollo,  or  Bacchus,  or  Nereus,  or  Narcissus,  or  Hyacinthus,  or 
Castor  and  Pollux,  in  order  that  they  might  bear  beautiful  chil- 
dren. If  it  is  true,  what  Dion  Chrysostom  asserts  of  his  own 
time  and  that  of  Trajan,  that  manly  beauties  had  ceased  to  be 
an  object  of  regard,  that  people  no  longer  knew  how  to  prize 
them,  then  this  very  disregard  may  be  considered  as  one  cause 
of  the  decline  of  art  at  that  time. 

9.  To  the  same  influence,  in  an  equal  degree,  which  the 
atmosphere  and  climate  exercised  upon  the  physical  conforma- 
tion, — which,  according  to  the  testimony  of  all  travellers,  is  of 
superior  excellence  even  among  the  Greeks  of  the  present  day, 
and  could  inspire  their  artists  in  former  times,  — are  to  be 
ascribed  their  kindly  natures,  their  gentle  hearts,  and  joyous 
dispositions,  — qualities  that  contributed  fully  as  much  to  the 
beautiful  and  lovely  images  which  they  designed,  as  nature  did 
to  the  production  of  the  form.  History  convinces  us  that  this 
was  their  character.  The  humanity  of  the  Athenians  is  as  well 
known  as  their  reputation  in  the  arts.  Hence  a poet  says,  that 
Athens  alone  knows  the  feeling  of  pity ; for  it  appears  that, 
from  the  times  of  the  oldest  wars  of  the  Argives  and  Thebans, 
the  oppressed  and  persecuted  always  found  refuge  and  received 
help  there.  This  same  genial  disposition  w~as  the  origin  of 
theatrical  representations,  and  other  games,  — for  the  purpose, 
as  Pericles  says,  of  chasing  sadness  from  life. 

10.  This  is  more  easily  understood  by  contrasting  the  Greeks 
with  the  Romans.  The  inhuman,  sanguinary  games,  and  the 
agonizing  and  dying  gladiators,  in  the  amphitheatres  of  the 
latter,  even  during  the  period  of  their  greatest  refinement,  were 
the  most  gratifying  sources  of  amusement  to  the  whole  people. 
The  former,  on  the  contrary,  abhorred  such  cruelty ; and,  when 
similar  fearful  games  were  about  to  be  introduced  at  Corinth, 
some  one  observed,  that  they  must  throw  down  the  altar  of 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


289 


Mercy  and  Pity,  before  they  could  resolve  to  look  upon  such 
horrors.  The  Romans,  however,  finally  succeeded  in  intro- 
ducing them  even  at  Athens. 

11.  The  humanity  of  the  Greeks  and  the  fierceness  of  the 
Romans  are,  moreover,  manifest  from  the  mode  in  which  they 
respectively  conducted  their  wars.  With  the  latter  it  was 
almost  imperative,  not  only  to  cut  down  every  human  being  in 
captured  cities,  on  first  entering  them,  but  also  to  rip  open  the 
dogs’  bellies,  and  hack  to  pieces  all  other  animals ; and  this 
even  Scipio  Africanus  the  elder  permitted,  when  Carthage  was 
taken  by  storm.  We  observe  the  reverse  of  this  in  the  Athe- 
nians. They  had  resolved,  in  public  assembly,  to  order  the 
commander  of  their  fleet  to  put  to  death  all  the  male  popula- 
tion of  Mitylene,  in  the  island  of  Lesbos,  because  this  city  had 
thrown  off  its  allegiance,  and  been  the  leader  in  the  rebellion 
of  the  whole  island  against  their  supremacy.  But  scarcely  had 
the  order  been  despatched,  when  they  repented  of  it,  declaring 
it  to  be  an  inhuman  decree. 

12.  tThe  contrast  between  the  dispositions  of  the  Romans  and 
Greeks  is  especially  manifested  in  the  wars  of  the  latter.  The 
Achseans  conducted  them  with  so  much  humanity,  that  they 
agreed  among  themselves  neither  to  carry  nor  to  use  weapons 
which  might  be  discharged  from  a distance  or  from  an  ambush, 
but  to  fight  hand  to  hand  with  the  sword.  Indeed,  when  the 
Olympic  games  occurred,  at  which  all  Greece  harmoniously 
assembled  to  share  in  the  general  hilarity,  all  hostilities  ceased 
and  were  forgotten  for  some  days,  even  in  times  of  the  greatest 
exasperation.  In  remoter  and  less  civilized  times,  during  the 
obstinate  Messenian  wars,  the  Spartans  made  a truce  of  forty 
days  with  the  Messenians,  on  the  occurrence  of  the  festival  cel- 
ebrated by  the  latter  in  honor  of  Hyacinthus.  This  event  took 
place  in  the  second  Messenian  war,  which  terminated  in  the 
twenty-eighth  Olympiad. 

13.  The  independence  of  Greece  is  to  be  regarded  as  the 
most  prominent  of  the  causes,  originating  in  its  constitution 
and  government,  of  its  superiority  in  art.  Liberty  had  always 
held  her  seat  in  this  country,  even  near  the  throne  of  kings,  — 
whose  rule  was  paternal,  — before  the  increasing  light  of  reason 
had  shown  to  its  inhabitants  the  blessings  of  entire  freedom. 
Thus,  Homer  calls  Agamemnon  a shepherd  of  his  people,  to 
signify  his  love  for  them,  and  his  solicitude  for  their  welfare. 

VOL.  i.  19 


290 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIFNT  ART. 


Although  tyrants  afterwards  succeeded  in  establishing  them- 
selves, still  they  did  so  in  their  own  territories  alone ; the  na- 
tion, as  a whole,  never  recognized  a common  ruler ; and,  prior 
to  the  conquest  of  Naxos  by  the  Athenians,  no  free  state  in 
Greece  had  ever  subjugated  another.  Hence,  no  individual 
possessed  the  sole  prerogative  of  greatness  in  his  own  country, 
and  the  power  of  gaining  immortality  for  himself  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  all  others. 

14.  Art  was,  indeed,  employed  very  early,  to  preserve  the 
remembrance  of  individuals  ; and  such  a mode  of  commemora- 
tion was  free  to  every  Greek.  It  was  even  allowable  to  set  up 
in  the  temples  the  statues  of  one’s  children,  which  we  know 
was  done  by  the  mother  of  the  celebrated  Agathocles,  who 
devoted  to  a temple  an  image  of  him  in  his  childhood.  The 
honor  of  a statue  was,  in  Athens,  what  an  empty,  barren  title, 
or  a cross  upon  the  breast,  the  cheapest  of  all  royal  rewards,  is 
in  our  day.  The  Athenians,  therefore,  acknowledged  the  prafse 
which  Pindar,  in  one  of  his  odes,  still  extant,  merely  inciden- 
tally bestowed  upon  them,  not  by  a courteous  expression  of 
thanks,  but  by  erecting  to  him  a statue  in  a public  place,  before 
the  temple  of  Mars.  But  as  the  more  ancient  Greeks  far  pre- 
ferred natural  advantages  to  learning,  so  the  earliest  rewards 
were  conferred  on  bodily  exercises ; and  we  find  mention  made 
of  a statue  which  had  been  erected,  at  Elis,  to  a Spartan 
athlete,  named  Eutelidas,  as  early  as  the  thirty  eighth  Olym- 
piad ; and  this  probably  was  not  the  first  instance.  In  the 
lesser  games,  as  at  Megara,  a pillar  was  set  up  with  the  name 
of  the  victor  upon  it.  Hence,  the  most  celebrated  men  among 
the  Greeks  sought,  in  their  youth,  to  distinguish  themselves  at 
these  games.  Chrysippus  and  Cleanthes  were  famous  here, 
before  they  were  known  by  their  philosophy.  Plato  himself 
appeared  among  the  combatants  in  the  Isthmian  games  at 
Corinth,  and  in  the  Pythian  at  Sicyon.  Pythagoras  wTon  the 
prize  at  Elis,  and  was  the  teacher  of  Eurymenes,  who  was  also 
victorious  in  the  same  games.  Even  among  the  Romans,  bodily 
exercises  were  a path  to  fame.  Papirius,  who  avenged  on  the 
Samnites  the  disgrace  of  the  Romans  at  the  Furculee  Caudinse, 
is  less  known  to  us  by  this  victory  than  by  the  name  of  “ the 
Runner,”  which  is  also  given  to  Achilles  by  Homer.  Not  only 
were  the  statues  of  the  victors  formed  in  the  likeness  of  those 
whom  they  represented,  but  even  the  images  of  the  successful 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


291 


horses  in  the  chariot-races  were  copied  after  life,  as  we  are  par- 
ticularly informed  with  respect  to  the  horses  of  Cimon,  the 
Athenian. 

15.  Next  to  these  causes,  the  reverence  for  statues  may  be 
regarded  as  among  the  most  prominent.  For  it  was  main- 
tained that  the  oldest  images  of  the  deities  — the  artists  of 
which  were  unknown  — had  fallen  from  heaven,  A liVeri} ; and 
that  not  only  these,  but  every  sacred  statue,  whose  sculptor 
was  known,  was  filled  with  the  godhead  which  it  represented. 

16.  Besides  this  superstitious  belief,  the  gayety  of  the 
Greeks  had  also  an  influence  upon  the  general  progress  of  art. 
The  artist,  even  in  the  earliest  ages,  was  occupied  in  executing 
statues  of  the  victors  in  the  numerous  games  then  celebrated, 
which  he  was  required  to  make  in  the  likeness  of  the  individ- 
uals, and  not  above  the  size  of  life ; upon  these  points  the 
judges  in  the  games,  'EAAavoStkai,  strictly  insisted. 

17.  The  portrait-statue  of  a victor,  being  erected  on  the 
holiest  spot  in  Greece,  and  gazed  at  and  honored  by  the  whole 
nation,  presented  a powerful  inducement  to  excellence  in  its 
execution,  not  less  than  to  effort  for  its  attainment.  Never, 
among  any  people,  from  that  time  to  the  present,  has  the  artist 
had  such  an  opportunity  to  distinguish  himself;  to  say  noth- 
ing of  the  statues  in  the  temples, — not  of  the  gods  only  (3), 
but  also  of  their  priests  and  priestesses.  The  highest  honor 
among  the  people  was  to  be  an  Olympic  conqueror ; it  was 
regarded  as  the  height  of  felicity ; the  city  to  which  he  be- 
longed considered  that  good-fortune  had  befallen  it.  He  was 
therefore  supported  from  the  public  revenues,  and  sumptuously 
buried  by  his  native  city ; the  demonstrations  of  respect  were 
extended  even  to  his  children.  Statues  were  erected  to  the 
conquerors  in  the  great  games,  — and  to  many  of  them  in  pro- 
portion to  the  number  of  their  victories,  — not  only  on  the 
spot  where  the  games  were  celebrated,  but  also  in  their  native 
land ; since,  to  speak  correctly,  the  city  of  the  victor,  not  the 
victor  himself,  was  crowned.  His  fellow-citizens,  consequently, 
participated  in  the  honor  of  his  statue,  for  which  they  paid, 
and  the  artist  had  the  whole  nation  for  judges  of  his  work. 
To  Euthymus,  of  Locri,  in  Italy,  — who,  with  one  exception, 
had  invariably  conquered  at  Elis,  — the  Olympic  oracle,  indeed, 
ordered  sacrifices  to  be  offered  even  during  his  life,  as  well  as 
after  death.  Meritorious  citizens  also  obtained  the  honor  of  a 


292 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


statue ; and  Dionysius  makes  mention  of  the  statues  of  those 
citizens  of  Cumse,  in  Italy,  which  Aristodemus  — the  tyrant  of 
this  city,  and  the  friend  of  Tarquin  the  Proud  — caused  to  be 
removed  from  the  temple  in  which  they  stood  and  thrown  into 
unclean  places,  in  the  twenty-second  Olympiad.  To  certain 
victors  in  the  Olympic  games  at  an  early  date,  before  the  arts 
had  yet  attained  to  excellence,  statues  were  erected  long  after 
their  death,  to  perpetuate  their  memory  : thus,  upon  one  GEbo- 
tas,  who  lived  during  the  sixth  Olympiad,  this  honor  was  first 
conferred  in  the  eighteenth.  It  is  singular  that  any  one  (4) 
should  have  permitted  his  statue  to  be  made  before  obtaining 
the  victory ; yet  it  was  done  by  one  individual,  such  was  his 
confidence  of  success.  At  JEgium,  in  Achaia,  a hall,  or  covered 
gallery,  was  appropriated  to  a certain  conqueror,  for  whom  it 
had  been  built  by  his  native  city,  in  which  to  practise  his  gym- 
nastic exercises. 

It  appears  to  me  not  to  be  out  of  place  to  make  mention  here 
of  a beautiful,  but  mutilated,  nude  statue  of  a slinger,  which  it 
is  proved  to  be  by  the  sling,  with  the  stone  in  it,  resting  on  the 
right  thigh.  It  is  not  easy  to  say  on  what  grounds  a statue  had 
been  erected  to  such  a person.  The  poets  have  not  represented 
any  hero  with  a sling ; and  slingers  (5)  were  very  unusual  among 
the  Greek  warriors ; wherever  found,  they  were  always  rated 
lower  than  any  other  portion  of  an  army,  and,  like  the  archers, 
were  light-armed  troops,  yv/xvrjTeq . It  was  so  likewise  among 
the  Romans ; and  whenever  it  was  intended  to  inflict  a severe 
punishment  on  a soldier  belonging  to  the  cavalry  or  heavy-armed 
infantry,  he  was  degraded  to  the  slingers.  Now,  as  the  statue 
of  which  we  speak  must  represent  some  particular  individual  of 
antiquity,  and  not  merely  a slinger,  one  might  say  that  Py-  - 
reechmes,  the  iEtolian,  is  intended  by  it ; for,  on  the  return  of 
the  Heraclidae  to  the  Peloponnesus,  he  was  the  champion  in 
the  single  contest  which  was  to  determine  the  possessor  of  the 
territory  of  Elis ; and  his  skill  lay  in  the  use  of  the  sling. 

18.  The  thoughts  of  the  whole  people  rose  higher  with  free- 
dom, just  as  a noble  branch  rises  from  a sound  stock.  As  the 
mind  of  a man  accustomed  to  reflection  is  usually  more  ele- 
vated in  the  broad  fields,  on  the  public  highway,  and  on  the 
summit  of  an  edifice,  than  in  an  ordinary  chamber,  or  in  a con- 
fined space,  so,  also,  the  manner  of  thinking  among  the  free 
Greeks  must  have  been  very  different  from  that  of  nations  liv- 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


298 


ing  under  more  arbitrary  forms  of  government.  Herodotus 
shows  that  freedom  alone  was  the  basis  of  the  power  and  supe- 
riority to  which  Athens  attained  ; since  this  city  previously, 
when  obliged  to  acknowledge  a sovereign,  was  unable  to  keep 
pace  with  its  neighbors.  For  the  very  same  reason,  eloquence 
did  not  begin  to  flourish  among  the  Greeks  prior  to  their 
enjoyment  of  perfect  independence ; hence,  the  Sicilians  attrib- 
uted to  Gorgias  the  invention  of  oratory.  It  might  be  main- 
tained, from  coins  of  the  cities  of  Sicily  and  Magna  Grsecia, 
that  the  arts  began  to  flourish  in  this  island  and  in  the  lower 
part  of  Italy  sooner  even  than  in  Greece,  just  as  the  other 
departments  of  knowledge,  generally,  were  cultivated  there  at 
an  earlier  date  than  in  Greece.  This  we  know  to  have  been 
the  case  with  the  art  of  oratory,  in  which  Gorgias,  of  Leontium, 
in  Sicily,  first  distinguished  himself,  and  who,  when  sent  as 
ambassador  from  this  city  to  Athens,  attracted  universal  atten- 
tion. Even  philosophy  received  a systematic  form  in  the  Ele- 
atic  or  Italian  school,  and  in  that  founded  by  Pythagoras, 
sooner  than  among  the  other  Greeks. 

19.  The  freedom  which  gave  birth  to  great  events,  political 
changes,  and  jealousy  among  the  Greeks,  planted,  as  it  were  in 
the  very  production  of  these  effects,  the  germ  of  noble  and  ele- 
vated sentiments.  As  the  sight  of  the  boundless  surface  of  the 
sea,  and  the  dashing  of  its  proud  waves  upon  the  rocky  shore, 
expands  our  views  and  carries  the  soul  away  from,  and  above, 
inferior  objects,  so  it  was  impossible  to  think  ignobly  in  the 
presence  of  deeds  so  great  and  men  so  distinguished.  The 
Greeks,  in  their  palmy  days,  were  a thinking  people.  At  an 
age  when  we  do  not  generally  begin  to  judge  for  ourselves,  they 
had  already  exerted  their  reasoning  faculties  for  twenty  years 
or  more ; they  employed  their  intellectual  powers  at  the  period 
when  they  are  brightest  and  strongest  and  are  sustained  by  the 
vigor  and  sprightliness  of  the  body,  which,  among  us,  is  ignobly 
nourished  until  it  decays. 

20.  The  youthful  understanding,  which,  like  the  tender  bark, 
retains  and  enlarges  the  incisions  made  in  it,  was  not  amused 
by  mere  sounds  without  ideas ; nor  was  the  brain  — like  a 
waxed  tablet,  which  can  contain  only  a certain  number  of 
words  or  images  — filled  with  dreams,  to  the  exclusion  of  truth. 
To  be  learned,  that  is  to  say,  to  know  what  others  have  known, 
was  the  ambition  of  a later  period.  In  the  best  days  of  Greece, 


294 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


it  was  easy  to  be  learned,  in  the  signification  of  the  word  at 
that  time ; and  every  one  could  be  wise.  For  there  was  one 
vanity  less  in  the  world  at  that  time  than  at  present,  namely, 
that  of  being  conversant  with  many  books,  — since  the  scat- 
tered fragments  of  the  greatest  of  poets  were  not  collected 
until  the  sixty-first  Olympiad.  These  the  child  learned ; the 
youth  thought  as  the  poet  thought ; and  when  he  had  achieved 
any  meritorious  act,  he  was  numbered  among  the  first  men  of 
his  nation. 

21.  With  the  advantages  of  such  an  education,  Iphicrates, 
when  in  his  twenty-fourth  year,  was  elected  by  his  fellow- 
citizens  of  Athens  commander-in-chief  of  the  army.  Aratus 
was  scarcely  twenty  years  old,  when  he  freed  his  native  land, 
Sicyon,  from  the  rule  of  tyrants,  and,  soon  afterwards,  became 
the  head  of  the  whole  Achaean  league.  Philopoemen,  though  a 
mere  boy,  had  the  greatest  share  in  the  victory  which  Antigo- 
nus,  king  of  Macedonia,  aided  by  the  members  of  the  Achaean 
league,  gained  over  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  which  made  them 
masters  of  Sparta. 

22.  A similar  education  produced,  among  the  Romans  also, 
that  early  maturity  of  intellect  which  we  see  manifested,  among 
other  instances,  in  Scipio  the  younger  and  Pompey.  The  for- 
mer, in  his  twenty-fourth  year,  was  sent  to  Spain,  at  the  head 
of  the  Roman  legions,  for  the  express  purpose  of  restoring  the 
discipline  of  the  army  in  that  country,  which  had  become  im- 
paired; and  Velleius  says  of  the  latter,  that,  in  his  twenty-third 
year,  he  levied  an  army  at  his  own  expense,  and,  without  any 
public  authority,  followed  his  own  counsels.  When  Pericles 
stepped  forward,  and  said,  what  we  are  permitted  scarcely  to 
think  of  ourselves,  — “ Ye  are  angry  with  me  because  I believe 
myself  inferior  to  no  one  in  the  knowledge  of  what  may  be 
required,  or  in  the  ability  to  speak  about  it,”  — he  did  so  in 
reliance  upon  the  elevated  habits  of  thought  created  by  such 
an  education,  and  common  to  a whole  nation,  and  upon  the 
ardent  desire  for  glory  which  was  felt  by  every  individual  of  it. 
Their  historians  speak  with  no  less  frankness  of  the  virtues  of 
their  own  people  than  of  the  faults  of  other  nations. 

23.  A wise  man  was  the  most  highly  honored;  he  was  known 
in  every  city,  as  the  richest  is  among  us ; just  as  the  younger 
Scipio  was,  who  brought  the  statue  of  Cybele  to  Rome.  The 
artist  also  could  attain  to  this  respect.  Socrates,  indeed,  pro- 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS . 


295 


nounced  the  artists  the  only  truly  wise,  as  being  actually,  not 
apparently  so ; it  was  probably  from  this  conviction  that  JEsop 
constantly  associated  with  sculptors  and  architects.  At  a 
much  later  period,  Diognetus,  the  painter,  was  one  of  those 
who  taught  Marcus  Aurelius  philosophy.  This  emperor  ac- 
knowledged that  he  had  learned  of  him  to  distinguish  truth 
from  falsehood,  and  not  to  regard  follies  as  merits.  The  artist 
could  become  a lawgiver,  for  all  the  lawgivers  were  common 
citizens,  as  Aristotle  testifies.  He  could  command  an  army, 
like  Lamachus,  one  of  the  neediest  citizens  of  Athens,  and  see 
his  statue  placed  beside  those  of  Miltiades  and  Themistocles, 
and  even  near  those  of  the  gods  themselves.  Thus,  Xenophilus 
and  Strato  placed  statues  of  themselves,  in  a sitting  posture, 
close  to  their  statues  of  AEsculapius  and  Hygeia,  at  Argos; 
Chirisophus,  the  sculptor  of  the  Apollo  at  Tegea,  stood  in 
marble  near  his  work ; the  figure  of  Alcamenes  was  wrought  in 
relief  on  the  summit  of  the  temple  at  Eleusis ; and  Parrhasius 
and  Silanion,  in  their  picture  of  Theseus,  were  honored  together 
with  the  hero  himself.  Other  artists  put  their  names  upon  their 
works,  — as  Phidias,  for  example,  at  the  feet  of  the  Olympian 
Jupiter.  The  names  of  the  artists  also  appeared  on  different 
statues  of  the  victors  at  Elis ; and  on  the  chariot  with  four 
bronze  horses,  which  Dinomenes  erected  to  his  father  Hiero,  king 
of  Syracuse,  was  an  inscription  in  two  lines,  to  the  effect  that 
Onatas  was  the  artist.  Still,  however,  this  custom  was  not  so 
general,  that  the  absence  of  the  artist’s  name  upon  admirable 
statues  proves  them,  conclusively,  to  be  works  of  later  times  (6). 
Such  an  inference  was  to  be  expected  only  from  those  who  had 
seen  Rome  in  dreams,  or,  like  young  travellers,  in  one  month. 

24.  The  reputation  and  success  of  artists  were  not  dependent 
upon  the  caprice  of  ignorance  and  arrogance,  nor  were  their 
works  fashioned  to  suit  the  wretched  taste  or  the  incompetent 
eye  of  a judge  set  up  by  flattery  and  fawning ; but  the  wisest 
of  the  whole  nation,  in  the  assembly  of  united  Greece,  passed 
judgment  upon,  and  rewarded,  them  and  their  works;  and  at 
Delphos,  as  well  as  at  Corinth,  contests  in  painting,  for  which 
judges  were  specially  appointed,  were  instituted  in  the  time  of 
Phidias.  The  first  contest  of  the  kind  was  between  Pansenus, 
the  brother,  or,  as  others  have  it,  the  nephew,  of  Phidias,  and 
Timagoras  of  Chalcis,  in  which  the  latter  won  the  prize.  Before 
such  judges  Aetion  appeared  with  his  picture  of  Alexander  and 


296 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


Roxana : the  presiding  judge,  named  Proxenides,  who  pro- 
nounced the  decision,  bestowed  his  daughter  in  marriage  upon 
the  artist.  We  also  see  that  the  judges  were  not  so  dazzled  by 
a brilliant  reputation  in  other  cities,  as  to  deny  to  merit  its 
rights ; for  at  Samos,  the  picture  by  Timanthes,  representing 
the  decision  upon  the  arms  of  Achilles,  was  preferred  to  that  of 
Parrhasius. 

25.  The  judges,  however,  were  not  unacquainted  with  the 
arts ; for  there  was  a time  in  Greece  when  its  youth  were  taught 
in  the  schools  of  art  as  well  as  philosophy ; Plato  learned  draw- 
ing at  the  same  time  with  the  higher  sciences.  The  design  was, 
as  Aristotle  says,  that  they  might  acquire  a correct  knowledge 
and  judgment  of  beauty. 

26.  Hence,  the  artist  wrought  for  immortality ; and  the  value 
set  upon  his  works  placed  him  in  a position  to  elevate  his  art 
above  all  mere  mercenary  considerations.  Thus,  it  is  known 
that  Polygnotus  gratuitously  embellished  with  paintings  the 
Portico  at  Athens,  and  also,  as  it  appears,  a public  edifice  (7)  at 
Delphos,  in  which  he  represented  the  taking  of  Troy.  Gratitude 
for  the  latter  work  seems  to  have  induced  the  Amphictyons,  or 
national  council  of  the  Greeks,  to  award  to  the  noble-minded 
artist  the  honor  of  being  entertained  at  the  public  expense 
throughout  Greece. 

27.  In  general,  excellence  in  art  and  handiwork  of  every  kind 
was  particularly  prized ; the  best  workman  in  the  most  humble 
craft  might  succeed  in  rendering  his  name  immortal ; and  we 
are  told  that  the  Greeks  were  accustomed  to  pray  the  gods  that 
their  memories  might  never  die.  We  know,  even  at  this  day, 
the  name  of  the  architect  of  an  aqueduct  on  the  island  of 
Samos,  and  of  him  who  constructed  the  largest  vessel  there ; 
also  the  name,  Architeles,  of  a famous  stone-cutter,  who  excelled 
in  working  columns.  The  names  of  two  weavers  or  embroid- 
erers, who  wrought  a mantle  for  the  Pallas  Polias,  at  Athens, 
are  known ; likewise  the  name,  Parthenius,  of  a maker  of  very 
correct  balances,  or  balance-scales  (8)  ; the  name  is  also  pre- 
served of  the  saddler,  as  we  should  call  him,  who  made  the 
leathern  shield  of  Ajax  ; even  a certain  Peron,  who  prepared  a 
fragrant  ointment,  was  noticed  in  the  works  of  different  distin- 
guished men.  Plato  himself  has  immortalized  in  his  works 
Thearion,  a baker,  on  account  of  his  skill  in  his  handicraft,  as 
well  as  Sarambus,  a clever  innkeeper.  With  this  view,  the 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


297 


Greeks  appear  to  have  named  many  excellent  articles  after  the 
persons  by  whom  they  were  made,  and  the  articles  were  always 
known  by  those  names.  Thus,  the  vessels  that  were  fashioned 
in  a form  similar  to  those  made  by  Thericles,  of  burnt  clay, 
in  the  time  of  Pericles,  received  their  name  from  this  artist. 
Wooden  candelabra  were  made  at  Samos,  which  were  much 
valued ; Cicero  pursued  his  nightly  studies,  at  his  brother’s 
country-seat,  by  the  light  from  such  candlesticks.  In  the 
island  of  Naxos,  statues  were  erected  to  him  who  first  wrought 
the  Pentelic  marble  into  tiles,  for  the  purpose  of  covering  the 
roofs  of  buildings,  and  merely  on  account  of  this  invention. 
Superior  artists  were  distinguished  by  the  surname  Godlike,  — 
as  Alcimedon,  for  instance,  by  Virgil : this  was  the  highest 
praise  among  the  Spartans. 

28.  The  uses  to  which  art  was  applied  sustained  its  great- 
ness. Being  consecrated  to  the  gods,  and  devoted  only  to  the 
holiest  and  best  purposes  in  the  land,  at  the  same  time  that 
economy  and  simplicity  characterized  the  abodes  of  the  citizens, 
the  artist  was  not  cramped  in  the  grandeur  of  his  subject  or  of 
his  conceptions  to  suit  the  size  of  the  dwelling  or  gratify  the 
fancy  of  its  proprietor,  but  his  work  was  made  to  conform  to 
the  lofty  ideas  of  the  whole  nation.  We  know  that  Miltiades, 
Themistocles,  Aristides,  and  Cirnon,  the  leaders  and  deliverers 
of  Greece,  resided  in  no  better  houses  than  their  neighbors. 
The  dwellings  of  the  opulent  differed  from  ordinary  houses  only 
in  having  a court,  called  av\r],  which  was  enclosed  by  the  build- 
ing, and  in  which  the  master  of  the  family  was  accustomed  to 
sacrifice.  Tombs  were  regarded  as  sacred  edifices;  we  must 
not,  therefore,  be  surprised  that  Nicias,  the  celebrated  painter, 
was  willing  to  be  employed  in  embellishing  with  his  pencil  a 
tomb  before  the  city  of  Tritia,  in  Achaia.  We  must  also 
consider  how  much  emulation  in  art  was  fostered,  when  cities 
rivalled  each  other  in  the  endeavor  to  obtain  a beautiful  statue, 
and  when  a whole  people  defrayed  the  expense  of  statues,  not 
only  to  the  gods,  but  also  to  the  victors  in  the  public  games. 
Some  few  cities  were  known,  even  in  ancient  times,  merely 
through  one  exquisite  statue,  — as  Aliphera  (9)  by  a Pallas  in 
bronze,  executed  by  Hecatodorus  and  Sostratus. 

29.  The  arts  of  sculpture  and  painting  attained  among  the 
Greeks  a certain  excellence  earlier  than  architecture,  because 
the  latter  has  in  it  more  of  the  ideal  than  the  two  former ; it 


298 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


cannot  be  an  imitation  of  anything  actual,  and  must  therefore, 
of  necessity,  be  based  on  the  general  principles  and  rules  of  pro- 
portion. The  two  former,  which  originated  in  mere  imitation, 
found  all  the  requisite  rules  determined  in  man ; whereas, 
architecture  was  obliged  to  discover  its  own  rules  by  repeated 
trials,  and  establish  them  by  general  approval. 

30.  Sculpture,  however,  outstripped  painting,  and,  like  an 
elder  sister,  served  as  a guide  to  the  younger.  Pliny,  indeed,  is 
of  opinion  that  painting  had  no  existence  at  the  date  of  the 
Trojan  war.  The  Jupiter  of  Phidias  and  the  Juno  of  Polycle- 
tus,  the  most  perfect  statues  of  antiquity,  were  in  being  before 
light  and  shadow  had  been  introduced  into  painting.  Apollo- 
dorus  (10),  and  especially  Zeuxis,  his  scholar,  who  were  cele- 
brated in  the  nineteenth  Olympiad,  are  the  first  in  whose 
pictures  this  improvement  appears.  Prior  to  this  time,  one 
must  represent  to  himself  the  figures  in  paintings  as  statues 
placed  near  one  another,  which,  except  in  the  action  of  stand- 
ing opposite  to  each  other,  appeared  as  single  figures,  without 
being  grouped  so  as  to  compose  a whole,  exactly  in  the  style  of 
the  paintings  on  the  (so  called)  Etruscan  vases  of  burnt  clay. 
According  to  Pliny,  Euphranor,  who  was  contemporary  with 
Praxiteles,  and  therefore  later  still  than  Zeuxis,  introduced 
symmetry  into  painting. 

31.  The  reason  of  the  slower  growth  of  painting  lies  partly 
in  the  art  itself,  and  partly  in  its  use  and  application.  Sculp- 
ture promoted  the  worship  of  the  gods,  and  was  in  its  turn 
promoted  by  it.  But  painting  had  no  such  advantage.  It  w^as, 
indeed,  consecrated  to  the  gods  and  temples ; and  some  few  of 
the  latter,  as  that  of  Juno  at  Samos,  were  Pinacothecae,  or  pic- 
ture-galleries ; at  Rome,  likewise,  paintings  by  the  best  masters 
were  hung  up  in  the  temple  of  Peace,  that  is,  in  the  upper 
rooms  or  arches.  But  paintings  do  not  appear  to  have  been, 
among  the  Greeks,  an  object  of  holy,  undoubting  reverence  and 
adoration.  There  is  not,  at  least,  among  all  those  noticed  by 
Pliny  and  Pausanias,  a single  one  which  obtained  this  honor, 
unless,  perchance,  an  allusion  to  such  a picture  may  be  discov- 
ered in  the  passage  from  Philo  in  the  note  (11).  Pausanias 
merely  mentions  a picture  of  Pallas  in  her  temple  at  Tegea, 
which  represented  a Lectisternium  (.12)  to  the  goddess. 

32.  Painting,  however,  is  very  much  indebted  to  the  custom 
among  the  ancients  of  embellishing  their  rooms  with  the  pencil. 


ART  AMONG  TER  GREEKS. 


299 


This  also  was  one  of  the  causes  to  which  the  art  owed  its  im- 
provement in  Italy,  in  our  forefathers’  times,  before  tapestry,  a 
less  costly  covering  of  the  walls,  had  displaced  painting.  The 
ancients  likewise  decorated  their  rooms  with  geographical 
charts,  — a mode  of  embellishment  of  which  one  may  obtain 
an  idea  from  the  long  and  splendid  topographical  hall  of  the 
countries  of  Italy,  in  the  Vatican. 

33.  Painting  and  sculpture  stand  to  each  other  in  the  same 
relation  as  oratory  and  poetry.  As  the  latter  was  regarded  as 
more  sacred  than  the  former,  was  employed  in  religious  offices, 
and  specially  remunerated,  it  arrived  earlier  at  perfection  ; and 
this  is  partly  the  reason  why,  as  Cicero  says,  there  have  been 
more  good  poets  than  orators.  But  we  find  that  painters  were 
also  sculptors ; as,  among  others,  an  Athenian  painter,  Mico, 
who  made  the  statue  of  Callias  of  Athens ; the  distinguished 
painter,  Euphranor,  the  contemporary  of  Praxiteles ; Zeuxis, 
whose  works  in  burnt  clay  stood  at  Ambracia  ; and  Protogenes, 
who  wrought  in  bronze ; even  Apelles  made  a statue  of  Cynisca, 
the  daughter  of  Archidamus,  king  of  Sparta.  Sculptors  have 
also  been  no  less  celebrated  as  architects.  Polycletus  built  a 
theatre,  at  Epidaurus,  which  was  dedicated  to  iEsculapius,  and 
which  stood  within  the  enclosure  of  his  temple. 

34.  All  Greece  may  rightly  be  called  the  land  of  art ; for 
though  its  favorite  seat  was  in  Athens,  yet  it  was,  nevertheless, 
practised  also  at  Sparta.  This  city,  in  the  oldest  times,  and 
prior  to  the  Persian  wars,  sent  to  Sardis  to  purchase  gold  to 
gild  the  face  of  a statue  of  Apollo. 

Such  were  the  advantages  which  Greece  had  over  other 
nations  in  art,  and  only  such  a soil  could  produce  fruits  so 
splendid. 


800 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  ESSENTIAL  OF  ART. 

1.  We  now  pass  from  the  first  to  the  second  division,  that  is, 
from  the  introductory  notices,  to  the  essential  itself,  of  art 
among  the  Greeks,  — just  as  their  young  men,  after  days  of 
preparatory  training  for  the  great  games,  presented  themselves 
in  the  Stadium  before  the  eyes  of  the  assembled  nation,  — not 
without  anxious  fears  for  the  result.  What  has  been  said  of 
the  Egyptians  and  Etruscans,  in  the  preceding  books,  may, 
indeed,  be  considered  only  as  the  prelude  to  the  proper  contest 
of  the  Stadium. 

2.  I imagine  myself,  in  fact,  appearing  in  the  Olympic 
Stadium,  where  I seem  to  see  countless  statues  of  young,  manly 
heroes,  and  two-horse  and  four-horse  chariots  of  bronze,  with 
the  figures  of  the  victors  erect  thereon,  and  other  wonders  of 
art.  Indeed,  my  imagination  has  several  times  plunged  me  into 
such,  a reverie,  in  which  I have  likened  myself  to  those  athletes, 
since  my  essay  is  to  be  regarded  as  no  less  doubtful  in  its  issue 
than  theirs.  I cannot  but  think  of  myself  thus,  when  ventur- 
ing on  the  enterprise  of  elucidating  the  principles  and  causes  of 
so  many  works  of  art,  visible  around  me,  and  of  their  lofty 
beauties ; in  which  attempt,  as  in  the  contests  of  beauty,.  I see 
before  me,  not  one,  but  numerous  enlightened  judges. 

3.  I would  not,  however,  wish  this  imaginary  flight  to  Elis 
to  be  regarded  as  a mere  poetic  fancy.  It  will,  on  the  contrary, 
be  seemingly  realized,  if  I conceive  all  the  statues  and  images 
of  which  mention  has  been  made  by  authors,  and  likewise  every 
remaining  fragment  of  them,  together  with  the  countless  mul- 
titude of  works  of  art  which  have  been  preserved,  as  present 
before  me  at  the  same  time.  Without  collecting  and  uniting 
them  so  that  a glance  may  embrace  all,  no  correct  opinion  can 
be  formed  of  them ; but  when  the  understanding  and  the  eye 
assemble  and  set  the  whole  together  in  one  area,  just  as  the 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


301 


choicest  specimens  of  art  stood  ranged  in  numerous  rows  in  the 
Stadium  at  Elis  (1),  then  the  spirit  finds  itself  in  the  midst  of 
them. 

4.  But  as  no  intelligent  man  in  modern  days  has  ever  pene- 
trated to  Elis,  — to  avail  myself  of  the  words  which  a skilful 
and  learned  antiquarian  employed  to  stimulate  me  to  this  jour- 
ney, — so  writers  upon  art  do  not  seem  to  have  prepared  them- 
selves, as  they  should  have  done,  to  appear  in  the  Stadium 
there,  willing  to  give  a well-grounded  explanation  of  every- 
thing, before  a Proxenides.  This  censure  I can  maintain  before 
those  who  have  read  the  authors  to  whom  I allude. 

5.  But  how  has  it  happened,  that,  whilst  well-grounded 
elementary  treatises  on  all  other  departments  of  knowledge 
exist,  the  principles  of  art  and  of  beauty  have  been  so  little 
investigated '?  The  fault,  reader,  lies  in  our  innate  indolent 
unwillingness  to  think  for  ourselves,  and  in  scholastic  philos- 
ophy. On  the  one  hand,  the  ancient  works  of  art  have  been 
regarded  as  beauties  which  one  can  never  hope  fully  to  enjoy, 
and  which  on  this  account  easily  warm  some  imaginations,  but 
do  not  touch  the  heart ; and  antiquities  have  given  occasion 
for  the  display  of  reading  only,  but  have  ministered  little 
nutriment,  or  absolutely  none  at  all,  to  the  understanding. 
On  the  other  hand,  philosophy  has  been  practised  and  taught 
principally  by  those  who,  from  reading  the  works  of  their 
gloomy  predecessors,  have  but  little  room  left  for  the  feelings, 
over  which  they  have,  as  it  were,  drawn  an  insensible  cuticle, 
and  we  have  consequently  been  led  through  a labyrinth  of  meta- 
physical subtilty  and  wordiness,  which  have  principally  served 
the  purpose  of  producing  big  books,  and  disgusting  the  under- 
standing. 

6.  For  these  reasons,  art  has  been,  and  still  is,  excluded  from 
philosophical  consideration  ; and  the  great  general  truths  which 
lead  pleasantly  to  the  investigation  of  beauty,  and  thence 
upward  nearer  to  its  source,  not  having  been  applied  to  and  ex- 
plained by  the  beautiful  in  particulars,  have  been  lost  in  profit- 
less speculation.  How  can  I judge  otherwise,  even  of  treatises 
which  have  selected  the  highest  object  after  the  Deity,  namely, 
Beauty,  for  their  subject  1 I have  meditated  long  upon  it,  but 
my  meditations  commenced  too  late,  and  in  the  brightest  glow 
of  mature  life  its  essential  has  remained  dark  to  me ; I can 
speak  of  it,  therefore,  only  feebly  and  spiritlessly.  My  exertions, 


302 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


however,  may  be  an  incentive  to  others  to  propose  doctrines, 
not  only  more  profound,  but  breathing  the  inspiration  of  the 
Graces. 

7.  It  is  my  intention  to  treat  first  of  the  drawing  of  the  nude 
figure,  — which  also  comprehends  that  of  animals ; then  of  the 
drawing  of  clothed  figures,  and  in  particular  of  female  drapery. 
The  delineation  of  the  nude  figure  is  grounded  on  the  knowl- 
edge and  conceptions  of  beauty.  These  conceptions  consist 
partly  in  measure  and  relations,  and  partly  in  forms,  the  beauty 
of  which  was  the  aim  of  the  first  Greek  artists,  as  Cicero 1 says  ; 
the  latter  give  shape  to  the  figure,  the  former  determine  its 
proportions. 

8.  I shall,  in  the  first  place,  speak  of  beauty  in  general,  not 
only  of  forms,  but  also  of  attitude  and  gesture,  together  with 
proportion  ; and  then  of  the  beauty  of  single  parts  of  the  human 
body.  In  the  general  consideration  of  beauty,  I shall,  in  some 
preliminary  remarks,  venture  on  an  unusual  view  of  it,  that  is, 
consider  its  negative  character ; and  then  present  some  definite 
ideas  of  it.  It  is,  however,  easier  to  say  what  it  is  not  than 
what  it  is,  as  Cotta,  in  Cicero,2  says  of  God.  There  is  nearly 
the  same  relation  between  beauty  and  its  opposite,  as  there  is 
between  health  and  disease ; we  feel  the  latter,  but  not  the 
former. 

9.  Beauty,  as  the  loftiest  mark  and  the  central  point  of  art, 
demands  some  preliminary  discussion,  in  which  I should  wish 
to  satisfy  both  myself  and  the  reader ; but  this  is  a wish  of 
difficult  gratification  in  either  respect.  When,  after  some  gen- 
eral observations  upon  the  art  of  design  among  the  Greeks,  I 
sought  to  advance  farther  into  the  examination  of  it,  Beauty 
seemed  to  beckon  to  me,  — probably  that  same  Beauty  which 
exhibited  herself  to  the  great  artists,  and  allowed  herself  to  be 
felt,  grasped,  and  figured,  — for  I have  sought  and  longed  to 
recognize  her  in  their  works.  I cast  my  eyes  down  before  this 
creation  of  my  imagination,  — as  did  those  to  whom  the  High- 
est appeared,  — believing  that  I saw  the  Highest  in  this  vision 
of  my  fancy.  At  the  same  time,  I blushed  for  the  confidence 
which  had  emboldened  me  to  pry  into  her  mysteries,  and  to 
treat  of  the  loftiest  conception  of  humanity,  as  I recalled  to 
mind  the  fear  which  this  undertaking  formerly  caused  me. 
But  the  kind  reception  which  my  reflections  have  met  encour- 

1 Be  Finib.,  lib.  2,  cap.  34,  in  fine.  2 De  Natura  Deor.,  lib.  1,  cap.  21. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


803 


ages  me  to  follow  that  invitation,  and  meditate  further  on 
beauty.  With  an  imagination  warmed  by  the  desire  of  assem- 
bling all  the  single  beauties  which  I had  observed,  and  uniting 
them  in  one  figure,  I sought  to  create  a poetic  Beauty,  and 
place  her  before  me.  But  in  this  second  trial  and  exertion  of 
my  powers,  I have  been  again  convinced  that  this  is  still  more 
difficult  than  to  find  in  human  nature  perfect  beauty,  if  such 
can  exist.  For  beauty  is  one  of  the  great  mysteries  of  nature, 
whose  influence  we  all  see  and  feel ; but  a general,  distinct  idea 
of  its  essential  must  be  classed  among  the  truths  yet  undis- 
covered. If  this  idea  were  geometrically  clear,  men  would  not 
differ  in  their  opinions  upon  the  beautiful,  and  it  would  be  easy 
to  prove  what  true  beauty  is ; still  less  could  there  be  one  class 
of  men  of  so  unfortunate  sensibility,  and  another  of  so  perverse 
self-conceit,  that  the  former  would  create  for  themselves  a false 
beauty,  and  the  latter  refuse  to  receive  a correct  idea  of  true 
beauty,  and  say  with  Ennius,  Sed  mihi  neutiquam  cor  consentit 
cum  oculorum  adspectu,  “ But  my  heart  does  not  assent  to  what 
my  eyes  behold.”  1 It  is  less  difficult  to  instruct  the  former 
than  to  convince  the  latter,  whose  doubts,  being  intended 
rather  for  the  display  of  ingenuity,  than  carried  to  the  extent 
of  denying  the  reality  of  beauty,  have,  consequently,  no  influ- 
ence upon  art.  These  a glance  should  enlighten,  especially  in 
the  presence  of  more  than  a thousand  ancient  wrorks  which  have 
been  preserved ; but  there  is  no  remedy  for  insensibility,  and 
we  have  no  rule  and  canon  of  beauty  according  to  which,  as 
Euripides  says,  ugliness  may  be  judged  ; and  for  this  reason  we 
differ  about  that  which  is  beautiful,  just  as  we  differ  about  that 
which  is  truly  good. 

10.  It  ought  not  to  create  surprise,  that  our  ideas  of  beauty 
are,  as  I have  already  observed,  very  different  from  those  among 
the  Chinese  and  Indian  nations,  when  we  reflect  that  we  our- 
selves rarely  agree  in  every  particular  respecting  a beautiful 
face.  Blue  eyes  are  generally  attracted  by  brown  eyes,  and 
brown  eyes  charmed  by  blue  ; and  opinions  differ  about  a beau- 
tiful person,  just  as  inclinations  differ  in  preferring  fair  or  dark 
beauty.  He  who  prefers  dark  to  fair  beauty  is  not  on  that 
account  to  be  censured ; indeed,  one  might  approve  his  choice, 
if  he  is  attracted  less  by  sight  than  by  the  touch.  For  a dark- 
complexioned  beauty  may,  perhaps,  appear  to  have  a softer  skin 
1 Cic.  LuculU,  cap.  17. 


804 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


than  one  of  a fair  complexion,  because  the  fair  skin  reflects  more 
rays  of  light,  and  of  course  must  be  denser,  thicker,  and  conse- 
quently harsher,  than  a brown  skin.  Hence,  a brown  skin  is 
to  be  regarded  as  the  clearer,  because  this  color,  when  natural, 
is  occasioned  by  the  blood  showing  through  it,  and  from  this 
very  cause  it  is  tanned  more  quickly  than  a fair  skin ; this  is 
also  the  reason  why  the  skin  of  the  Moors  is  far  softer  to  the 
touch  than  ours.  A brown  complexion  in  beautiful  boys  was, 
with  the  Greeks,  an  indication  of  courage ; those  of  fair  com- 
plexion were  called  children  of  the  gods. 

11.  This  difference  of  opinion  is  shown  still  more  strongly  in 
the  judgment  passed  upon  the  beauties  impersonated  by  art, 
than  upon  those  in  nature  itself.  For  since  the  former  excite 
less  than  the  latter,  so  will  they  also  — when  they  are  designed 
after  ideas  of  elevated  beauty,  and  are  more  serious  than  gay  — 
be  less  pleasing  to  the  uninstructed  mind  than  an  ordinary 
pretty  face  which  is  lively  and  animated.  The  cause  lies  in  our 
passions,  which  with  most  men  are  excited  by  the  first  look, 
and  the  senses  are  already  gratified,  when  reason,  unsatisfied,  is 
seeking  to  discover  and  enjoy  the  charm  of  true  beauty.  It  is 
not,  then,  beauty  which  captivates  us,  but  sensuality.  Conse- 
quently, young  persons,  in  whom  the  passions  are  in  a state  of 
excitement  and  ferment,  will  look  upon  those  faces  as  divine, 
which,  though  not  strictly  beautiful,  have  the  charm  of  tender 
and  passionate  expression ; and  they  will  be  less  affected  by  a 
truly  beautiful  woman,  even  with  the  shape  and  majesty  of 
Juno,  whose  gestures  and  actions  evince  modesty  and  decorum. 

12.  The  ideas  of  beauty  with  most  artists  are  formed  from 
their  first  crude  impressions,  which  are  seldom  weakened  or 
destroyed  by  loftier  beauties,  especially  when  they  cannot  im- 
prove their  minds  by  recurring  to  the  beauties  of  the  ancients. 
For  it  is  with  drawing  as  with  writing;  few  boys  who  learn  to 
write  are  taught  how  the  beauty  of  the  letters  consists  in  the 
nature  of  the  strokes,  and  in  the  light  and  shadow  in  them, 
but  they  get  a copy  to  imitate,  without  any  further  instruction, 
and  the  handwriting  is  formed  before  the  pupil  attends  to  the 
principles  on  which  the  beauty  of  the  letters  is  founded.  Most 
young  persons  learn  to  draw  in  precisely  the  same  manner; 
and,  as  the  writing-strokes  remain  in  adult  years  just  as  they 
were  formed  in  youth,  so  the  designer’s  conceptions  of  beauty 
are  commonly  pictured  in  his  own  mind  as  his  eye  has  been 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS . 


305 


accustomed  to  observe  and  copy  it ; but  they  will  be  incorrect, 
because  most  artists  draw  from  imperfect  models. 

13.  It  is  also  very  probable  that  the  idea  of  beauty,  with 
artists  as  with  all  other  men,  is  conformable  to  the  texture  and 
action  of  the  nerves  of  sight.  From  the  imperfect  and  fre- 
quently incorrect  coloring  of  the  painter,  one  must  infer,  in 
part,  that  the  colors  are  so  represented  and  pictured  in  his 
eye ; for,  in  this  particular,  the  conclusion  at  which  the  sect  of 
Skeptics  in  philosophy  arrived  is  not  groundless,  who  argued, 
from  the  diversity  in  the  color  of  the  eyes  both  in  beast  and 
man,  that  our  knowledge  of  the  true  colors  of  objects  is  uncer- 
tain. As  the  color  of  the  humors  of  the  eye  might  be  re- 
garded as  the  cause  of  this  defect,  so  the  different  ideas  of  the 
forms  which  constitute  beauty  are  probably  dependent  on  the 
nature  of  the  nerves.  This  is  conceivable  from  the  innumera- 
ble kinds  of  fruits  and  the  innumerable  varieties  of  the  same 
fruit,  whose  different  shape  and  taste  are  elaborated  through 
divers  filaments,  by  the  interlacing  of  which  the  tubes  are 
woven,  within  which  the  sap  ascends,  is  purified,  and  ripened. 
Now  since  there  must  exist  a cause  for  the  many  different 
impressions  made  even  upon  those  who  are  occupied  in  de- 
lineating them,  the  foregoing  supposition  may  by  no  means  be 
rejected. 

14.  In  others,  the  climate  has  not  allowed  the  gentle  feeling 
of  pure  beauty  to  mature ; it  has  either  been  confirmed  in  them 
by  art,  — that  is,  by  constantly  and  studiously  employing  their 
scientific  knowledge  in  the  representation  of  youthful  beauties, 

■ — as  in  Michael  Angelo,  or  become  in  time  utterly  corrupted,  as 
was  the  case  with  Bernini  (2),  by  a vulgar  flattery  of  the  coarse 
and  uncultivated,  in  attempting  to  render  everything  more  in- 
telligible to  them.  The  former  busied  himself  in  the  contem- 
plation of  lofty  beauty ; this  is  evident  from  his  poems,  some 
of  which  have  been  published ; in  them  his  thoughts  relative 
to  it  are  expressed  in  elevated  language,  worthy  of  the  subject. 
In  powerful  figures  he  is  wonderful ; but,  from  the  cause  before 
mentioned,  his  female  and  youthful  figures  are,  in  shape,  action, 
and  gesture,  creatures  of  another  world.  Michael  Angelo,  com- 
pared with  Raphael,  is  what  Thucydides  is  to  Xenophon.  The 
very  course  which  led  Michael  Angelo  to  impassable  places  and 
steep  cliffs  plunged  Bernini,  on  the  contrary,  into  bogs  and 
pools ; for  he  sought  to  dignify,  as  it  were,  by  exaggeration, 

vol  i.  20 


306 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


forms  of  the  most  ordinary  kind.  His  figures  are  those  of 
vulgar  people  who  have  suddenly  met  with  good  fortune,  and 
their  expression  is  oftentimes  opposed  to  the  action,  as  when 
Hannibal  laughed  in  the  extremity  of  his  grief.  Yet  this  artist 
long  held  undisputed  sway,  and  homage  is  paid  to  him  even 
now.  The  eye  also  is  as  incorrect  in  many  artists  as  in  the  un- 
instructed, and  they  do  not  depart  from  the  truth  in  imitating 
the  colors  of  objects,  more  than  in  the  conformation  of  the  beau- 
tiful. Baroccio,  one  of  the  most  celebrated  painters,  who  studied 
after  Raphael,  is  distinguishable  by  his  drapery,  but  still  more 
by  his  profiles,  in  which  the  nose  is  commonly  very  much 
sunken.  Pietro  da  Cortona  is  known  by  the  chin  of  his  heads, 
which  is  somewhat  small,  and  flat  at  its  lower  part;  and  yet  these 
are  painters  of  the  Roman  school.  In  other  Italian  schools  still 
more  imperfect  conceptions  are  observable. 

15.  Individuals  of  the  second  class  — namely,  those  who 
question  the  correctness  of  all  conceptions  of  beauty  — found 
their  doubts  principally  on  the  notions  of  the  beautiful  existing 
among  remote  nations,  which  must  be  different  from  ours,  in 
conformity  to  the  difference  in  the  shape  of  their  faces.  Since 
many  nations  compare  the  complexion  of  their  beauties  with 
ebony,  as  we  do  with  ivory,  — and  a dark-colored  skin  is  more 
brilliant  than  a white  skin,  just  as  ebony  has  more  gloss  than 
any  other  wood,  — so,  it  is  argued,  will  they  probably  compare 
the  forms  of  the  face  with  the  corresponding  parts  in  beasts, 
which  to  us  would  appear  deformed  and  ngly.  I acknowledge 
that,  even  in  the  faces  of  Europeans,  forms  similar  to  those  of 
brutes  can  be  found ; and  Otto  van  Been,  the  master  of  Rubens, 
has,  according  to  Porta,  written  a special  treatise  in  exposition 
of  the  fact.  But  it  must  also  be  conceded,  that,  the  more 
striking  this  similarity  in  some  few  parts,  so  much  the  more 
does  their  form  differ,  partly  by  variation  and  partly  by  excess, 
from  the  characteristics  of  our  race,  thereby  destroying  the 
harmony,  unity,  and  simplicity,  in  which  beauty,  as  I shall 
show  hereafter,  consists. 

16.  The  more  oblique,  for  example,  the  eyes,  as  in  cats,  so 
much  the  more  does  their  direction  deviate  from  the  funda- 
mental form  of  the  face,  which  is  a cross,  whereby  it  is  divided 
equally,  in  length  and  breadth,  from  the  crown  of  the  head 
downward,  since  the  perpendicular  line  passes  through  the  mid- 
dle of  the  nose,  and  the  horizontal  line  through  the  orbits  of 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


307 


the  eyes.  If  the  eye  is  placed  obliquely,  then  the  face  is  divided 
by  a line  oblique  to  the  vertical  line  passing  through  the  nose. 
This  at  least  must  be  the  true  cause  of  the  unseemliness  of  an 
obliquely  situated  mouth  ; for,  if  of  two  lines  one  deviates  from 
the  other  without  reason,  a disagreeable  impression  is  produced. 
Such  eyes,  therefore,  when  found  among  us,  and  in  Chinese, 
Japanese,  and  some  Egyptian  heads,  in  profile,  are  a departure 
from  the  standard.  The  flattened  nose  of  the  Chinese,  Cal- 
mucks,  and  other  distant  nations,  is  also  a deviation,  for  it 
mars  the  unity  of  the  forms  according  to  which  the  other  parts 
of  the  body  have  been  shaped.  There  is  no  reason  why  the 
nose  should  be  so  much  depressed,  should  not  much  rather  fol- 
low the  direction  of  the  forehead ; just  as,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
would  be  an  exception  to  the  variety  displayed  in  the  human 
conformation,  if  the  forehead  and  nose  were  formed  by  one 
straight  bone,  as  in  beasts.  The  projecting,  swollen  mouth 
which  the  negro  has,  in  common  with  the  monkey  of  his  land, 
is  a superfluous  growth,  caused  by  the  heat  of  the  climate,  just 
as  among  us  the  lips  swell  up  from  heat,  or  a humid  and  harsh, 
salt  air,  and  in  some  men,  indeed,  from  violent  anger.  The 
small  eyes  of  extreme  northern  and  eastern  nations  make  a 
part  of  the  incompleteness  of  their  growth,  which  is  short  and 
small. 

17.  Nature  effects  such  conformations  more  generally,  the 
nigher  she  approximates  her  extremes,  and  the  more  she  has 
to  contend  either  with  heat  or  cold.  Her  productions,  in  the 
former  case,  are  characterized  by  excess  and  prematureness ; 
in  the  latter,  her  growths  of  every  kind  are  immature.  A 
flower  withers  beneath  an  excessive  heat,  and,  in  a cellar  into 
which  the  sun  never  penetrates,  it  remains  without  color; 
indeed,  plants  degenerate  in  a close,  dark  place.  But,  in  pro- 
portion as  nature  gradually  draws  nigher  to  her  centre  in  a 
temperate  climate,  her  productions  are  marked  by  more  regu- 
larity of  shape,  as  it  has  been  shown  in  the  third  chapter  of  the 
first  book.  Consequently  our  ideas  and  those  of  the  Greeks 
relative  to  beauty,  being  derived  from  the  most  regular  confor- 
mation, are  more  correct  than  those  that  can  possibly  be 
formed  by  nations  which,  to  adopt  the  thought  of  a modern 
poet,  have  lost  one  half  of  their  likeness  to  the  Creator ; for,  as 
Euripides  says,  what  is  not  beautiful  in  itself  can  be  beautiful 
nowhere. 


308 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART 


18.  But  we  ourselves  differ  as  to  beauty,  — probably  more 
than  we  do  even  in  taste  and  smell,  — whenever  our  ideas 
respecting  it  are  deficient  in  clearness.  It  will  not  be  easy 
to  find  a hundred  men  who  would  agree  as  to  all  the  points 
of  beauty  in  any  one  face,  — I speak  of  those  who  have  not 
thought  profoundly  on  the  subject.  The  handsomest  man  that 
I have  seen  in  Italy  was  not  the  handsomest  in  the  eyes  of  all, 
not  even  of  those  who  prided  themselves  on  being  observant  of 
the  beauty  of  our  sex.  But  those  who  have  regarded  and  selected 
beauty  as  a worthy  subject  of  reflection  cannot  differ  as  to  the 
truly  beautiful,  for  it  is  one  only,  and  not  manifold  ; and  when 
they  have  studied  it  in  the  perfect  statues  of  the  ancients,  they 
do  not  find,  in  the  beautiful  women  of  a proud  and  wise  nation, 
those  charms  which  are  generally  so  much  prized,  — because 
they  are  not  dazzled  by  the  fairness  of  their  skin.  Beauty  is 
felt  by  sense,  but  is  recognized  and  comprehended  by  the  under- 
standing, which  generally  renders,  and  ought  to  render,  sense 
less  susceptible,  but  more  correct.  Most  nations,  however,  and 
among  them  the  most  cultivated,  not  only  of  Europe,  but  of 
Asia  and  Africa,  invariably  agree  as  to  the  general  form ; con- 
sequently their  ideas  of  it  are  not  to  be  considered  as  arbitrarily 
assumed,  although  we  are  not  able  to  account  for  them  all. 

1 9.  Color  assists  beauty ; generally,  it  heightens  beauty  and 
its  forms,  but  it  does  not  constitute  it ; just  as  the  taste  of  wine 
is  more  agreeable,  from  its  color,  when  drunk  from  a trans- 
parent glass,  than  from  the  most  costly  golden  cup.  Color, 
however,  should  have  but  little  share  in  our  consideration  of 
beauty,  because  the  essence  of  beauty  consists,  not  in  color,  but 
in  shape,  and  on  this  point  enlightened  minds  will  at  once 
agree.  As  white  is  the  color  which  reflects  the  greatest  number 
of  rays  of  light,  and  consequently  is  the  most  easily  perceived, 
a beautiful  body  will,  accordingly,  be  the  more  beautiful  the 
whiter  it  is,  just  as  we  see  that  all  figures  in  gypsum,  w7hen 
freshly  formed,  strike  us  as  larger  than  the  statues  from  which 
they  are  made.  A negro  might  be  called  handsome,  when  the 
conformation  of  his  face  is  handsome.  A traveller  assures  us 
that  daily  association  with  negroes  diminishes  the  disagreeable- 
ness of  their  color,  and  displays  wThat  is  beautiful  in  them  ; just 
as  the  color  of  bronze  and  of  the  black  and  greenish  basalt  does 
not  detract  from  the  beauty  of  the  antique  heads.  The  beau- 
tiful female  head  (3)  in  the  latter  kind  of  stone,  in  the  villa 


ART  AMONG  TER  GREEKS. 


309 


Albani,  would  not  appear  more  beautiful  in  white  marble.  The 
head  of  the  elder  Scipio,  of  dark-greenish  basalt,  in  the  palace 
Rospigliosi,  is  more  beautiful  than  the  three  other  heads,  in 
marble,  of  the  same  individual.  These  heads,  together  with 
other  statues  in  black  stone,  will  meet  with  approbation  even 
from  the  unlearned,  who  view  them  as  statues.  It  is  manifest, 
therefore,  that  we  possess  a knowledge  of  the  beautiful,  although 
in  an  unusual  dress  and  of  a disagreeable  color.  But  beauty  is 
also  different  from  pleasingness  or  loveliness.  We  term  a person 
lovely  or  pleasing,  who,  without  being  beautiful,  has  the  power 
to  charm  by  demeanor,  conversation,  and  understanding,  also 
by  youth,  skin,  and  complexion.  Aristotle  calls  such  persons 
avev  kolWovs  wpcucn,  charming  without  beauty ; and  Plato  says, 
wpaiW  7rpocr(i)7roLs , kclXwv  Se  p.rj,  of  pleasing,  but  not  beautiful 
faces. 

20.  Thus  far,  then,  we  have,  as  proposed,  treated  of  beauty 
negatively  ; that  is,  by  showing  that  the  conceptions  enter- 
tained of  it  are  incorrect,  we  have  separated  from  it  attributes 
which  it  does  not  possess.  A positive  idea  of  it  requires  a 
knowledge  of  its  essence,  into  which,  except  in  a few  cases,  we 
have  no  power  to  look.  We  cannot  proceed  here,  as  in  the 
greater  number  of  philosophical  investigations,  after  the  mode 
used  in  geometry,  which  advances  and  concludes  from  generals 
to  particulars  and  individuals,  and  from  the  nature  of  things  to 
their  properties,  but  we  must  satisfy  ourselves  with  drawing 
probable  conclusions  merely  from  single  pieces.  But  fear  lest 
the  following  considerations  upon  beauty  may  be  misconstrued 
must  not  disturb  him  who  desires  to  instruct ; for,  as  Plato  and 
Aristotle,  the  teacher  and  scholar,  entertained  precisely  oppo- 
site opinions  as  to  the  aim  of  tragedy,  — the  latter  commending 
it  as  a purifier  of  the  passions,  and  the  former,  on  the  contrary, 
describing  it  as  a stimulus  to  them,  — so  it  is  possible  that  a 
harsh  judgment  may  be  pronounced  on  the  most  innocent  in- 
tentions even  of  those  who  think  correctly.  I make  this  re- 
mark especially  in  regard  to  my  treatise  on  the  Capability  of 
the  Perception  of  the  Beautiful  in  Sculpture,  which  suggested  to 
some  few  individuals  an  opinion  that  certainly  never  entered 
into  my  thoughts. 

21.  Wise  men  who  have  meditated  on  the  causes  of  univer- 
sal beauty  have  placed  it  in  the  harmony  of  the  creature  with 
the  purposes  of  its  being,  and  of  the  parts  with  each  other  and 


810 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


with  the  whole,  because  they  have  investigated  it  in  the  works 
of  creation,  and  have  sought  to  reach  even  the  source  of  the 
highest  beauty.  But,  as  this  is  synonymous  with  perfection, 
of  which  humanity  is  not  a fit  recipient,  our  idea  of  universal 
beauty  is  still  indefinite ; and  it  is  formed  within  us  by  single 
acquisitions  of  knowledge,  which,  when  they  are  collected  and 
united  together,  give  us,  if  correct,  the  highest  idea  of  human 
beauty,  — which  we  exalt  in  proportion  as  we  are  able  to  ele- 
vate ourselves  above  matter.  Since,  moreover,  this  perfection 
has  been  bestowed  by  the  Creator  on  all  his  creatures,  in  a 
degree  suitable  to  them,  and  every  idea  originates  from  a cause 
which  must  be  sought,  not  in  the  idea  itself,  but  in  something 
else,  so  the  cause  of  beauty  cannot  be  found  out  of  itself,  since 
it  exists  in  all  created  things.  From  this  circumstance,  and  — 
as  all  our  knowledge  is  made  up  of  ideas  of  comparison  — from 
the  impossibility  of  comparing  beauty  with  anything  higher 
than  itself,  arises  the  difficulty  of  a general  and  clear  explana- 
tion of  it. 

22.  The  highest  beauty  is  in  God ; and  our  idea  of  human 
beauty  advances  towards  perfection  in  proportion  as  it  can  be 
imagined  in  conformity  and  harmony  with  that  highest  Exist- 
ence which,  in  our  conception  of  unity  and  indivisibility,  we 
distinguish  from  matter.  This  idea  of  beauty  is  like  an  essence 
extracted  from  matter  by  fire;  it  seeks  to  beget  unto  itself 
a creature  formed  after  the  likeness  of  the  first  rational  being 
designed  in  the  mind  of  the  Divinity.  The  forms  of  such  a 
figure  are  simple  and  flowing,  and  various  in  their  unity ; and 
for  this  reason  they  are  harmonious,  just  as  a sweet  and  pleas- 
ing tone  can  be  extracted  from  bodies  the  parts  of  which  are 
uniform.  All  beauty  is  heightened  by  unity  and  simplicity,  as 
is  everything  which  we  do  and  say ; for  whatever  is  great  in 
itself  is  elevated,  when  executed  and  uttered  with  simplicity. 
It  is  not  more  strictly  circumscribed,  nor  does  it  lose  any  of 
its  greatness,  because  the  mind  can  survey  and  measure  it  with 
a glance,  and  comprehend  and  embrace  it  in  a single  idea ; 
but  the  very  readiness  with  which  it  may  be  embraced  places 
it  before  us  in  its  true  greatness,  and  the  mind  is  enlarged,  and 
likewise  elevated,  by  the  comprehension  of  it.  Everything 
which  we  must  consider  in  separate  pieces,  or  which  we  cannot 
survey  at  once,  from  the  number  of  its  constituent  parts,  loses 
thereby  some  portion  of  its  greatness,  just  as  a long  road  is 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


311 


shortened  by  many  objects  presenting  themselves  on  it,  or  by 
many  inns  at  which  a stop  can  be  made.  The  harmony  which 
ravishes  the  soul  does  not  consist  in  arpeggios,  and  tied 
and  slurred  notes,  but  in  simple,  long-drawn  tones.  This  is 
the  reason  why  a large  palace  appears  small,  when  it  is  over- 
loaded with  ornament,  and  a house  large,  when  elegant  and 
simple  in  its  style. 

23.  From  unity  proceeds  another  attribute  of  lofty  beauty, 
the  absence  of  individuality  ; that  is,  the  forms  of  it  are  de- 
scribed neither  by  points  nor  lines  other  than  those  which  shape 
beauty  merely,  and  consequently  produce  a figure  which  is 
neither  peculiar  to  any  particular  individual,  nor  yet  ex- 
presses any  one  state  of  the  mind  or  affection  of  the  passions, 
because  these  blend  with  it  strange  lines,  and  mar  the  unity. 
According  to  this  idea,  beauty  should  be  like  the  best  kind  o 
water,  drawn  from  the  spring  itself ; the  less  taste  it  has,  the 
more  healthful  it  is  considered,  because  free  from  all  foreign 
admixture.  As  the  state  of  happiness  — that  is,  the  absence  of 
sorrow,  and  the  enjoyment  of  content  — is  the  very  easiest 
state  in  nature,  and  the  road  to  it  is  the  most  direct,  and  can 
be  followed  without  trouble  and  without  expense,  so  the  idea 
of  beauty  appears  to  be  the  simplest  and  easiest,  requiring  no 
philosophical  knowledge  of  man,  no  investigation  and  no  ex- 
pression of  the  passions  of  his  soul. 

24.  Since,  however,  there  is  no  middle  state  in  human  nature 
between  pain  and  pleasure,  even  according  to  Epicurus,  and  the 
passions  are  the  winds  which  impel  our  bark  over  the  sea  of  life, 
with  which  the  poet  sails,  and  on  which  the  artist  soars,  pure 
beauty  alone  cannot  be  the  sole  object  of  our  consideration ; 
we  must  place  it  also  in  a state  of  action  and  of  passion,  which 
we  comprehend  in  art  under  the  term  Expression.  We  shall, 
therefore,  in  the  first  place,  treat  of  the  shape  of  beauty,  and 
in  the  second  place,  of  expression. 

25.  The  shape  of  beauty  is  either  individual , — that  is,  con- 
fined to  an  imitation  of  one  individual,  — or  it  is  a selection  of 
beautiful  parts  from  many  individuals,  and  their  union  into 
one,  which  we  call  ideal , yet  with  the  remark  that  a thing  may 
be  ideal  without  being  beautiful.  The  form  of  the  Egyptian 
figures,  in  which  neither  muscles,  tendons,  nor  veins  are  indi- 
cated, is  ideal,  but  still  it  shapes  forth  no  beauty  in  them  ; 
neither  can  the  drapery  of  Egyptian  female  figures  — ’which 


812 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


can  only  be  imagined,  and  consequently  is  ideal  — be  termed 
beautiful. 

26.  The  conformation  of  beauty  commenced  with  individual 
beauty,  with  an  imitation  of  a beautiful  male  form,  even  in  the 
representation  of  the  gods  ; and,  in  the  blooming  days  of  sculp- 
ture, the  statues  of  goddesses  were  actually  made  after  the 
likeness  of  beautiful  women,  even  of  those  whose  favors  were 
venal  (4) ; such  was  Theodote,  of  whom  Xenophon  speaks.  On 
this  point  the  ancients  thought  differently  from  us,  insomuch 
that  Strabo  calls  those  women  holy  who  had  devoted  them- 
selves to  the  service  of  Venus  on  Mount  Eryx  ; and  an  ode  by 
the  lofty  Pindar,  — in  praise  of  Xenophon  of  Corinth,  a t’nrice- 
crowned  Olympic  conqueror,  — which  was  intended  to  be  sung 
by  young  women  dedicated  to  the  public  service  of  Venus, 
commences  thus  : — “Ye  much-delighting  maids,  and  servants 
of  persuasion  in  rich  Corinth.”  1 

27.  The  gymnasia  and  other  places  where  the  young  exer- 
cised naked  in  athletic  and  other  games,  and  which  were  the 
resort  of  those  who  desired  to  see  beautiful  youth,  were  the 
schools  wherein  the  artist  saw  beauty  of  structure ; and,  from 
the  daily  opportunity  of  seeing  it  nude  and  in  perfection,  his 
imagination  became  heated,  the  beauty  of  the  forms  he  saw 
became  his  own,  and  was  ever  present  to  his  mind.  At  Sparta, 
even  the  young  virgins  exercised  naked,  or  nearly  so,  in  the 
games  of  the  arena. 

28.  To  each  age,  even  as  to  the  goddesses  of  the  seasons, 
there  belongs  its  peculiar  beauty,  but  differing  in  degree.  It  is 
associated  especially  with  youth,  which  it  is  the  great  effort  of 
art  to  represent.  Here,  more  than  in  manhood,  the  artist  found 
the  cause  of  beauty,  in  unity,  variety,  and  harmony.  The 
foi:ms  of  beautiful  youth  resemble  the  unity  of  the  surface  of 
the  sea,  which  at  some  distance  appears  smooth  and  still,  like  a 
mirror,  although  constantly  in  movement  with  its  heaving 
swell.  The  soul,  though  a simple  existence,  brings  forth  at 
once,  and  in  an  instant,  many  different  ideas ; so  it  is  with 
the  beautiful  youthful  outline,  which  appears  simple,  and  yet 
at  the  same  time  has  infinitely  different  variations,  and  that 
soft  tapering  which  is  difficult  of  attainment  in  a column  is  still 
more  so  in  the  diverse  forms  of  a youthful  body.  Among  the 
innumerable  kinds  of  columns  in  Rome,  some  appear  pre-emi- 

1 Athen.,  lib.  13,  cap.  4,  p.  574. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


813 


nently  elegant  on  account  of  this  very  tapering  ; of  these  I 
have  particularly  noticed  two  of  granite,  which  I am  always 
studying  anew  : just  so  rare  is  a perfect  form,  even  in  the 
most  beautiful  youth,  which  has  a stationary  point  in  our  sex 
still  less  than  in  the  female. 

29.  The  forms  of  a beautiful  body  are  determined  by  lines 
the  centre  of  which  is  constantly  changing,  and  which,  if  con- 
tinued, would  never  describe  circles.  They  are,  consequently, 
more  simple,  but  also  more  complex,  than  a circle,  which,  how- 
ever large  or  small  it  may  be,  always  has  the  same  centre,  and 
either  includes  others,  or  is  included  in  others.  This  diversity 
was  sought  after  by  the  Greeks  in  works  of  all  kinds ; and 
their  discernment  of  its  beauty  led  them  to  introduce  the 
same  system  even  into  the  form  of  their  utensils  and  vases, 
whose  easy  and  elegant  outline  is  drawn  after  the  same  rule, 
that  is,  by  a line  which  must  be  fohnd  by  means  of  several 
circles,  for  all  these  works  have  an  elliptical  figure,  and  herein 
consists  their  beauty.  The  greater  unity  there  is  in  the  junc- 
tion of  the  forms,  and  in  the  flowing  of  one  out  of  another, 
so  much  the  greater  is  the  beauty  of  the  whole. 

30.  From  this  great  unity  of  youthful  forms,  their  limits 
flow  imperceptibly  one  into  another,  and  the  precise  point  of 
height  of  many,  and  the  line  which  bounds  them,  cannot  be 
accurately  determined.  This  is  the  reason  why  the  delineation 
of  a youthful  body,  in  which  everything  is  and  is  yet  to  come, 
appears  and  yet  does  not  appear,  is  more  difficult  than  that  of 
an  adult  or  aged  figure.  In  the  former  of  these  two,  the  adult, 
nature  has  completed,  and  consequently  determined,  her  work 
of  formation ; in  the  latter,  she  begins  again  to  destroy  the 
structure  ; in  both,  therefore,  the  junction  of  the  parts  is  clearly 
visible.  In  youth,  on  the  contrary,  the  conformation  is,  as -it 
were,  suspended  between  growth  and  maturity.  To  deviate 
from  the  outline  in  bodies  having  strongly  developed  muscles, 
or  to  strengthen  or  exaggerate  the  prominence  of  muscles  or 
other  parts,  is  not  so  great  an  error  as  the  slightest  deviation 
in  youthful  figures,  in  which  even  the  faintest  shadow,  as  it  is 
commonly  said,  becomes  a body,  just  as  a rule,  though  shorter 
or  narrower  than  the  requisite  dimensions,  still  has  all  the 
properties  of  a rule,  but  cannot  be  called  so  if  it  deviates  from 
a straight  line  ; whoever  misses  the  centre-white  has  missed  as 
much  as  though  he  had  not  hit  the  target  at  all. 


814 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


31.  This  consideration  will  establish  the  correctness  of  our 
opinion,  and  teach  the  ignorant  better,  who,  in  general,  admire 
the  art  more  in  a figure  where  all  the  muscles  and  bones  are 
distinctly  shown,  than  in  the  simplicity  of  youth.  Convincing 
proof  of  what  I maintain  is  found  in  the  engraved  gems,  and 
the  copies  from  them,  by  which  it  is  seen  that  aged  heads  are 
imitated  by  modern  artists  better  and  much  more  accurately 
than  beautiful  young  heads.  A connoisseur  might  probably 
doubt,  at  the  first  glance,  as  to  the  antiquity  of  an  aged  head 
upon  an  engraved  gem ; but  he  will  be  able  to  decide  with 
more  confidence  upon  the  copy  of  a youthful  ideal  head. 
Although  the  celebrated  Medusa  in  the  museum  Strozzi,  at 
Eome,  — which  is,  moreover,  not  a figure  of  the  highest  beauty, 
— has  been  copied,  even  in  size,  by  the  best  modern  artists, 
still  the  original  can  always  be  recognized.  This  is  true,  like- 
wise, of  the  copies  of  the  Pallas  of  Aspasius,  though  it  has 
been  engraved  by  several  artists,  and  by  Natter  of  the  same 
size  as  the  original. 

32.  It  may  be  observed,  that  I speak  here  merely  of  the 
perception  and  impersonation  of  beauty  in  its  strict  sense,  not 
of  science  in  design  and  skill  in  execution.  In  respect  to  the 
latter,  more  science  can  exist  in,  and  be  introduced  into,  vigor- 
ous than  tender  figures.  The  Laocoon  is  a much  more  learned 
work  than  the  Apollo.  Agesander,  the  sculptor  of  the  princi- 
pal figure  in  the  group  of  the  Laocoon,  must,  therefore,  have 
been  a far  more  skilful  and  complete  artist  than  it  was  requisite 
for  the  sculptor  of  the  Apollo  to  be.  The  latter,  however, 
must  have  possessed  a more  elevated  mind  and  more  tender 
sensibilities;  the  Apollo  has  a sublimity  which  was  not  pos- 
sible in  the  Laocoon. 

33.  But  nature  and  the  structure  of  the  most  beautiful 
bodies  are  rarely  without  fault.  They  have  forms  which  can 
either  be  found  more  perfect  in  other  bodies,  or  which  may  be 
imagined  more  perfect.  In  conformity  to  this  teaching  of  expe- 
rience, those  wise  artists,  the  ancients,  acted  as  a skilful  gar- 
dener does,  who  ingrafts  different  shoots  of  excellent  sorts  upon 
the  same  stock ; and,  as  a bee  gathers  from  many  flowers,  so 
were  their  ideas  of  beauty  not  limited  to  the  beautiful  in  a single 
individual,  — as  at  times  are  the  ideas  of  both  ancient  and  mod- 
ern poets,  and  of  the  majority  of  artists  of  the  present  day,  — 
but  they  sought  to  unite  the  beautiful  parts  of  many  beautiful 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


815 


bodies ; this  we  learn  also  from  the  dialogue  between  Socrates 
and  the  celebrated  painter  Parrhasius.  They  purified  their 
images  from  all  personal  feelings,  by  which  the  mind  is  diverted 
from  the  truly  beautiful.  Thus,  personal  affection  makes  Anac- 
reon fancy  that  the  eyebrows  of  his  mistress,  which  are  to  be 
imperceptibly  separated  from  one  another,  are  beautiful,  like 
the  joined  eyebrows  (5)  of  her  whom  the  Daphnis  of  Theocritus 
loved.  One  of  the  later  Greek  poets,  in  his  Judgment  of  Paris , 
has  probably  from  the  passages  just  quoted  derived  the  idea  of 
this  form  of  the  eyebrows,  which  he  assigns  to  the  most  beauti- 
ful of  the  three  goddesses.  The  conceptions  of  the  beautiful 
entertained  by  our  sculptors,  and  even  by  those  who  pretend  to 
imitate  the  antique,  are  individual  and  limited,  when  they  select, 
as  a model  of  great  beauty,  the  head  of  the  Antinoiis,  in  which 
the  eyebrows  are  turned  downwards,  imparting  to  his  face  a 
somewhat  harsh  and  melancholy  expression. 

34,  Bernini  expressed  a very  superficial  opinion,  when  he 
pronounced  the  story  of  the  selection  of  the  most  beautiful 
parts,  made  by  Zeuxis  from  five  beautiful  women  of  Crotona, 
on  being  employed  to  paint  a Juno  there,  an  absurd  invention, 
because  he  fancied  that  a particular  part  or  limb  would  suit  no 
other  body  than  that  to  which  it  belonged.  Others  have  been 
unable  to  think  of  any  but  individual  beauties ; and  their  dogma 
is,  that  the  antique  statues  are  beautiful  because  they  resemble 
beautiful  nature,  and  nature  will  always  be  beautiful  whenever 
she  resembles  those  beautiful  statues.  The  former  position  is 
true,  not  singly,  but  collectively ; the  second,  on  the  contrary, 
is  false;  for  it  is  difficult,  indeed  almost  impossible,  to  find  in 
nature  a figure  like  that  of  the  Apollo  of  the  Vatican. 

35.  This  selection  of  the  most  beautiful  parts  and  their  har- 
monious union  in  one  figure  produced  ideal  beauty,  — - which  is 
therefore  no  metaphysical  abstraction ; so  that  the  ideal  is  not 
found  in  every  part  of  the  human  figure  taken  separately,  but 
can  be  ascribed  to  it  only  as  a whole  ; for  beauties  as  great  as 
any  of  those  which  art  has  ever  produced  can  be  found  singly 
in  nature,  but,  in  the  entire  figure,  nature  must  yield  the  palm 
to  art. 

The  conception  of  high  or  ideal  beauty  is,  as  I have  observed, 
not  equally  clear  to  all,  and  one  might  suppose,  from  remarks 
made  on  the  Ideal,  that  it  can  be  formed  only  in  the  mind.  By 
the  Ideal  is  to  be  understood  merely  the  highest  possible  beauty 


816 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIFNT  ART. 


of  the  whole  figure,  which  can  hardly  exist  in  nature  in  the  same 
high  degree  in  which  it  appears  in  some  statues ; and  it  is  an  error 
to  apply  the  term  to  single  parts,  in  speaking  of  beautiful  youth. 
Even  Raphael  and  Guido  seem  to  have  fallen  into  the  mistake 
alluded  to,  if  we  can  judge  from  what  both  have  expressed  in 
their  letters.  The  former  when  about  to  paint  the  Galatea,  in 
the  palace  Farnesina,  writes  to  his  friend,  the  distinguished 
Count  Balthazar  Castiglione,  in  the  following  terms : — “ In 
order  to  select  a beautiful  woman,  one  must  see  those  who  are 
more  beautiful ; but,  as  beautiful  women  are  rare,  I make  use  of  a 
certain  image  supplied  by  my  imagination.”  But  the  conception 
of  the  head  of  his  Galatea  is  common  ; women  of  greater  beauty 
are  to  be  found  everywhere.  Moreover,  the  figure  is  so  disposed, 
that  the  breast,  the  most  beautiful  part  of  the  naked  female 
form,  is  completely  covered  by  one  arm,  and  the  knee  which  is 
in  view  is  much  too  cartilaginous  for  a person  of  youthful  age, 
to  say  nothing  of  a divine  Nymph.  When  Guido  was  prepar- 
ing to  paint  his  Archangel  Michael,  he  wrote  to  a Roman  prel- 
ate, — “I  should  like  to  give  to  the  figure  I am  about  to  paint 
beauty  such  as  that  which  dwells  in  Paradise,  irradiated  by  the 
glories  of  heaven ; but  I have  not  yet  been  able  to  rise  so  high, 
and  I have  sought  it  in  vain  on  earth.”  Nevertheless,  his 
Archangel  is  less  beautiful  than  some  young  men  whom  I have 
known,  and  still  know.  But  if  Raphael  and  Guido  failed  of 
finding  beauty, — the  former  in  the  female,  and  the  latter  in 
the  male  sex,  — such  as  they  deemed  worthy  of  the  Galatea  and 
the  Archangel,  as  appears  from  the  autograph  papers  of  those 
artists,  then  I do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  the  opinion  of  both 
was  the  result  of  inattention  to  that  which  is  beautiful  in 
nature.  I am,  indeed,  bold  enough  to  assert  that  I have  seen 
faces  quite  as  perfect  in  conformation  as  those  which  our  artists 
regard  as  models  of  lofty  beauty. 

36.  The  attention  which  the  Greek  artists  paid  to  the  selec- 
tion of  the  most  beautiful  parts  from  numberless  beautiful  per- 
sons did  not  remain  limited  to  male  and  female  youths  alone, 
but  their  observation  was  directed  also  to  the  conformation  of 
eunuchs,  for  whom  boys  of  handsome  shape  were  chosen.  Those 
equivocal  beauties  effected  by  the  removal  of  the  seminal  ves- 
sels — in  which  the  masculine  characteristics  approximated,  in 
the  superior  delicacy  of  the  limbs,  and  in  greater  plumpness 
and  roundness  generally,  to  the  softness  of  the  female  sex  — 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


317 


were  first  produced  among  the  Asiatics,  for  the  purpose,  as 
Petronius  says,  of  retarding  the  rapid  career  of  fleeting  youth. 
Among  the  Greeks  in  Asia  Minor,  boys  and  youths  of  this  kind 
were  consecrated  to  the  service  of  Cybele,  and  the  Diana  of 
Ephesus.  The  Romans  also  attempted  to  check  the  appearance 
of  the  garniture  of  manhood  by  washing  the  chin  and  other 
parts  with  a decoction  of  hyacinth  roots  made  by  boiling  them 
in  sweet  wine. 

The  ancient  artists  must  have  observed  this  ideal  develop- 
ment of  youth  piecemeal  in  eunuchs,  since  their  conformation 
varies  according  to  the  earlier  or  later  age  at  which  they  are 
removed  into  that  state  of  ambiguous  nature.  Their  form  is, 
nevertheless,  always  distinct,  as  well  from  that  of  man,  as 
that  of  woman  ; it  is  intermediate  between  the  two.  This  dif- 
ference is  fully  apparent  in  the  hands  of  these  persons,  which, 
when  they  are  beautifully  formed  by  nature,  have  a shape  that 
merits  the  attention  of  him  who  studies  beauty  in  all  parts. 
It  would  not  be  possible,  however,  to  point  it  out  by  descrip- 
tion, except  very  imperfectly.  It  is,  on  the  other  hand,  more 
manifest  in  the  hips  and  back.  The  former,  as  w7ell  as  the 
latter,  are  feminine  ; that  is,  the  hips  are  fuller  and  have  a 
greater  breadth,  and  the  spinal  column  lies  less  deeply,  than 
with  males,  so  that  fewer  muscles  are  distinguishable  ; and 
hence  the  back  shows  more  unity  in  its  shape,  as  with  women. 
As  in  women,  so  in  eunuchs,  the  region  over  the  os  sacrum , 
termed  the  posteriors,  is  large,  broad,  and  flat. 

37.  The  ancient  sculptors  denoted  the  eunuch  form,  in  the 
hitherto  unobserved  figures  of  the  priests  of  Cybele,  by  the 
female  hips  just  mentioned.  This  breadth  of  hip  is  distinguish- 
able even  beneath  the  drapery  of  a figure  of  this  kind,  of  the 
size  of  life,  which  has  been  sent  to  England.  It  represents  a 
boy  of  about  twelve  years  of  age,  with  a short  vest.  The  Phryg- 
ian cap  led  some  persons  to  believe  that  they  recognized  in  it 
a Paris,  and,  when  it  was  repaired,  an  apple  was  placed  in  its 
right  hand  as  a characteristic  symbol.  An  inverted  torch,  and 
of  the  very  kind  which  was  used  at  sacrifices  and  in  religious 
offices,  rests  at  the  feet  of  the  figure,  against  a tree,  and  appears 
to  indicate  its  true  signification.  The  shape  of  the  hips  of 
another  priest  of  Cybele,  on  a mutilated  work  in  relief,  is  femi- 
nine to  such  a degree,  that  the  most  skilful  sculptor  in  Rome 
was  led,  from  this  circumstance  alone,  to  regard  this  figure  as 


318 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


belonging  to  the  female  sex.  But  the  whip  in  its  hand  indi- 
cates a priest  of  Cybele,  because  these  emasculates  scourged 
themselves ; and  the  figure  in  question  stands  before  a tripod. 
These  figures,  and  a relievo  at  Capua  representing  an  Archi- 
gallus,  that  is,  the  superior  of  the  eunuch-priests  here  referred 
to,  will  give  us  some  notion  of  the  celebrated  picture  by  Parr- 
hasius,  which  was  a portrait  of  a person  of  this  description,  and 
was  therefore  called  Archigallus.  The  priests  of  Diana  at 
Ephesus,  also,  were  eunuchs,  but  not  one  of  them,  so  far  as  it 
is  known,  has  been  found  represented  on  the  ancient  works. 

38.  In  this  respect  the  ancient  artists  have  risen  to  the  ideal, 
not  only  in  the  conformation  of  the  face,  but  also  in  the  youth- 
ful figures  of  certain  gods,  as  Apollo  and  Bacchus.  This  ideal 
consists  in  the  incorporation  of  the  forms  of  prolonged  youth  in 
the  female  sex  with  the  masculine  forms  of  a beautiful  young 
man,  which  they  consequently  made  plumper,  rounder,  and 
softer,  in  admirable  conformity  with  their  ideas  of  their  deities. 
For  to  some  of  these  the  ancients  gave  both  sexes,  blended  with 
a mystic  significance  in  one,  as  may  be  seen  even  in  a small 
Venus  of  bronze,  in  the  museum  of  the  Roman  College.  This 
commingling  is  especially  peculiar  to  Apollo  and  Bacchus. 

39.  Art  went  still  farther;  it  united  the  beauties  and  attri- 
butes of  both  sexes  in  the  figures  of  hermaphrodites.  The  great 
number  of  hermaphrodites,  differing  in  size  and  position,  shows 
that  artists  sought  to  express  in  the  mixed  nature  of  the  two 
sexes  an  image  of  higher  beauty  ; this  image  was  ideal.  With- 
out entering  into  any  inquiry  how  hermaphrodites  may  be  con- 
stituted, on  the  supposition  of  the  actual  existence  of  creatures 
called  by  this  name,  — like  the  philosopher  Favorinus,  of  Arles, 
in  France,  according  to  Philostratus,  — every  artist  cannot  have 
an  opportunity  of  seeing  so  rare  a deviation  of  nature ; and  her- 
maphrodites, like  those  produced  by  sculpture,  are  probably 
never  seen  in  real  life.  Ail  figures  of  this  kind  have  maiden 
breasts,  together  with  the  male  organs  of  generation  ; the  form 
in  other  respects,  as  well  as  the  features  of  the  face,  is  feminine. 
Besides  the  two  recumbent  statues  of  hermaphrodites  (6)  in 
the  grand-ducal  gallery  at  Florence,  and  the  still  more  cele- 
brated and  beautiful  one  in  the  villa  Borghese,  there  is  a small 
upright  figure,  not  less  beautiful,  in  the  villa  Albani,  of  which 
the  right  arm  rests  upon  the  head.  In  selecting  the  most 
beautiful  parts  from  the  ancient  statues,  one  would  have  to 


PL.  I 


K 


■ 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


319 


take  a female  back  from  the  beautiful  hermaphrodite  in  the 
villa  Borghese. 

40.  Next  to  the  selection  and  harmonious  union  and  incorpo- 
ration of  single  parts,  of  superior  beauty,  from  different  confor- 
mations of  the  human  figure,  the  study  of  artists  in  producing 
ideal  beauties  was  directed  to  the  nature  of  the  nobler  beasts, 
so  that  they  not  only  instituted  comparisons  between  the  forms 
of  the  human  countenance  and  the  shape  of  the  head  of  certain 
animals,  but  they  even  undertook  to  adopt  from  animals  the 
means  of  imparting  greater  majesty  and  elevation  to  their  stat- 
ues. This  remark,  which  might  at  first  sight  seem  absurd,  will 
strike  profound  observers  as  indisputably  correct,  especially  in 
the  heads  of  Jupiter  and  Hercules.  For,  on  examining  the  con- 
formation of  the  father  and  king  of  the  gods,  it  is  seen  that  his 
head  has  the  complete  aspect  of  that  of  the  lion,  the  king  of 
beasts,  not  only  in  the  large  round  eyes  (7),  in  the  fulness  of 
the  prominent,  and,  as  it  were,  swollen  forehead,  and  in  the 
nose,  but  also  in  the  hair,  which  hangs  from  his  head  like  the 
mane  of  the  lion,  first  rising  upward  from  the  forehead,  and 
then,  parting  on  each  side  into  a bow,  again  falling  downward.1 
This  is  not  such  an  arrangement  of  the  hair  as  belongs  to  man ; 
it  is  peculiar  to  the  animal  in  question.  In  the  statues  of  Her- 
cules, the  make  of  a powerful  bull  is  seen  in  the  relation  of  the 
head  to  the  neck ; the  former  is  smaller,  and  the  latter  larger, 
than  is  usual  in  the  human  figure,  and  they  stand  just  in  that 
proportion  to  each  other  which  the  head  of  a bull  bears  to  the 
neck,  — in  order  to  express  in  this  hero  a preternatural  vigor 
and  strength.  One  might,  indeed,  say,  that  even  the  short 
hairs  on  the  forehead  of  Hercules,  as  an  allegorical  figure,  may 
have  been  copied  from  those  on  the  forehead  of  that  animal. 

1 Plates  I.  and  II.  represent  the  eyes,  forehead,  and  arrangement  of  the 
hair  of  Jupiter.  The  head  from  which  Plate  I.  was  engraved  formerly 
adorned  the  fa£ade  of  the  villa  Medici ; it  was  afterwards  carried  to 
Florence,  to  be  set  up  in  the  garden  Boboli.  — Germ.  Ed. 

The  engraving  of  Plate  II.  was  executed  by  Mr.  J.  Andrews  of  this 
city,  from  a drawing,  also  by  himself,  of  a cast  in  the  Boston  Athenseum, 
which  is  supposed  to  be  a Jupiter  of  Phidias.  The  engravings  of  the 
Jupiter  of  Otricoli  in  the  Pio-Clement  Museum  (Yol.  VI.,  Plate  I.)  and  in 
the  Musee  Frangois  did  not  satisfy  my  wishes,  and  any  reader  who  will 
take  the  trouble  to  make  a comparison  will,  I think,  concede  the  supe- 
riority in  breadth  of  outline,  nobleness  of  forms,  and  majesty  of  expres- 
sion, to  the  engraving  before  him,  — Tr. 


320 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


BOOK  V. 

ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS  ( continued ). 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  CONFORMATION  AND  BEAUTY  OF  THE  MALE  DEITIES 
AND  HEROES. 

1.  The  most  beautiful  forms,  thus  selected,  were,  in  a manner, 
blended  together,  and  from  their  union  issued,  as  by  a new  spirit- 
ual generation,  a nobler  progeny,  of  which  no  higher  characteris- 
tic could  be  conceived  than  never-ending  youth,  — a conclusion 
to  which  the  consideration  of  the  beautiful  must  necessarily  lead. 
For  the  mind,  in  rational  beings,  has  an  innate  tendency  and  de- 
sire to  rise  above  matter  into  the  spiritual  sphere  of  conceptions, 
and  its  true  enjoyment  is  in  the  production  of  new  and  refined 
ideas.  The  great  artists  among  the  Greeks  — who  regarded  them- 
selves almost  as  creators,  although  they  worked  less  for  the  un- 
derstanding than  for  the  senses  — sought  to  overcome  the  hard 
resistance  of  matter,  and,  if  possible,  to  endue  it  with  life,  with 
soul.  This  noble  zeal  on  their  part,  even  in  the  earlier  periods 
of  art,  gave  rise  to  the  fable  of  Pygmalion’s  statue.  For  their 
hands  produced  those  objects  of  devout  respect,  which,  to  in- 
spire veneration,  must  necessarily  appear  to  be  images  taken 
from  a more  elevated  order  of  beings.  The  first  founders  of  the 
religion  — who  were  poets  — attached  to  these  images  exalted 
ideas,  and  these  in  their  turn  excited  the  imagination  to  elevate 
her  work  above  herself,  and  above  sense.  To  human  notions, 
what  attribute  could  be  more  suitable  to  sensual  deities,  and 
more  fascinating  to  the  imagination,  than  an  eternal  youth 
and  spring-time  of  life,  when  the  very  remembrance  of  youth 
which  has  passed  away  can  gladden  us  in  later  years  1 It  was 


r±j._LL. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


321 


conformable  to  their  idea  of  the  immutability  of  the  godlike 
nature  ; and  a beautiful  youthful  form  in  their  deities  awakened 
tenderness  and  love,  transporting  the  soul  into  that  sweet  dream 
of  rapture,  in  which  human  happiness  — the  object  and  aim  of 
all  religions,  whether  well  or  ill  understood  — consists. 

2.  Among  the  female  divinities,  constant  virginity  was  attrib- 
uted to  Diana  and  Pallas,  and  the  other  goddesses  could  obtain 
it  again  when  once  lost,  — Juno,  for  instance,  as  often  as  she 
bathed  in  the  fountain  of  Canathus.  Hence  the  breasts  of  the 
goddesses  and  Amazons  are  like  those  of  young  maidens  whose 
girdle  Lucina  has  not  loosed,  and  who  have  not  yet  gathered 
the  fruits  of  love ; I mean  to  say,  that  the  nipple  is  not  visi- 
ble (1),  unless  the  goddesses  are  repesented  in  the  act  of  giving 
suck,  as,  for  example,  Isis  suckling  Apis ; but  the  fable  says, 
that,  instead  of  the  breast,  she  placed  her  finger  in  the  mouth 
of  Orus,  and  she  is  actually  represented  in  this  manner,  on  an 
engraved  gem  in  the  Stosch  museum,  probably  in  conformity  to 
the  idea  above  stated.  The  nipples  would,  also,  probably  be 
visible  on  the  breasts  of  a sitting  statue  of  Juno  suckling 
Hercules,  in  the  Papal  garden,  if  they  wTere  not  covered  by  the 
head  of  the  child  and  the  hand  of  the  goddess.  An  explanation 
of  this  statue,  with  an  engraving,  has  been  brought  to  notice  in 
my  Monuments  of  Antiquity  (2).  In  an  old  picture,  in  the 
palace  Barberini,  which  is  supposed  to  represent  a Venus,  of  the 
size  of  life,  the  breasts  have  nipples ; this  is  a good  reason  why 
the  figure  may  not  be  a Venus. 

3.  The  spiritual  nature  of  divinities  is  likewise  represented 
in  their  gliding  gait.  Homer  compares  the  swiftness  of  Juno 
in  walking  with  the  thought  of  a man,  which  passes  through 
many  distant  countries  that  he  has  visited,  and  says  at  one  and 
the  same  instant,  “ I have  been  here ; I was  there.”  The 
running  of  Atalanta  is  an  example  of  this ; she  sped  so  swiftly 
over  the  sand  as  to  leave  no  impress  of  her  foot  behind ; and 
just  so  light  appears  the  Atalanta  on  an  amethyst  in  the 
Stosch  museum.  The  step  of  the  Vatican  Apollo  floats,  as  it 
were,  in  air ; he  touches  not  the  earth  with  the  soles  of  his 
feet.  Pherecydes,  one  of  the  oldest  Greek  poets,  seems  to  have 
intended  to  express  this  light  and  gliding  movement  in  the 
snake-form  which  he  gave  to  the  deities,  in  order  to  describe 
figuratively  a mode  of  progression  of  which  it  is  not  easy  to 
discover  any  trace. 

VOL.  i.  21 


21 


322 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


4.  The  youth  of  the  deities  has,  in  both  sexes,  its  different 
degrees  and  periods,  in  the  representation  of  which  sculpture 
sought  to  display  all  their  beauties.  This  youth  is  an  ideality, 
adopted  partly  from  the  bodies  of  beautiful  males,  and  partly 
from  the  nature  of  beautiful  eunuchs,  and  elevated  by  a confor- 
mation surpassing  that  of  humanity.  Hence  Plato  says,  “ that 
not  the  true  proportions,  but  those  which  seemed  to  the  imagina- 
tion most  beautiful,  were  given  to  statues  of  the  divinities.’’ 

5.  The  first,  or  male  ideal,  has  its  different  degrees.  It 
begins  in  the  young  Satyrs  or  Fauns,  as  humble  conceptions  of 
divinities.1  The  most  beautiful  statues  of  Fauns  present  to  us 
an  image  of  ripe,  beautiful  youth,  in  perfect  proportion.  They 
are  distinguished  from  young  heroes  by  a common  profile,  and  a 
somewhat  sunken  nose,  — so  that  they  might,  for  this  reason, 
be  called  Simi,  flat-nosed,  — not  less  than  by  a certain  innocence 
and  simplicity,  accompanied  by  a peculiar  grace,  of  which  I 
shall  speak  hereafter  in  discussing  Grace.  This  was  the  general 
idea  which  the  Greeks  had  of  these  deities  (3). 

6.  Now,  since  more  than  thirty  statues  of  young  Satyrs  or 
Fauns  are  to  be  found  in  Rome,  resembling  each  other  in 
attitude  and  features,  it  is  probable  that  the  original  of  them 
was  the  celebrated  Satyr  of  Praxiteles,  which  was  in  Athens, 
and  w’as  regarded  by  the  artist  himself  as  his  best  work  (4). 
The  next  most  distinguished  artists  in  this  kind  of  figures  were 
Pratinas  and  Aristias  (5)  of  Phlius,  not  far  from  Sicyon,  together 
with  one  Aeschylus.  Sometimes  these  Satyrs  had  a laughing 
countenance,  and  warts  pendant  beneath  the  jaw  (6),  like  goats.2 
Of  this  kind  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  heads  of  antiquity  (7), 
in  respect  to  execution ; it  was  formerly  in  the  possession  of 
the  distinguished  Count  Marsigli,  but  now  stands  in  the  villa 
Albani.  The  beautiful  Barberini  sleeping  Faun  is  no  ideal,  but 
an  image  of  simple,  unconstrained  nature.  A modern  writer  (8), 
wdio  sings  and  speaks  of  painting  in  poetry  and  prose,  could  never 

1 Plate  III.,  A,  B.  A is  the  profile  of  a young  Faun  of  the  noblest 
kind.  It  is  engraved  from  an  admirable  statue  of  white  marble  in  the 
gallery  at  Dresden. 

B is  the  profile  of  a Faun  of  common  character.  The  statue  is  in 
the  Capitoline  museum.  There  is  a figure  almost  exactly  like  it,  of  red 
marble,  in  the  Pio-Clement  museum,  and  another  in  the  miscellaneous 
room  of  the  Capitoline  museum.  They  are  works  of  the  time  of  Adrian, 
and  were  excavated  at  his  villa  near  Tivoli.  — Germ.  Ed. 

2 Plate  HI.,  a,  a. 


m&m 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


323 


have  seen  an  antique  figure  of  a Faun,  and  must  have  been  ill 
informed  by  others,  when  he  states,  as  a well-known  fact,  that 
the  Greek  artists  selected  the  shape  of  the  Fauns  for  the  pur- 
pose of  representing  heavy  and  sluggish  proportions,  and  that 
they  may  be  known  by  their  large  heads,  short  necks,  high 
shoulders,  small  and  narrow  chests,  thick  thighs  and  knees, 
and  misshapen  feet.  Is  it  possible  that  any  one  can  form 
notions  so  low  and  false  of  the  sculptors  of  antiquity'?  It  is  a 
heresy  in  art,  first  hatched  in  the  brain  of  this  author.  I do 
not  know  that  he  was  obliged,  like  Cotta,  in  Cicero,  to  say 
what  a Faun  is. 

7.  The  young  Satyrs  or  Fauns  are  all  beautiful,  without 
exception,  and  so  shaped,  that  each  one  of  them,  if  it  were  not 
for  the  head,  might  be  mistaken  for  an  Apollo,  especially  for 
that  Apollo  called  ^avpoKrovos  (Lizard-killer),  the  position  of 
whose  legs  is  that  common  to  the  Fauns.  Among  the  many 
statues  of  this  kind,  two  in  the  palace  Ruspoli  have  been  pre- 
served uninjured.  In  one  head  of  a young  Faun,  the  artist  has 
risen  above  the  usual  idea,  and  given  an  image  of  high  beauty, 
over  which  an  inexpressible  sweetness  is  diffused.  He  appears 
to  be  in  a quiet  rapture,  which  shows  itself  particularly  in  the 
half-closed  mouth.  The  upper  part  of  the  ears,  which  should 
be  pointed,  is  concealed  by  the  hair ; this  likewise  has  not  the 
usual  stiffness,  but  is  disposed  in  lovely  waves.  A Faun  would 
never  have  been  recognized  in  this  head,  if  it  had  not  been  for 
the  addition  of  small  horns,  which  are  beginning  to  shoot  forth 
on  both  sides  of  the  forehead.  If  the  arrangement  of  the  hair 
warranted  it,  this  image  might  represent  a young  Bacchus  with 
horns.  This  head,  of  which  mention  has  been  made  in  the 
accounts  of  the  latest  discoveries  at  Herculaneum,  is  now  in  the 
author’s  possession. 

8.  The  older  Satyrs  or  Sileni,  and  that  Silenus  in  particular 
who  educated  Bacchus,  have,  in  serious  figures,  not  a single  trait 
inclining  to  the  ludicrous,  but  they  are  beautiful  bodies  in  the 
full  ripeness  of  age,  just  as  the  statue  of  Silenus  holding  the 
young  Bacchus  in  his  arms  (9),  in  the  villa  Borghese,  represents 
them.1  This  figure  is  precisely  similar  to  two  others,  in  the 
villa  Ruspoli,  of  which  only  one  has  an  antique  head.  Silenus 
either  has  a joyous  face  and  a curly  beard,  as  in  the  statues  just 

1 Plate  IV.  This  engraving  is  made  after  a statue  in  the  Pio-Clement 
museum,  which  is  exactly  like  that  in  the  Borghese  villa  (10).  — Tjr. 


324 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


mentioned,  or,  as  in  other  figures,  he  appears  as  the  teacher  of 
Bacchus,  in  philosophic  form,  with  a long  and  venerable  beard, 
which  falls  in  soft  waves  down  upon  his  breast,  just  as  we  see 
him  in  the  oft-repeated  reliefs  known  under  the  highly  erron- 
eous appellation  of  the  “ Repast  of  Trimalchion.”  I have  pre- 
sented this  idea  of  Silenus,  confined  exclusively  to  serious 
figures,  for  the  purpose  of  obviating  the  objection  which  might 
be  made,  that  he  is  uncommonly  corpulent,  and  rides  reeiingly 
upon  an  as(s,  and  is  thus  represented  on  different  raised  works.1 

9.  As  the  common  idea  entertained  of  the  Satyrs  or  Fauns 
is  usually  erroneous,  so  it  has  happened  with  Silenus ; I should 
say,  with  the  Sileni,  for  the  ancients  said  %\rjvoL,  in  the  plural 
number.  Since  one  generally  thinks  of  Silenus  as  an  old, 
exceedingly  corpulent,  and  slouching  personage,  always  intoxi- 
cated, sometimes  reeling,  and  sometimes  sinking  down  and  fall- 
ing from  his  ass,  und  usually  leaning  for  support  upon  Satyrs, 
as  he  is  ordinarily  represented,  it  has  been  found  difficult  to 
reconcile  with  such  a figure  the  foster-father  and  instructor  of 
Bacchus,  which  he  actually  was.  This  misconception  is  the 
reason  why  the  statue  of  Silenus  with  the  young  Bacchus  in  his 
arms,  standing  in  the  villa  Borghese,  has  been  supposed  to  be  a 
Saturn,  because  the  figure  resembles  an  ancient  hero ; yet  its 
true  signification  ought  to  have  been  recognized  by  the  pointed 
ears,  and  the  ivy  about  the  head. 

10.  The  principal  of  these  deities  of  a lower  order  is  Pan. 
Pindar  calls  him  the  most  perfect  of  the  gods.  Of  the  confor- 
mation of  his  face  we  have  hitherto  had  either  no  idea  at  all,  or 
a very  erroneous  one.  I believe,  however,  that  I have  discov- 
ered it,  in  a head  crowned  with  ivy,  on  a beautiful  coin  of  An- 
tigonus  the  First.  The  countenance  is  serious,  and  the  beard 
full  and  shaggy,  resembling  the  hair  of  a goat ; hence  Pan  is 
called  ^>pL^oKOfxr]<;,  “bristly-haired.”  Of  this  coin  I will  give 
some  further  account  hereafter  (in  the  second  chapter  of  the 
tenth  book).  Another  head  of  this  deity,  not  more  known,  but 
executed  with  greater  skill,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Capitoline 
museum  (12).  He  is  more  easily  recognized  by  the  pointed 
ears  in  this  than  in  the  former  figure.  The  beard,  on  the  other 
hand,  is  less  stiff ; it  resembles  that  on  some  heads  of  philoso- 
phers, the  deeply  thoughtful  expression  of  whose  faces  lies  par- 

1 Plate  V.  This  engraving  is  also  made  after  a statue  in  the  Pio- 
Clement  museum  (11).  — Tr. 


PL.Y 


\ 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREERS. 


825 


ticularly  in  the  eyes,  — which  are  sunken,  after  the  manner  of 
those  of  Homer.  An  engraving  of  this  head  will  appear  in  the 
third  volume  of  my  Ancient  Monuments.  The  god  Pan  was  not 
always  represented  with  the  feet  of  a goat,  for  a Greek  inscrip- 
tion mentions  a figure  of  him,  of  which  the  head  resembled  the 
usual  one  with  goat’s  horns,  whilst  the  body  and  chest  were 
shaped  in  imitation  of  those  of  Hercules,  and  the  feet  were 
winged  like  Mercury’s. 

11.  The  highest  conception  of  ideal  male  beauty  is  especially 
expressed  in  the  Apollo,  in  whom  the  strength  of  adult  years  is 
found  united  with  the  soft  forms  of  the  most  beautiful  spring- 
time of  youth.  These  forms  are  large  in  their  youthful  unity, 
and  not  those  of  a minion  wandering  about  in  cool  shades,  and 
whom  Venus,  as  Ibycus  says,  has  reared  on  roses,  but  befitting 
a noble  youth,  destined  to  noble  purposes.  Hence  Apollo  was 
the  most  beautiful  among  the  gods.  Health  blooms  in  his 
youth,  and  strength  manifests  itself,  like  the  ruddiness  of  morn- 
ing on  a beautiful  day.  I do  not,  however,  mean  to  say  that 
all  statues  of  Apollo  possess  this  lofty  beauty,  for  even  the 
Apollo  of  the  villa  Medici  (13),  so  highly  prized  by  our  sculp- 
tors, and  so  frequently  copied,  too,  in  marble,  is,  if  I may  make 
the  remark  without  offence,  of  a beautiful  shape,  as  a whole, 
but  in  single  parts,  as  the  knees  and  legs,  is  inferior  to  the 
best. 

12.  I could  wish,  in  this  place,  to  describe  beauty,  the  like 
of  which  can  hardly  have  had  human  origin.  It  is  a winged 
Genius  (14),  in  the  villa  Borghese,  of  the  size  of  a well-made 
youth.  If  the  imagination,  filled  with  the  single  beauties 
everywhere  displayed  in  nature,  and  occupied  in  the  contem- 
plation of  that  beauty  which  flows  from  God  and  leads  to  God, 
were  to  shape  during  sleep  a vision  of  an  angel,  whose  coun- 
tenance was  brightened  by  the  divine  effulgence,  and  whose 
form  was  seemingly  an  effluence  from  the  source  of  the  highest 
harmony,  — in  such  a form  let  the  reader  set  before  himself 
this  lovely  image.  It  might  be  said,  that  nature,  with  God’s 
approval,  had  fashioned  it  after  the  beauty  of  the  angels  (15). 

13.  The  most  beautiful  head  of  Apollo,  next  to  that  of  the 
Belvedere,  as  it  appears  to  me,  belongs  to  a sitting  statue  of 
this  god,  larger  than  life,  in  the  villa  Ludovisi.  It  is  quite  as 
uninjured  as  that  of  the  Belvedere,  and  more  conformable  to 
our  idea  of  Apollo,  as  a benignant  and  gentle  deity.  This 


326 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


statue,  which  has  been  but  little  noticed,  deserves  remark,  as 
the  only  one  having  a shepherd’s  crook,  an  emblem  ascribed 
to  Apollo.  It  lies  on  the  stone  on  which  the  figure  is  sitting, 
and  shows  that  Apollo  the  shepherd,  No/xios,  is  represented 
here,  — with  especial  reference  to  his  service,  in  this  capacity, 
with  Admetus,  king  of  Thessaly. 

14.  From  the  head  of  a statue  of  Apollo  in  the  villa  Bel- 
vedere, at  Frascati,  likewise  from  the  bust  with  the  uninjured 
head  in  the  galleries  of  the  Conservatori  of  the  Capitol  (16), 
and  also  from  two  other  heads  of  the  same  deity,  — one  of 
which  is  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  and  the  other  in  the  Far- 
nesina,  — one  can  get  an  idea  of  that  style  of  arranging  the 
hair  which  the  Greeks  termed  KpwySuXos,  and  of  which  there 
remains  no  clear  description.  This  word,  when  applied  to  young 
men,  has  the  same  signification  as  Ko'ptyxySos  in  the  case  of 
young  maidens,  that  is,  hair  collected  in  a knot  on  the  back 
part  of  the  head.  With  young  men,  the  hair  was  smoothed 
upwards  around  the  head,  and  then  gathered  together  on  the 
crown,  without  any  visible  band  to  confine  it.  The  hair  is 
knotted  together  in  precisely  the  same  manner  on  the  head  of 
a female  figure,  — in  one  of  the  most  beautiful  of  the  pictures 
from  Herculaneum, — which  is  resting  on  one  knee,  near  a 
tragic  personage,  and  writing  on  a tablet. 

15.  This  similarity  of  head-dress,  in  both  sexes,  may  be 
some  excuse  for  those  who  have  given  the  name  of  Berenice 
to  a beautiful  bust  of  Apollo,  of  bronze,  in  the  Herculaneum 
museum,  which  has  the  hair  thus  smoothed  upward,  and  per- 
fectly resembles  in  idea  the  four  heads  of  Apollo  just  men- 
tioned, — especially  since  these  last  could  not  have  been  known 
to  them  ; but  the  ground  for  the  appellation  — namely,  a 
medal  of  this  Egyptian  queen,  on  which  is  an  impression  of  a 
female  head  with  the  hair  thus  arranged,  together  with  the 
name  of  Berenice  — is  not  sufficient.  For  all  heads  and  stat- 
ues of  Amazqns,  all  figures  of  Diana,  indeed  all  figures  of  vir- 
gins, have  the  hair  smoothed  upward.  Now,  as  the  braids  on 
the  hinder  part  of  the  head  on  the  medal  are  twisted  into  a 
knot,  after  the  invariable  custom  of  virgins,  it  is  impossible 
that  a married  queen  can  be  represented  by  it.  I am,  there- 
fore, of  opinion,  that  the  head  on  the  coin  is  a Diana,  notwith- 
standing the  name  Berenice  stamped  around  it. 

16.  The  youth  which  is  so  beautiful  in  Apollo  advances  to 


- . b 


ART  AMONG  TER  GREEKS. 


327 


maturer  years  in  other  youthful  gods,  and  becomes  manly  in 
Mercury  and  Mars.  Mercury  1 is  distinguished  by  a particular 
delicacy  of  countenance,  which  Aristophanes  would  have  called 
’Attikov  ySAeVos,  an  Attic  look,  and  his  hair  is  short  and  curly. 
Mention  has  already  been  made  of  figures  of  him  with  a beard, 
on  Etruscan  works,  and  by  the  earliest  Greek  artists  (17). 

17.  The  modern  artist  who  restored  the  head  and  a portion 
of  the  chest  of  another  Mercury  (18),  of  the  size  of  life,  em- 
bracing a young  maiden,  in  the  garden  behind  the  palace  Far- 
nese,  has  given  him  a strong  beard.  For  a long  time  this  cir- 
cumstance surprised  me,  as  I could  not  imagine  whence  he  got 
the  idea.  It  cannot  be  supposed,  that,  even  if  he  had  been 
acquainted  writh  the  Etruscan  manner  of  representing  him,  he 
would  have  been  willing  to  introduce  such  a scrap  of  antique 
erudition  in  an  enamored  Mercury.  I rather  believe  that  he 
was  induced  to  it  by  some  learned  scholar,  wTho  used  the  occa- 
sion to  realize  his  understanding  of  the  word  v7rrjvr)Tr],  in  Homer, 
which  he  erroneously  supposed  to  mean,  “ having  a strong 
beard.”  The  poet  says,  that  Mercury,  when  about  to  accom- 
pany Priam  to  Achilles,  assumed  the  form  of  a young  man, 
7rpo)Tov  vi T7]vrjTr],  which  signifies  “ the  age  when  the  covering  of 
the  chin  first  begins  to  show  itself,”  and  can  be  predicated  of  a 
young  man  in  the  brightest  bloom  of  life,  that  is,  when  the 
down  first  appears  on  the  cheeks,  which  Philostratus,  in  speak- 
ing of  Amphion,  calls  lovXov  irapa.  to  ovs,  “ the  down  beside  the 
ear.”  Mercury  is  also  represented  in  the  same  manner  by 
Lucian.  The  young  maiden  with  whom  he  is  dallying  does 
not  appear  to  be  Venus,  who,  according  to  Plutarch,  is  usually 
represented  near  this  god,  — in  order  to  signify  that  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  pleasures  of  love  must  be  accompanied  by  gentle 
words.  On  looking  at  the  tender  age  of  this  figure,  it  might 
rather  be  supposed  to  be  either  Proserpine,  who  had  three 
daughters  by  Mercury ; or  the  nymph  Lara,  mother  of  the  two 
Lares ; or  perhaps  Acacallis,  daughter  of  Minos  ; or  Herse,  one 
of  the  daughters  of  Cecrops,  by  whom  also  Mercury  had  chil- 
dren. I am  inclined  to  favor  the  last  conjecture,  because  I 
suppose  that  this  group  was  discovered  on  the  Appian  Way, 
together  with  the  two  celebrated  columns  which  stood  by  the 

1 Plate  YI.  From  a bust  in  white  marble,  of  about  the  size  of  life,  and 
the  loveliest  and  most  beautiful  of  all  the  heads  of  this  deity  yet  known. 
It  is  probably  to  be  found  among  the  antiques  of  the  Duke  of  Buccleuch. 
— Germ.  Ed. 


328 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


tomb  of  Regilla,  wife  of  Herod  Atticus,  on  the  same  spot,  and 
which  were  formerly  in  the  palace  Farnese.  The  ground  of  my 
conjecture  is  the  inscription  on  the  tomb,  which  is  now  in  the 
villa  Borghese,  in  wThich  it  is  stated  that  Herod  Atticus  derives 
his  descent  from  Ceryx,  son  of  Mercury  and  Herse ; I believe, 
therefore,  that  this  group  stood  in  that  tomb.  — I take  this 
occasion  to  remark,  that  the  only  statue  of  Mercury,  in  which 
the  usual  antique  purse  in  the  left  hand  has  been  preserved, 
lies  in  the  cellar  of  the  palace  of  the  villa  Borghese  (19). 

18.  Mars  is  commonly  found  represented  as  a young  hero, 
and  without  beard,  as  one  of  the  ancient  authors  also  testifies. 
But  it  never  occurred  to  any  sculptor  of  ancient  times  to  rep- 
resent him  as  the  writer 1 whom  I have  already  censured  would 
have  him  represented,  that  is,  as  one  in  whom  every  fibre,  even 
the  smallest,  may  express  strength,  boldness,  and  the  fire  which 
animates  him.  Such  a Mars  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  entire 
range  of  antiquity.  The  three  figures  of  him  that  are  best 
known  are  a sitting  statue  (20),  with  Cupid  at  its  feet,  in  the 
villa  Ludovisi,  — in  which,  as  in  all  figures  of  deities,  there  is 
neither  sinew  nor  vein  visible,  — a small  figure  on  one  of  the 
bases  of  the  two  beautiful  marble  candelabra  wdiich  were  in 
the  palace  Barberini  (21),  and  a third  on  the  round  work  in 
the  Capitol,  described  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  third  book. 
The  last  two  are  standing.  All  three  are  of  youthful  age,  and 
in  a quiet  position  and  action.  He  is  represented  as  such  a 
young  hero  on  medals  and  engraved  gems.  But,  if  a bearded 
Mars  (22)  is  to  be  found  on  other  medals  and  gems,  I should 
be  almost  of  opinion  that  this  latter  figure  may  represent  that 
Mars  whom  the  Greeks  call  ’Ei /udMos ; he  was  distinct  from  the 
other,  and  was  his  inferior  and  assistant. 

19.  Hercules  is  likewise  represented  in  the  most  beautiful 
youth,  with  features  which  leave  the  distinction  of  sex  almost 
doubtful  (23),  as  the  beauty  of  a young  man  should  be,  accord- 
ing to  the  opinion  of  the  complaisant  Glycera.  He  is  repre- 
sented in  this  manner,  in  an  engraving  on  a carnelian  belonging 
to  the  Stosch  museum.  But,  generally,  his  forehead  projects 
with  a roundish  fat  fulness,  which  arches,2  and,  as  it  were,  puffs 

1 Watelet,  Art  de  Peindre,  chant  1,  p.  13. 

2 Plate  VII.,  A,  is  intended,  as  far  as  an  outline  can,  to  give  an  idea  of 
the  forms  of  the  forehead  and  the  arrangement  of  the  hair  of  that  head  of 
Hercules  of  which  mention  is  made  in  note  27  ; in  the  marble,  however, 
the  forms  are  more  blended,  and  the  transitions  softer.  — Germ.  Ed. 


J rVLA'in 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


329 


out,  the  upper  bone  of  the  socket  of  the  eye,  — to  signify  his 
strength,  and  his  constant  toil  in  sadness  which,  as  the  poet 
says,  makes  the  heart  swell. 

20.  Hercules  is  distinguishable  particularly  by  his  hair, 
which  is  short,  curly,  and  smoothed  upwards  over  the  forehead. 
This  characteristic  is  especially  useful  in  a young  Hercules; 
for  I have  remarked  that,  by  the  absence  of  such  a disposition 
of  the  hair,  the  heads  of  young  heroes,  which  might  otherwise 
have  been  taken  for  heads  of  Hercules,  have  been  instantly 
distinguished.  From  my  observation  of  the  hair  generally, 
and  particularly  over  the  forehead  of  Hercules,  I cannot  con- 
sent to  call  by  this  name  the  fragment  of  a small  figure  which, 
on  account  of  some  similarity  in  the  heads,  is  now  in  process 
of  restoration  as  a Hercules.  But  - since  this  single  head  can- 
not be  an  exception  to  the  general  rule,  I should  be  inclined  to 
regard  the  figure,  inasmuch  as  it  has  the  ears  of  a Pancra- 
tiast,1  as  representing  a philosopher  who  had  been  an  athlete 
in  his  younger  days,  as  Lycon  was.  This  admirable  work, 
which  was  carried  to  England  some  years  ago,  and  again 
brought  back  to  Rome,  was  repaired  for  General  von  Wallmo- 
den,  of  Hanover. 

21.  The  second  kind  of  ideal  youth  is  drawn  from  the  con- 
formation of  eunuchs.  It  is  represented,  blended  with  masculine 
youth,  in  Bacchus.2  He  appears  under  this  form,  at  different 
ages,  until  he  attains  his  full  growth,  and,  in  the  most  beauti- 
ful statues,  always  with  delicate,  round  limbs,  and  the  full, 
expanded  hips  of  the  female  sex,  for,  according  to  the  fable,  he 
was  brought  up  as  a maiden.  Pliny,  indeed,  mentions  a statue 
of  a Satyr  holding  a figure  of  Bacchus  clothed  as  a Venus ; 
hence  Seneca  also  describes  him,  in  shape,  gait,  and  dress,  as  a 
disguised  virgin.  The  forms  of  his  limbs  are  soft  and  flowing, 
as  though  inflated  by  a gentle  breath,  aud  with  scarcely  any 
indication  of  the  bones  and  cartilages  of  the  knees,  just  as  these 
joints  are  formed  in  youths  of  the  most  beautiful  shape,  and  in 
eunuchs.  The  type  of  Bacchus  is  a lovely  boy  who  is  treading 
the  boundaries  of  the  spring-time  of  life  and  adolescence,  in 
whom  emotions  of  voluptuousness,  like  the  tender  shoots  of  a 
plant,  are  budding,  and  who,  as  if  between  sleeping  and  wak- 

1 Plate  VIII.,  B.  See  Book  V.,  ch.  v.,  § 30. 

2 See  frontispiece,  and  Plate  IX.,  a profile  of  the  head  in  the  frontis- 
piece. Note  25  gives  a further  account  of  this  lovely  head.  — Germ.  Ed. 


830 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


ing,  half  rapt  in  a dream  of  exquisite  delight,  is  beginning  to 
collect  and  verify  the  pictures  of  his  fancy;  his  features  are 
full  of  sweetness,  but  the  joyousness  of  his  soul  is  not  mani- 
fested wholly  upon  his  countenance  (24). 

22.  The  ancient  artists  have  retained  this  quiet  joyousness 
in  Bacchus,  even  when  represented  as  a hero  or  warrior,  on  his 
Indian  campaigns,  as  it  appears  from  an  armed  figure  of  him, 
on  an  altar  in  the  villa  Albani,  and  on  a mutilated  relievo  in 
my  possession.  It  is  from  this  consideration,  probably,  that 
this  deity  is  never  represented  in  company  with  Mars,  — for 
Bacchus  is  not  one  of  the  twelve  superior  deities ; and  hence 
Euripides  says,  that  Mars  is  unfriendly  to  the  Muses,  and  to 
the  merriment  of  the  festivals  of  Bacchus.  It  may  be  ob- 
served in  this  connection,  that  Apollonius  gives  a coat  of  mail 
even  to  Apollo,  as  the  Sun.  In  some  statues  of  Apollo,  his 
conformation  is  very  similar  to  that  of  Bacchus ; of  this  kind 
is  the  Apollo  negligently  leaning,  as  if  against  a tree,  with  a 
swan  below  him,  in  the  Campidoglio,  and  three  similar,  yet 
more  beautiful,  figures  in  the  villa  Medici ; for,  in  one  of  these 
divinities,  both  were  occasionally  worshipped,  and  one  was  taken 
for  the  other. 

23.  Here  I can  scarcely  refrain  from  tears,  when  I think  of 
a Bacchus,  once  mutilated,  but  now  restored,  in  the  villa  Al- 
bani, originally  nine  palms  high  (6J  ft.  Eng.),  to  which  the 
antique  head,  breast,  and  arms  are  wanting.  He  is  draped 
from  the  middle  of  the  body  to  the  feet,  or,  to  speak  more  cor- 
rectly, his  garment  or  mantle,  which  is  ample,  has  fallen  down, 
and  is  gathered  in  rich  folds  about  his  hips,  and  that  portion 
of  it  which  would  otherwise  lie  upon  the  ground  is  thrown  over 
the  branch  of  a tree,  about  which  ivy  has  crept,  and  a serpent 
is  twisted.  No  single  figure  gives  one  so  high  an  idea  of  what 
Anacreon  terms  a belly  of  Bacchus. 

24.  The  head  of  Bacchus  which  possesses  the  highest  beauty 
belongs  to  a restored  statue,  somewhat  larger  than  nature, 
which  has  gone  to  England.  • The  face  exhibits  an  indescriba- 
ble blending  of  male  and  female  beautiful  youth,  and  a confor- 
mation intermediate  between  the  two  sexes,  which  will  be 
perceived  by  an  attentive  observer.  This  head  will  be  recog- 
nized, by  any  one  who  looks  for  it  in  its  present  location,  by  a 
fillet  around  the  forehead,  and  by  the  absence  of  the  usual 
crown  of  vine-leaf  or  ivy. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


3B1 


One  cannot  but  be  astonished  that  the  best  artists,  even  in 
Rome,  after  the  restoration  of  art,  entertained  so  erroneous 
ideas  of  the  person  of  Bacchus.  The  best  painter  now  living 
in  Rome,  when  he  was  asked  how  this  deity  appeared  to  Ari- 
adne, represented  him  of  a brownish-red  color  (25). 

25.  Bacchus  was  worshipped  not  only  under  a youthful 
form,  but  also  under  the  form  of  manhood.  The  latter,  how- 
ever, is  distinguished  solely  by  a long  beard,  so  that  the  coun- 
tenance in  its  hero-expression,  and  softness  of  features,  presents 
an  image  of  the  joyousness  of  youth.  The  intention  of  the 
artist,  in  representing  him  in  this  form,  was  to  show  him 
as  on  his  campaign  in  India,  when  he  suffered  his  beard  to 
grow ; and  such  an  image  of  him  presented  an  opportunity  to 
the  ancient  artists  to  exhibit,  partly,  a peculiar  ideal,  — man- 
liness blended  with  youth,  — and  partly,  their  art  and  skill  in 
the  execution  of  the  hair.  Of  the  heads  and  busts  of  this  In- 
dian Bacchus  the  most  celebrated  are  those  crowned  with  ivy,  on 
silver  coins  from  the  island  of  Naxos,1  the  reverse  side  of  which 
represents  Silenus  with  a bowl  in  his  hand  ; and,  in  marble,  a 
head  in  the  palace  Farnese,  which  passes  very  erroneously  under 
the  name  of  Mithridates.  But  the  most  beautiful  of  these  heads 
is  a Hermes  (26),  belonging  to  the  sculptor  Cavaceppi,  the  hair 
and  beard  of  which  are  executed  with  infinite  skill. 

26.  The  full-length  figures  of  the  Indian  Bacchus,  when  in 
an  upright  position,  are  always  draped,  even  to  the  feet ; they 
have  been  represented  on  works  of  every  kind,  and,  among 
others,  on  two  beautiful  marble  vases  ornamented  with  raised 
work,  of  which  the  smaller  is  to  be  found  in  the  palace  Far- 
nese ; the  larger  and  more  beautiful  one  in  the  Herculaneum 
museum.  But  these  figures  are  still  oftener  seen  represented 
on  engraved  stones,  and  on  vases  of  burnt  clay,  of  which  I will 
mention  here  one  from  the  Porcinari  collection,  at  Naples ; an 
engraving  of  it  may  be  seen  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Hamil- 
ton work ; it  exhibits  a sitting  bearded  Bacchus,  crowmed  with 
laurel,  as  a conqueror,  in  an  elegantly  embroidered  dress. 

27.  Ideal  beauty,  however,  exists  not  only  in  the  spring-time 
of  life,  and  in  youthful  or  female  figures,  but  also  in  manhood, 
to  which  the  ancient  artists,  in  the  statues  of  their  deities,  im- 
parted the  joyousness  and  freshness  of  youth.  In  Jupiter, 

1 Plate  X.  See  note  25.  Figures  B,  B,  represent  the  eyes  of  Bac 
clius,  denoting  the  effeminacy  of  liis  character.  — Germ.  Ed. 


332 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


Neptune,  and  an  Indian  Bacchus,  the  beard  and  venerable 
head-hair  are  the  sole  marks  of  age  ; it  is  not  denoted  either 
bj  wrinkles,  projecting  cheek-bones,  or  hollow  temples.  The 
cheeks  are  less  full  than  in  youthful  divinities,  and  the  fore- 
head is  usually  more  rounded.  This  conformation  is  in  keeping 
with  their  admirable  conception  of  the  divine  nature,  which 
neither  suffers  change  from  time,  nor  passes  through  gradations 
of  age,  and  in  regard  to  which  we  must  think  of  existence  with- 
out succession.  Such  elevated  ideas  of  the  godhead  ought  to 
be  peculiar  to  our  artists,  rather  than  to  the  ancients ; and  yet, 
in  most  of  the  figures  of  the  Eternal  Father,  — according  to  the 
Italian  manner  of  speaking  of  the  Deity,  — we  see  an  aged  man, 
with  a bald  head.  Even  Jupiter  himself  is  represented  by  the 
scholars  of  Raphael,  in  the  Feast  of  the  Gods , in  the  Farnesina, 
with  the  hair  of  the  head,  as  well  as  of  the  beard,  snow-white ; 
and  Albano  has  expressed  the  same  idea  in  a similar  manner,  in 
his  J upiter,  on  the  famous  ceiling  painted  by  him  in  the  palace 
Yerospi. 

28.  The  beauty  of  deities  of  a manly  age  consists  in  a com- 
bination, uniting  the  robustness  of  mature  years  with  the  joy- 
ousness of  youth,  which  in  them,  as  in  the  images  of  more 
youthful  divinities,  is  denoted  by  the  concealment  of  muscles 
and  sinews,  which,  in  the  spring-time  of  life,  make  but  little 
show.  Together  with  these  characteristics  there  is  also  to  be 
seen  an  expression  signifying  the  all-sufficiency  of  the  divine 
nature  to  itself,  that  it  has  no  need  of  those  parts  which  are 
destined  to  the  nutrition  of  human  bodies.  This  elucidates  a 
passage  from  Epicurus,  relative  to  the  shape  of  the  gods,  to 
whom  he  gives  a body,  but  only  an  apparent  body,  and  blood, 
but  only  apparent  blood,  — a sentence  which  Cicero  finds 
obscure  and  incomprehensible.  The  presence  or  the  absence 
of  these  parts  distinguishes  the  Hercules  who  had  to  contend 
against  monsters  and  fierce  men,  and  had  not  yet  reached  the 
end  of  his  toils,1  from  him  whose  body  had  been  purified  by 
fire,  and  who  had  been  raised  to  the  enjoyment  of  the  happiness 
of  Olympus.  The  former  is  represented  in  the  Hercules  Far- 

1 Plate  VIII.,  A,  Hercules  Farnese.  Plate  VII.,  B,  Hercules  deified. 
These  two  heads  are  introduced  here,  in  order  to  show  the  difference 
between  the  more  common  and  the  nobler  ideal  of  Hercules.  The  head, 
B,  was  taken  from  a silver  coin,  which  is  ascribed  to  Amyntas  II., 
king  of  Macedonia ; it  is,  consequently,  a monument  of  the  high  style 
of  Greek  art.  — Germ.  Ed. 


JU  UX-  ■ 


2K 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


833 


nese,  and  the  latter,  in  the  torso  of  the  Belvedere  (27).  It 
becomes  evident,  from  these  characteristics,  whether  statues  — 
which,  through  the  loss  of  heads,  and  other  marks  of  distinction, 
might  be  doubtful  — represent  a god  or  a mortal.  This  consid- 
eration should  have  taught  those  better,  who  converted  a sitting 
statue  of  Hercules,  above  the  size  of  life,  into  a Jupiter,  — by 
the  addition  of  a new  head  and  appropriate  emblems.  Through 
such  ideas  nature  was  elevated  from  the  sensual  to  the  un- 
created, and  the  hand  of  the  artist  produced  beings  which 
were  purified  from  human  necessities  : figures  which  represent 
humanity  in  a higher  scale  of  excellence  appear  to  be  merely 
the  veil  and  vestment  of  intelligent  spirits  and  heavenly 
capacities. 

29.  The  conformation  of  face  of  all  the  deities  is  so  fixed 
and  invariable,  that  it  seems  modelled  by  Nature’s  self.  It  is 
still  more  apparent  in  the  gods  of  manly  age  than  in  the  youth- 
ful divinities,  that  the  face  of  each  always  retains  the  same 
character,  — as  may  be  seen  in  numberless  images ; so  ■ that 
their  heads,  from  Jupiter  to  Vulcan,  are  not  less  easily  recog- 
nized than  the  likenesses  of  distinguished  individuals  of  antiq- 
uity ; and,  as  Antinoiis  is  known  by  the  lower  portion  of  his 
face,  and  Marcus  Aurelius  by  the  hair  and  eyes  of  a mutilated 
cameo,  in  the  museum  Strozzi,  at  Rome,  so  would  Apollo  be 
known  by  his  forehead,  or  Jupiter  by  the  hair  of  his  forehead, 
or  by  his  beard,  if  heads  should  be  found  of  which  these  parts 
alone  remained. 

30.  Jupiter  was  figured  with  a countenance  always  serene 
(28) ; and  they  mistake,  who  wish  to  find  a statue  of  Jupiter 
with  the  epithet  of  “ the  Terrible  ” in  a colossal  head  of  black 
basalt  (29),  in  the  villa  Mattei,  wrhich  bears  a great  resemblance 
to  the  Father  of  the  gods,  but  has  a stern  countenance.1  They 
did  not  observe  that  the  head  in  question  — as  well  as  all  those 
supposed  heads  of  Jupiter  which  have  not  a kind  and  benevo- 
lent expression  — wears,  or  has  worn,  the  Modius;2  nor  did 

1 Plate  XI. 

2 Plate  XII.,  Jupiter  Serapis,  with  a Modius,  A,  on  the  head.  Plate 
XIII.,  another  head  of  J upiter  Serapis.  The  former  is  from  a colossal  bust 
in  the  Pio-Clement  museum.  It  is  a valuable  monument  of  ancient  art, 
and  one  of  the  best  of  those  images  which  represent  this  Egypto-Grecian 
divinity.  Though  the  Modius  and  rays  are  modern  restorations,  they 
are  justified  by  marks  which  show  them  to  have  been  there  anciently. 
The  latter  is  a small  head,  formerly  in  the  collection  of  the  poet  Goethe. 
— Germ.  Ed. 


884 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


they  recollect  that  Plato,  according  to  Seneca,  resembles  Jupi- 
ter “ the  Thunderer,”  and,  like  Serapis,  wears  the  Modius,  — as 
may  be  seen  on  the  seated  statue,  among  others,  which  was  form- 
erly in  his  temple  at  Pozzuoli,  and  is  now  to  be  found  at  Portici, 
and  likewise  on  a relief  in  the  bishop’s  residence  at  Ostia.  It 
has,  moreover,  not  been  observed  with  respect  to  this  figure, 
erroneously  assumed  to  be  a Jupiter  “ the  Terrible,”  that  Pluto 
and  Serapis  are  one  and  the  same  deity,  who  is  distinguished 
by  the  Modius  on  his  head.  Besides,  these  heads  may  be  known 
from  those  of  Jupiter  by  the  hair,  which  hangs  down  over  the 
forehead,  whilst  that  of  Jupiter  is  carried  upward  from  the  fore- 
head. Consequently,  such  heads  represent,  not  Jupiter  under 
any  name,  but  Pluto  ; and  since  neither  statues  nor  heads  of  the 
latter  deity,  of  the  size  of  life,  have  been  known  until  now,  the 
number  of  forms  under  which  the  deities  have  been  represented 
has  been  increased  by  the  characteristics  just  mentioned.  It 
follows,  therefore,  from  this  well-established  observation,  that  a 
large  head  of  white  marble  (30),  with  a Modius  head-dress,  in 
the  villa  Pamfili,  likewise  represents  a Pluto  (31). 

Hitherto  no  notice  has  been  taken  of  this  characteristic  of 
the  countenance  ; and  modern  artists  have,  consequently,  sup- 
posed that  they  could  designate  Pluto  in  no  other  way  than  by 
a two-tined  sceptre,  or  rather  by  a fork.  The  fire-forks  with 
which  devils  in  hell  are  usually  painted  appear  to  have  sug- 
gested the  first  idea  of  this  fork.  On  ancient  works,  Pluto 
holds  a long  sceptre,  like  the  other  gods,  — as  may  be  seen, 
among  other  examples,  in  the  piece  at  Ostia  just  mentioned, 
and  on  a round  altar,  belonging  to  the  Marquis  Rondinini,  in 
which  he  has  Cerberus  on  one  side,  and  Proserpine  on  the 
other. 

31.  Jupiter  is  distinguished  from  other  deities  of  mature  age 
and  with  a beard,  — from  Neptune,  Pluto,  and  vEsculapius,  — 
by  his  forehead,  beard,  and  hair,  not  less  than  by  the  serenity  of 
his  expression.  The  hair  is  raised  upward  on  the  forehead,  and 
parted ; it  then  describes  a short  curve,  and  again  falls  down 
on  each  side,  as  shown  in  a copperplate  engraving,  copied  from 
a head  of  him,  cu  in  relief  on  an  agate.  This  arrangement  of 
the  hair  has  been  considered  as  so  essential  a characteristic 
of  Jupiter,  that  it  has  been  used  to  indicate  the  resemblance  of 
the  sons  of  this  god  to  their  father,  — as  one  may  readily  per- 
ceive in  the  heads  of  Castor  and  Pollux,  the  two  colossal  statues 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


335 


on  the  Campidoglio,  especially  in  the  head  of  the  former,  which 
is  antique ; that  of  the  latter  is  a restoration. 

32.  On  the  forehead  of  Aesculapius,  the  hair  is  usually  car- 
ried upwards  in  a similar,  though  somewhat  different,  manner, 
and,  having  formed  an  arch  on  each  side,  again  falls  downward. 
In  this  particular,  therefore,  there  is  no  special  difference 
between  the  Father  of  the  gods  and  his  grandson,  — which 
can  be  proved  by  the  most  beautiful  head  of  this  divinity,  on  a 
statue  above  the  natural  size,  in  the  villa  Albani  (32),  and  by 
many  other  images  of  him,  and,  among  them,  a statue  of  burnt 
clay,  in  the  Herculaneum  museum.  But  Aesculapius  is  distin- 
guished by  smaller  eyes  and  older  features,  by  the  other  part 
of  his  head-hair,  and  by  his  beard,  especially  on  the  upper  lip, 
which  has  more  of  a bow-shape,  whilst  the  moustache  of  Jupiter 
turns  down  at  once  about  the  corner  of  the  mouth,  and  unites 
with  the  beard  on  his  chin.  This  strong  resemblance  between 
grandchild  and  grandfather  might  even  be  grounded  on  the 
fact,  that  the  child  oftentimes  less  resembles  his  father  than 
his  grandfather.  Experience,  drawn  from  the  observation  of 
beasts,  and  especially  horses,  has  shown  that  Nature,  in  the 
conformation  of  her  creatures,  occasionally  takes  such  skips. 
In  a Greek  epigram,  it  is  said  of  the  statue  of  Sarpedon,  son  of 
Jupiter,  that  the  race  of  the  Father  of  the  gods  was  manifest 
in  the  countenance  ; but,  according  to  the  foregoing  remark, 
we  must  believe  that  the  likeness  could  not  have  been  denoted 
by  the  eyes,  as  it  is  there  stated,  but  that  the  hair  on  the  fore- 
head was  the  distinctive  mark  of  his  origin. 

33.  The  arrangement  of  the  front  hair  on  heads  of  Serapis 
or  Pluto  is  the  reverse  of  that  of  Jupiter.  It  hangs  down  on 
the  forehead,  in  order  to  impart  to  the  countenance  a sadder 
and  sterner  expression,  — as  is  shown  by  a superb,  but  imper- 
fect, head  of  Serapis,  of  the  most  beautiful  greenish  Egyptian 
basalt,  in  the  villa  Albani,  by  a colossal  head  of  marble,  in  the 
villa  Pamfili,  and  another  of  black  basalt,  in  the  villa  Giusti- 
niani.  On  a head  of  Serapis,  cut  in  very  high  relief  on  an 
agate,  in  the  royal  Farnese  museum,1  at  Naples,  as  w’ell  as  on  a 
head  of  marble,  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  we  see  the  beard 
parted  on  the  chin,  in  addition  to  the  characteristic  just  men- 
tioned ; this,  however,  may  be  noticed  as  a singularity.  I will 
here  remark,  that  not  one  of  all  the  heads  and  figures  of  Se- 

1 Now  called  Museo  Borbonico.  — Tr. 


336 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


rapis  can  have  been  executed  before  the  time  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  for  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  first  brought  this  divinity  from 
Pontus  to  Egypt,  and  introduced  his  worship  there. 

34.  The  arrangement  of  the  front  hair  of  the  Centaurs  brings 
them  within  the  scope  of  the  remark  in  the  thirty-second  para- 
graph. It  is  almost  precisely  the  same  as  that  of  Jupiter,  prob- 
ably for  the  purpose  of  signifying  their  relationship  to  him, 
since,  as  the  fable  says,  they  were  begotten  by  Ixion  and  a 
Cloud,  which  had  assumed  the  form  of  Juno.  I am  very  well 
aware  that  the  hair  is  not  arranged  in  this  manner  on  the  fore- 
head of  the  Centaur  Chiron,  in  the  Herculaneum  museum, 
wrhose  figure  is  of  sufficient  size  to  admit  the  representation  of 
this  peculiarity ; but,  as  my  observation  is  made  on  the  Cen- 
taur in  the  villa  Borghese,  and  on  the  more  ancient  of  the  two 
Centaurs  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  I imagine  that  the  rela- 
tionship in  question  will  account  for  the  hair  being  thus 
arranged. 

35.  Jupiter  is  distinguished  from  those  gods  who  resemble 
him  in  the  arrangement  of  their  front  hair,  by  the  hair  which 
hangs  down  from  his  temples,  and  completely  covers  his  ears. 
It  is  longer  than  on  other  deities,  and  arranged,  not  in  curls, 
but  in  softly  waving  lines,  and  resembles,  as  I have  before  re- 
marked, the  mane  of  a lion.  This  resemblance,  and  the  shak- 
ing of  the  lion’s  mane,  as  well  as  the  motion  of  his  eyebrows, 
appear  to  have  been  in  the  poet!s  mind,  in  his  celebrated  de- 
scription of  Jupiter,  who  shakes  Olympus  by  the  waving  of  his 
hair  and  the  movement  of  his  eyebrows. 

36.  The  beautiful  head  of  the  unique  statue  of  Neptune,1  at 
Borne,  in  the  villa  Medici  (33),  appears  to  differ  from  the  heads 
of  Jupiter  only  in  the  beard  and  hair.  The  beard  is  not  longer, 
but  curly,  and  is  thicker  on  the  upper  lip.  The  hair  is  curled  in 
locks,  and  rises  upward  on  the  forehead  in  a manner  different 
from  its  usual  arrangement  with  Jupiter.  An  almost  colossal 
head,  with  a garland  of  sedge,  in  the  Farnesina,  cannot,  there- 
fore, represent  a Neptune ; for  the  hair  of  the  beard,  as  well  as 
of  the  head,  hangs  directly  down  in  waves ; and  its  aspect  is  not 
serene,  as  in  the  statue ; consequently,  a sea-god,  or  river-god, 
must  be  here  figured. 

37.  A passage  in  Philostratus,  which  has  been  misunderstood, 

1 Plate  XIV.,  a.  This  statue  was  afterwards  carried  to  Leghorn.  The 
nose  is  probably  modern.  — Germ.  Ed. 


PL. XIII 


■ ■ 


AiX' 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


337 


occurs  to  me  at  this  moment.  He  says,  describing  a picture  of 
Neptune  and  Amymone,  Ku//.a  yap  rjSrj  KvpTovrcu  is  to v ydfxov , 
yXavKOv  €Ti}  kcu  tov  yapo7rou  rpoirov,  7ropc{>vpovv  8e  a vro  6 Hoo-ei- 
So)v  ypacfrei,  “ Already  the  wave  is  arching  for  the  nuptials ; 
though  green  still,  and  of  an  azure  hue,  yet  Neptune  is  painting 
it  purple.”  Olearius,  in  his  commentaries  on  this  writer,  has 
understood  the  last  clause  of  the  quotation  as  applying  to  a 
golden  light  which  surrounds  the  head  of  Neptune,  and  cen- 
sures, on  this  occasion,  the  scholiast  of  Homer,  who  interprets 
the  word  7rop</>upeos  by  obscurus,  “ dark.”  He  is  wrong  on  both 
points.  Philostratus  says,  “ The  sea  begins  to  be  arched,” 
KvprovTCLL,  “ and  Neptune  is  painting  it  purple.”  This  remark 
is  derived  from  observation  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea  after  a 
calm ; for,  when  it  begins  to  be  agitated,  it  presents  in  the 
distance  a red  appearance,  so  that  the  waves  appear  purple- 
colored. 

38.  This  is  the  most  appropriate  place  to  notice  the  facial 
conformation  of  the  other,  inferior  sea-deities,  though  it  is  en- 
tirely different  from  that  of  Neptune.  It  is  the  most  strongly 
marked  in  two  colossal  heads  of  Tritons,  in  the  villa  Albani,  if 
we  except  a bust  in  the  Capitoline  museum  : an  engraving  of 
one  of  them  may  be  found  in  my  Ancient  Monuments.  They 
are  distinguished  by  a sort  of  fins,  which  form  the  eyebrows,1 
and  resemble  the  eyebrows  of  the  marine  god  Glaucus,  in  Phi- 
lostratus, — 6cf)pv‘ ? Aacriai  awarTTOVcrai  irpos  aWyjXas,  “his  shaggy 
eyebrows  joining  each  other.”  These  fins  pass  again  over  the 
cheeks,  nose,  and  even  round  the  chin.  Tritons  of  this  form 
are  found  on  divers  burial  urns,  one  of  which  is  in  the  Capito- 
line museum. 

39.  As  the  ancients  had  mounted  gradually  from  human  to 
divine  beauty,  each  of  the  steps  of  beauty  remained  through 
which  they  passed  in  their  ascent. 

Near  the  divinities  stand  the  Heroes  and  Heroines  of  fable. 
To  the  artist,  the  latter  as  well  as  the  former  were  objects  of 
beauty.  In  Heroes,  that  is,  in  men  to  whom  antiquity  attrib- 
uted the  highest  excellence  of  human  nature,  he  advanced  even 
to  the  confines  of  the  divine  nature,  without  passing  beyond 
them,  and  without  blending  the  very  nice  distinctions  which 
separated  the  two.  Battus,  on  medals  of  Cyrene,  might  easily 
be  made  to  represent  a Bacchus,  by  a single  expression  of  ten- 

1 Plate  XV.,  head  of  a Triton,  in  the  Pio-Clement  museum  (34).  — TR. 
vol.  i.  22 


838 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


der  delight,  and  an  Apollo,  by  one  trait  of  godlike  nobleness. 
Minos,  on  coins  of  Gnossus,  if  it  were  not  for  a proud,  regal  look, 
would  resemble  a Jupiter,  full  of  graciousness  and  mercy. 

40.  The  artist  shaped  the  forms  of  Heroes  heroically,  and 
gave  to  certain  parts  a preternatural  development ; placed  in 
the  muscles  quickness  of  action  and  of  motion ; and  in  energetic 
efforts  brought  into  operation  all  the  motive  powers  of  nature. 
The  object  which  he  sought  to  attain  was  variety  in  its  utmost 
extent ; and  in  this  respect,  Myron  exceeded  all  his  predecessors. 
It  is  visible  even  in  the  Gladiator,  erroneously  so  called,  of  Aga- 
sias  of  Ephesus,  in  the  villa  Borghese,  whose  face  is  evidently 
copied  after  that  of  some  particular  individual.  The  serrated 
muscles  on  the  sides,  as  well  as  others,  are  more  prominent, 
active,  and  contractile  than  is  natural.  The  same  thing  is  yet 
more  clearly  seen,  in  the  same  muscles,  in  the  Laocoon,  — who 
is  an  ideally  elevated  being,  — if  this  portion  of  the  body  be 
compared  with  the  corresponding  portion  in  deified  or  godlike 
figures,  as  the  Hercules  and  Apollo  of  the  Belvedere.  The 
action  of  these  muscles,  in  the  Laocoon,  is  carried  beyond  truth 
to  the  limits  of  possibility  ; they  lie  like  hills  which  are  draw- 
ing themselves  together,  — for  the  purpose  of  expressing  the 
extremest  exertion  in  anguish  and  resistance.  In  the  torso  of 
Hercules  deified,  there  is  a high  ideal  form  and  beauty  in  these 
same  muscles ; they  resemble  the  undulations  of  the  calmed 
sea,  flowing  though  elevated,  and  rising  and  sinking  with  a soft, 
alternate  swell.  In  the  Apollo,  an  image  of  the  most  beautiful 
of  the  gods,  these  muscles  are  smooth,  and,  like  molten  glass 
blown  into  scarce  visible  waves,  are  more  obvious  to  touch  than 
to  sight. 

41.  In  all  these  respects,  beauty  was  uniformly  the  principal 
object  at  which  the  artist  aimed,  and  both  fable  and  the  poets 
justified  him  in  representing  even  young  heroes  wuth  such  a 
conformation  of  face  as  to  leave  the  sex  doubtful,  — as  I have 
already  remarked  of  Hercules ; and  this  might  easily  be  the 
case  with  a figure  of  Achilles,  who,  from  the  charms  of  his  face, 
assisted  by  female  dress,  lived  undetected  with  the  daughters 
of  Lycomedes,  as  their  companion.  He  is  thus  represented  on 
a relievo  in  the  villa  Belvedere,  at  Frascati, — which  is  placed 
over  the  preface  to  my  Ancient  Monuments , — and  also  on 
another  raised  wrork  in  the  villa  Pamfili. 

On  first  looking  at  the  relievo  which  represents  the  recogni- 


I 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


339 


tion  of  Telephus  by  his  mother,  Auge,  at  the  moment  when 
she  is  about  to  kill  him,  I was  in  some  doubt  as  to  the  sex 
of  his  figure.  The  face  of  the  young  hero  is  perfectly  femi- 
nine, when  looked  at  from  below  upwards;  but  viewed  from 
above  downward,  it  has  something  masculine  blended  with  it. 
This  relievo,  in  the  palace  Ruspoli,  which  has  never  before  been 
explained,  may  be  ranked  among  the  most  beautiful  in  the 
world  : it  may  be  seen  among  my  Monuments  of  Antiquity. 
Beauty  of  the  same  equivocal  kind  would  be  found  in  Theseus 
also,  if  he  should  be  figured  as  he  came  from  Trcezene  to 
Athens,  dressed  in  a long  robe  reaching  to  his  feet.  The  work- 
men on  the  temple  of  Apollo  looked  upon  him  as  a beautiful 
virgin,  and  were  astonished  to  see  one,  whom  they  supposed  to 
be  a handsome  girl,  going  into  the  city  unattended,  contrary  to 
the  usual  custom  of  that  day. 

42.  No  regard  has  been  paid  either  to  this  idea  of  beauty,  or 
to  the  age  of  Theseus,  in  a picture  in  the  Herculaneum  museum, 
in  which  the  ancient  painter  has  represented  him  with  the  Athe- 
nian boys  and  maidens  kissing  his  hand,  on  his  return  from 
Ci;ete,  after  slaying  the  Minotaur.  But  Nicholas  Poussin  has 
deviated  still  farther  from  the  truth,  and  from  the  beauty  of 
youthful  age,  in  a picture  (35)  belonging  to  Lewis  Vanvitelli, 
royal  architect  at  Naples,  in  which  Theseus,  in  presence  of  his 
mother,  iEthra,  discovers  his  father’s  sword  and  shoe  concealed 
beneath  a stone.  This  event  took  place  in  the  sixteenth  year 
of  his  age ; but,  in  the  picture,  he  is  represented  as  already  hav- 
ing a beard,  and  of  a manly  age,  divested  of  all  youthful  round- 
ness. I will  say  nothing  of  the  edifice  and  triumphal  arch, 
which  are  wholly  incongruous  with  the  times  of  Theseus. 

43.  The  reader  will  pardon  me,  if  I am  obliged  once  more 
to  direct  the  attention  of  that  poetical  writer  on  painting  1 to 
his  erroneous  prejudices.  Among  many  absurd  characteristics 
of  the  shape  of  heroes  and  demigods,  as  he  terms  them,  he 
enumerates  meagre  limbs,  lean  legs,  small  head,  narrow  hips, 
sunken  abdomen,  smallish  feet,  and  hollow  soles  to  the  feet. 
Where  in  the  world  did  he  meet  with  these  appearances  1 
Would  that  he  had  written  of  what  he  better  understood  ! 

44.  Modern  artists  ought  to  have  formed  their  figures  of  the 
Saviour  conformably  to  the  ideas  which  the  ancients  entertained 
of  the  beauty  of  their  heroes,  and  thus  made  him  correspond 

1 Watelet,  L’Art  de  Peindre. 


340 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


to  the  prophetic  declaration,  which  announces  him  as  the  most 
beautiful  of  the  children  of  men.  But  the  idea  of  most  figures 
of  him,  beginning  with  Michael  Angelo,  appears  to  be  borrowed 
from  the  barbarous  works  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  there  can  be 
nothing  more  ignoble  than  the  face  in  such  heads  of  Christ. 
How  much  more  noble  the  conceptions  of  Raphael  are  may  be 
seen  in  a small  original  drawing,  in  the  Royal  Farnese  museum 
at  Naples,  which  represents  our  Saviour’s  burial,  and  in  which 
his  head  exhibits  the  beauty  of  a young  hero  without  beard. 
Annibal  Caracci  is  the  only  one,  so  far  as  I know,  who  has 
imitated  his  example,  in  three  similar  pictures  of  the  same  sub- 
ject, one  of  which  is  in  the  museum  just  mentioned,  another  in 
Santo  Francesco  a ripa  at  Rome,  and  the  third  in  the  family 
chapel  of  the  palace  Pamfili.  But  if  such  a face  should  pos- 
sibly appear  to  the  artist  a scandalous  innovation  on  the  cus- 
tomary representation  of  the  Saviour  with  a beard,  then  let 
him  study  the  Saviour  of  Leonardo  da  Yinci,  and,  in  particular, 
a wonderfully  beautiful  head  from  the  hand  of  the  same  mas- 
ter, in  the  cabinet  of  Prince  Wenzel  von  Lichtenstein,  in  Vienna. 
This  head,  notwithstanding  the  beard,  expresses  the  highest 
manly  beauty,  and  may  be  commended  as  the  most  perfect 
model. 

45.  If  one  will  now  reascend  the  steps  from  heroes  to  gods, 
which  we  have  just  descended  from  gods  to  heroes,  pursuing 
exactly  the  gradation  by  which  deities  have  been  formed  from 
heroes,  it  will  appear  that  the  effect  has  been  produced  rather 
by  subtraction  than  by  addition,  that  is  to  say,  by  the  gradual 
abstraction  of  all  those  parts  which,  even  in  nature,  are  sharply 
and  strongly  expressed,  until  the  shape  becomes  refined  to  such 
a degree  that  only  the  spirit  within  appears  to  have  brought  it 
into  being. 


ART  AMONG  TEE  GREEKS. 


841 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  CONFORMATION  AND  BEAUTY  OF  THE  FEMALE  DEITIES 
AND  HEROINES. 

1.  In  the  female,  as  in  the  male  divinities,  different  ages, 
and  even  different  ideas  of  beauty,  are  observable,  at  least  in 
their  heads,  for  Venus  is  the  only  goddess  who  is  entirely  nude. 
In  regard  to  forms  and  development,  however,  there  are  not 
so  many  gradations  of  difference  in  the  figures  of  beautiful 
females,  because  that  development  is  varied  only  according  to 
their  age.  The  limbs  are  equally  rounded  and  full  in  heroines 
as  in  goddesses,  — for  even  the  former  are  found  represented, 
as  well  as  the  latter ; and  if  the  artist  had  imparted  a more 
marked  development  to  certain  parts  in  heroines,  he  would  have 
deviated  from  the  characteristics  of  their  sex.  For  the  same 
reason  that  I find  less  to  notice  in  the  beauty  of  the  female  sex, 
the  study  of  the  artist  in  this  department  is  much  more  limited 
and  easy ; even  Nature  appears  to  act  with  more  facility  in  the 
formation  of  the  female  than  of  the  male  sex,  since  there  are 
fewer  male  than  female  children  born.  Hence  Aristotle  says, 
that  the  operations  of  Nature  tend  to  perfection,  even  in  the 
formation  of  human  beings ; but  if  a male  cannot  be  produced, 
owing  to  the  resistance  of  matter,  then  a female  is  the  result. 
There  is  also  another  reason,  not  less  easy  to  be  understood, 
why  the  consideration,  as  well  as  the  imitation,  of  beauty  of 
shape  in  female  statues  may  require  less  labor,  which  is,  that 
most  of  the  goddesses,  as  well  as  all  the  heroines,  are  draped, — 
an  observation  which  is  repeated  in  the  dissertation  on  Drapery  ; 
wThilst,  on  the  contrary,  the  greater  number  of  statues  of  the 
male  sex  are  in  a nude  state. 

2.  I would  observe,  however,  that  my  remark  as  to  the  sim- 
ilarity of  the  nude  parts  of  female  figures  is  to  be  understood 
only  of  the  shape  of  the  body,  and  does  not  exclude  a distinc- 
tive character  in  their  heads.  This  has  been  strongly  expressed 


342 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


in  each  goddess  as  well  as  in  the  heroines,  so  that  both  superior 
and  inferior  goddesses  can  be  distinguished,  even  when  the 
emblems  usually  adjoined  to  them  are  wanting.  Each  goddess 
had  her  peculiar  aspect,  as  well  as  each  god  ; and  the  ancient 
artists  constantly  adhered  to  it.  With  this  characteristic  indi- 
vidual expression  of  the  face  they  also  endeavored  to  associate 
beauty  in  its  highest  degree,  but  they  did  not  stop  here  ; they 
impressed  similar  beauty  likewise  upon  the  female  masks. 

3.  Among  the  goddesses,  Venus  stands  fairly  preeminent,  not 
only  as  the  goddess  of  beauty,  but  because  she  alone,  with  the 
Graces,  and  the  Seasons  or  Hours,  is  undraped  (1),  and  also 
because  she  is  found  represented  more  frequently  than  any 
other  goddess,  and  in  different  ages.  The  Medicean  Venus,  at 
Florence,  resembles  a rose  which,  after  a lovely  dawn,  unfolds 
its  leaves  to  the  rising  sun  ; resembles  one  who  is  passing  from 
an  age  which  is  hard  and  somewhat  harsh  — like  fruits  before 
their  perfect  ripeness  — into  another,  in  which  all  the  vessels  of 
the  animal  system  are  beginning  to  dilate,  and  the  breasts  to 
enlarge,  as  her  bosom  indicates,  — which,  in  fact,  is  more  devel- 
oped than  is  usual  in  tender  maidens.  The  attitude  (2)  brings 
before  my  imagination  that  Lais  who  instructed  Apelles  in  love. 
Methinks  I see  her,  as  when,  for  the  first  time,  she  stood  naked 
before  the  artist’s  eyes.  In  Jhe  Capitoline  museum  there  is  a 
statue  of  Venus  (3)  that  stands  in  precisely  the  same  attitude, 
and  is  in  a state  of  better  preservation  than  most  of  these 
figures,  for  one  finger  only  is  wanting,  and  there  are  no  frac- 
tures in  it ; in  the  villa  Albani  is  another ; there  is  still 
another  (4),  copied  by  one  Menophantus  from  a Venus  which 
stood  at  Troy  (5).  The  last  differs  from  the  others  in  that  the 
right  hand  is  nearer  the  bosom,  the  second  finger  resting  upon 
the  centre  of  it  ; the  left  hand  supports  a drapery.  But  both 
are  represented  in  a riper  age,  and  even  larger  than  the  Venus 
de’  Medici.  A shape  of  beautiful  maidenhood,  resembling  hers, 
may  be  seen  in  the  half-draped  Thetis,  of  the  size  of  life,  in 
the  villa  Albani,  who  appears  here  of  the  age  when  she  was 
given  in  marriage  to  Peleus  : this  statue  will  be  described 
hereafter,  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  twelfth  book. 

4.  The  celestial  Venus  (6),  daughter  of  Jupiter  and  Har- 
monia,  is  different  from  the  other  Venus,  who  is  the  daughter 
of  Dione.  She  is  distinguished  by  a high  diadem  of  the  kind 
peculiar  to  Juno;  a similar  diadem  is  also  worn  by  a Venus 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


343 


victrix,  victorious.  The  most  beautiful  known  statue  of  her 
was  discovered  in  the  theatre  of  the  ancient  city  of  Capua ; 
the  arms  are  wanting,  and  her  left  foot  rests  upon  a helmet. 
It  is  now  in  the  royal  palace  at  Caserta.  A diadem  of  the 
same  kind  may  also  be  seen,  in  some  reliefs  which  represent 
the  rape  of  Proserpine,  on  the  head  of  a draped  Venus,  who  is 
gathering  flowers  in  company  with  Pallas,  Diana,  and  Proser- 
pine, in  the  fields  of  Enna,  in  Sicily.  But  it  can  be  observed 
the  most  distinctly  on  two  sepulchral  urns  in  the  palace  Bar- 
berini.  This  head-ornament  has  been  given  to  no  other  god- 
desses than  these,  with  the  exception  of  Thetis,  who  bears  it 
on  her  head  in  a painting  on  a beautiful  vase  of  burnt  clay  in 
the  Vatican  library,  of  which  an  engraving  may  be  seen  in  my 
Ancient  Monuments. 

5.  The  celestial,  not  less  than  the  Medicean  Venus,  has  in 
her  softly  opened  eyes  that  expression  of  tenderness  and  love 
which  the  Greeks  term  to  vypo v,  “liquid”  ; it  is  owing  entirely 
to  the  lower  eyelid  being  somewhat  elevated,1  as  I will  point 
out  hereafter  in  my  remarks  on  the  beauty  of  the  eyes.  This 
look  is,  however,  entirely  free  from  wrantonness,  for  Love  was 
regarded  by  the  ancient  artists  and  intelligent  philosophers  as, 
in  the  words  of  Euripides,  the  associate  of  Wisdom  ; yet  certain 
modern  sculptors  have  imparted  an  expression  of  this  sort  to 
their  statues  of  Venus,  with  the  design  of  showing  thereby  what 
goddess  they  intended  to  represent. 

6.  When  I remarked  that  Venus,  with  the  Graces  and  Hours, 
is  the  only  one  of  the  goddesses  who  is  not  draped,  I did  not 
mean  to  be  understood  to  say  that  she  is  uniformly  represented 
nude,  because  we  know  the  contrary  of  the  Venus  of  Praxite- 
les, at  Cos.  There  is  also  a beautiful  draped  statue  of  this  god- 
dess, which  was  formerly  in  the  palace  Spada,  but  has  since 
been  sent  to  England ; and  she  is  thus  represented  in  a relief 
on  one  of  the  two  beautiful  candelabra  which  were  formerly  in 
the  palace  Barberini,  and  now  belong  to  the  sculptor  Cavaceppi. 

7.  As  a wife  and  goddess,  Juno  is  seen  preeminent  above 
the  other  goddesses  in  development  as  well  as  regal  pride. 
She  may  be  known,  not  only  by  her  lofty  diadem,  but  by  her 

1 Plate  XVI.,  B and  C.  Two  eyes  of  Venus  Urania.  The  former  is 
copied  from  the  beautiful  fragment  in  the  Dresden  collection.  The  lat- 
ter is  after  a head  of  the  same  goddess,  which  was  formerly  in  the  mu- 
seum at  Cassel,  where  it  bore  the  name  of  Juno  — Germ.  Ed. 


344 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


large  eyes,  and  an  imperious  mouth,  the  line  of  which  is  so 
characteristic,  that  one  can  say,  simply  from  seeing  such  a 
mouth  in  a mere  profile,  — the  sole  remains  of  a female  head 
on  a mutilated  gem  cut  in  high  relief,  in  the  museum  Strozzi,  — 
that  it  is  a head  of  Juno.  The  beauty  in  the  expression  of  her 
large,  roundly  arched  eyes  is  of  an  imperious  character,  like  that 
of  a queen  who  wills  to  rule,  and  who  cannot  fail  to  command 
respect  and  inspire  love.  The  colossal  head  of  this  goddess  (7) 
in  the  villa  Ludovisi 1 is  the  most  beautiful  head  of  her ; an- 
other, smaller  head  may  also  be  found  there,  which  merits  the 
second  rank.  The  most  beautiful  statue  is  in  the  palace  Bar- 
berini,2  in  which  there  is,  besides,  a colossal  head  of  her ; but  it 
does  not  equal  in  beauty  the  one  first  mentioned. 

8.  Pallas,  on  the  contrary,  is  always  a virgin,  of  mature  form 
and  age.3  She  and  Diana  are  always  serious.  The  former,  in 
particular,  who  appears  to  have  divested  herself  of  all  feminine 
weakness,  and  even  to  have  conquered  Love  himself,  is  an  im- 
age of  maiden  modesty.  Hence  the  eyes,  more  especially  of 
Pallas,  explain  the  name  which  was  given  by  the  Greeks  and 
Romans  to  the  pupil  of  the  eye  : the  latter  terming  it  pupilla, 
young  virgin ; the  former,  Koprj,  which  had  the  same  significa- 
tion. Her  eyes  are  moderately  full,  and  less  open  than  those 
of  Juno.  Her  head  is  not  carried  proudly  erect,  but  her  look 
is  rather  cast  slightly  downward,  as  if  she  was  in  quiet  medi- 
tation. The  contrary  is  observable  in  the  heads  of  Roma  (8), 
who,  as  the  mistress  of  so  many  kingdoms,  bears  a regal  bold- 
ness in  her  aspect.  Like  Pallas,  however,  she  wears  a helmet. 
But  I must  observe  here,  that  the  face  of  Pallas,  on  Grecian 
silver  coins  of  the  city  of  Yelia  in  Lucania,  on  which  her  casque 
has  wings  on  both  sides,  exhibits  the  reverse  of  what  I have 
remarked  in  statues  and  busts ; for  there  her  eyes  are  large, 
and  her  look  is  directed  forwards  or  upwards,  and  her  hair  is 
gathered  into  a knot,  a style  which,  the  poet 4 says,  speaking 
of  Pallas  and  Diana,  can  belong  only  to  the  latter.  For  Pallas 
generally  wears  her  hair  knotted  together  at  a distance  from 

1 Plate  XVI.,  A.  Profile  of  the  colossal  head  of  Juno  in  the  villa  Lu- 
dovisi. — Germ.  Ed. 

2 Now  in  the  Pio-Clement  museum 

8 Plate  XVII.  Profile  of  the  Pallas  of  Velletri,  so  called  because  it 
was  found  at  Velletri,  in  1797.  It  is  a statue  of  colossal  proportions,  and 
is  almost  entirely  uninjured.  — Germ.  Ed. 

4 Statius,  Tlieb.,  1.  2,  v.  237. 


/ 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS . 


845 


her  head,  and  it  then  hangs  down,  beneath  the  fillet  that  binds 
it,  in  rows  of  long  locks.  From  this  arrangement  of  the  hair, 
which  is  peculiar  to  her,  she  has  received  the  name,  but  little 
known,  of  7rapa7re7rA.ey/x,eV?7.  Pollux  explains  this  word  by  ava- 
7T€Tr\ey fjLevrj,  but  without  making  the  idea  clearer.  It  is  an  epi- 
thet which  probably  signifies  hair  thus  disposed ; the  mode  of 
its  arrangement  would  therefore  illustrate  the  writer  mentioned 
above.  As  she  wore  her  hair  longer  than  other  goddesses,  this 
may  be  the  reason  for  swearing  by  her  hair.  On  a medallion  of 
Adrian,  in  the  Vatican  library,  and  on  a rilievo  in  the  Campi- 
doglio,  representing  a sacrifice  by  Marcus  Aurelius,  she  sits 
near  Jupiter  on  the  summit  of  the  temple  of  this  god,  with  her 
right  hand  placed  on  her  helmeted  head,  — which  is  an  unus- 
ual position.  The  most  beautiful  statue 1 of  her  is  in  the  villa 
Albani  (9). 

9.  Diana  has,  in  a greater  degree  than  any  other  of  the 
superior  goddesses,  the  shape  and  carriage  of  a virgin.  En- 
dowed with  all  the  attractions  of  her  sex,  she  appears  to  be 
unconscious  of  them  herself.  Her  look  is  not  downcast,  like 
that  of  Pallas,  but  frank,  sprightly,  and  cheerful.  It  is  turned 
towards  the  source  of  her  enjoyments,  the  chase,  — especially 
as  she  is  generally  represented  in  running  or  walking,  — so  that 
it  is  directed  straight  forwards,  and  away  into  the  distance,  be- 
yond all  near  objects.  Her  hair  is  smoothed  upwards  on  all 
sides  around  her  head,  and  then  gathered  into  a knot  behind, 
on  the  crown  of  the  head,  just  above  the  neck,  after  the  manner 
of  virgins,  or  even  at  a distance  from  her  head.  She  is  without 
diadem  or  other  ornaments,  which  have  been  given  to  her  in 
modern  times.  Her  figure  is  lighter  and  more  slender  than  that 
of  J uno,  and  even  of  Pallas.  A mutilated  Diana  would  be  as 
readily  distinguishable  among  the  other  goddesses  as  she  is  in 
Homer  among  all  her  beauteous  Oreads.  She  generally  wears 
a dress  which  is  tucked  up,  and  descends  no  lower  than  the 
knee ; but  she  is  also  represented  in  longer  garments ; and  is 
the  only  one  of  the  goddesses  who,  in  some  figures,  has  her 
right  breast  bared  (10). 

10.  Ceres  (11)  is  nowhere  represented  more  beautiful  than 
on  a silver  coin  of  the  city  of  Metapontus,  in  Magna  Grsecia, 

1 Plate  XVIII.,  A.  Profile  of  the  glorious  statue  of  Pallas,  in  the 
high  style,  in  the  villa  Albani.  B.  Front  view  of  the  mouth  of  the  same 
statue,  of  the  size  of  the  original.  — Germ.  Ed. 


346 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


which  is  in  the  museum  of  the  Duke  Caraffa  Noia  at  Naples ; 
on  its  reverse  is  stamped,  as  usual,  an  ear  of  wheat,  on  which  a 
mouse  is  seated.  In  this,  as  in  other  images  of  her  on  coins, 
the  veil  or  drapery  is  drawn  to  the  back  part  of  the  head  ; and 
a diadem,  like  that  of  Juno,  together  with  ears  and  leaves  of 
wheat,  is  placed  just  above  the  front  hair,  which  lies  scattered 
about  on  the  forehead  in  sweet  disorder.  This  discomposure  of 
the  hair  was  probably  intended  to  signify  her  grief  at  the  abduc- 
tion of  her  daughter,  Proserpine. 

11.  In  the  head  of  Ceres,  and  likewise  that  of  her  daughter, 
the  cities  of  Magna  Grsecia  and  Sicily  endeavored  to  repre- 
sent on  their  coins  the  highest  beauty.  It  will  be  difficult 
to  find  more  beautiful  coins,  even  as  respects  the  impression, 
than  those  of  Syracuse,  which,  on  their  obverse,  exhibit  the 
head  of  Proserpine,  and  on  the  reverse  a conqueror  in  a four- 
horse  car.  The  drawing  and  engraving  of  this  coin,  in  the  col- 
lection belonging  to  the  cabinet  of  Pellerin,  ought  to  have  been 
better  executed.  She  is  there  represented  as  crowned  with 
long,  pointed  leaves,  similar  to  those  which,  with  the  wheat-ears, 
surround  the  head  of  her  mother,  Ceres.  Hence  I am  of  opin- 
ion that  the  leaves  on  the  head  of  Proserpine  are  leaves  of 
the  wheat  stalk,  and  not  sedge,  as  they  have  been  regarded  by 
others,  wTho,  on  this  assumption,  wish  to  find  the  likeness  of  the 
nymph  Arethusa  in  the  head  on  these  coins. 

12.  Figures  of  Hebe  are  more  rare  than  those  of  any  other 
goddess.  On  two  rilievi,  only  the  upper  part  of  her  body  is 
visible ; and  on  one  of  them,  in  the  villa  of  the  Cardinal  Ales- 
sandro Albani,  which  represents  the  Reconciliation  of  Hercules, 
her  name  is  near  her.  There  is  another  figure,  perfectly  similar 
to  this,  on  a large  marble  cup  in  the  same  villa.  This  cup  will 
appear  in  the  third  volume  of  my  Ancient  Monuments  (12). 
These  figures,  however,  give  no  particular  idea  of  Hebe,  because 
they  have  none  of  the  attributes  ascribed  to  her.  On  a third 
rilievo,  in  the  villa  Borghese,  — in  which  she  is  seen,  as  a sup- 
pliant, on  her  knees,  because  her  office  was  taken  from  her  and 
conferred  on  Ganymedes, — the  subject  of  the  marble  enables 
us  to  recognize  her,  even  although  other  indications  had  been 
wanting  by  which  she  might  be  distinguished.  But  her  dress  is 
tucked  up  high,  after  the  manner  of  the  boys  who  attended  on 
sacrifices,  Camilli,  and  of  servants  who  waited  at  table,  and  thus 
distinguishes  her  from  other  goddesses. 


i 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


347 


13.  Of  the  inferior  and  subordinate  goddesses,  I shall  men- 
tion particularly  the  Graces,  Hours,  Nymphs,  Muses,  Parcse, 
Furies,  and  Gorgons. 

14.  The  Graces  were  the  nymphs  and  playmates  of  Venus, 
and  in  the  most  ancient  times  were,  like  her,  represented  fully 
draped.  As  far  as  I know,  however,  only  a single  monument 
remains  which  exhibits  them  in  this  manner,  namely,  the  tri- 
angular Etruscan  altar,  in  the  villa  Borghese,  to  which  reference 
has  already  been  frequently  made.  In  the  palace  Ruspoli  there 
are  figures  of  nude  Graces,  about  half  the  size  of  life.  They 
are  the  largest,  most  beautiful,  and  best  preserved  of  all  that 
remain.  The  heads,  in  this  instance,  are  the  original  heads  of 
the  statues,  whereas  those  of  the  Graces  in  the  villa  Borghese 
are  modern  and  ugly  ; our  judgment  will  consequently  be  based 
upon  the  former.  They  are  entirely  without  ornament;  the 
hair  is  confined  by  a fine  cord  passing  round  the  head,  and  in 
two  of  the  figures  it  is  gathered  together  behind,  near  the  neck. 
Their  countenances  express  neither  gayety  nor  seriousness,  but 
a quiet  contentment,  appropriate  to  the  innocence  of  their 
years. 

15.  The  Hours,  ''Qpat,  are  the  companions  and  attendants  of 
the  Graces,  — that  is,  they  are  the  goddesses  of  the  seasons  and 
of  natural  beauties,  and  daughters  of  Themis  by  Jupiter,  or, 
according  to  other  poets,'  daughters  of  the  Sun.  In  the  earliest 
periods  of  art,  they  were  represented  by  two  figures  only ; but 
their  number  was  afterwards  increased  to  three,  because  the 
year  was  divided  into  three  seasons,  spring,  autumn,  and  winter ; 
their  names  are  Eunomia,  Dice,  and  Irene.  They  are  generally 
represented  dancing,  by  poets  as  well  as  artists,  and,  in  most 
works  by  the  latter,  as  being  of  the  same  age.  Their  garments 
are  short,  reaching  only  to  the  knee,  as  dancers  were  accustomed 
to  wear  theirs ; and  their  heads  are  crowned  with  a wreath  of 
upright  palm-leaves,  as  they  may  be  seen  on  a three-sided  base 
in  the  villa  Albani,  which  is  engraved  in  my  Ancient  Monuments. 
When,  after  a time,  four  seasons  were  established,  four  Hours 
were  also  introduced  into  art,  as  may  be  seen  on  a sepulchral 
urn  in  the  same  villa,  of  which  an  engraving  is  given  in  the 
work  just  mentioned.  In  this  instance,  however,  they  are  rep- 
resented of  different  ages  and  in  longer  vestments,  and  also  with- 
out the  garland  of  palm-leaves,  so  that  Spring  resembles  an 
innocent  virgin  at  that  age  when  her  shape  has  attained  what 


348 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


an  epigram  terms  the  growth  of  the  Spring-Hour,  and  the  three 
other  sisters  ascend  in  age  by  a regular  gradation.  When  more 
than  four  figures  appear  in  the  dance,  as  in  the  well-known  relief 
in  the  villa  Borghese,  then  we  have  the  Hours  in  company  with 
the  Graces. 

16.  In  regard  to  the  Nymphs,  it  may  be  said  that  each  one  of 
the  superior  divinities,  as  well  of  the  male  as  of  the  female  sex, 
had  special  Nymphs ; even  the  Muses  were  ranked  among  them, 
as  the  Nymphs  of  Apollo.  But  those  with  whom  we  are  most 
familiar  are,  in  the  first  place,  the  Nymphs  of  Diana,  or  the 
Oreads,  and  the  Nymphs  of  the  trees,  or  the  Hamadryads ; and, 
in  the  second  place,  the  Nereids,  or  Nymphs  of  the  sea,  and  the 
Sirens. 

17.  The  Muses  may  be  seen  represented,  on  different  monu- 
ments, with  far  greater  diversity  of  countenance,  as  well  as  of 
position  and  action,  than  any  other  Nymphs ; for  the  tragic 
Muse,  Melpomene,  is  distinguishable,  even  without  her  em- 
blems, from  the  comic  Muse,  Thalia,  and  this  latter  — it  is  un- 
necessary to  mention  the  names  of  the  others  - — - from  Erato  and 
Terpsichore,  who  presided  over  dancing.  The  peculiar  charac- 
teristic of  the  two  last-named  Muses  was  forgotten  by  those 
among  the  moderns  who  placed  a garland  in  the  left  hand  of 
the  celebrated  lightly  draped  statue  in  the  court  of  the  palace 
Farnese,  — which  holds  up  its  under-dress  with  the  right  hand, 
after  the  manner  of  dancing-girls,  — and  then  imagined  that, 
by  this  means,  they  had  made  a Flora  of  it,  the  name  by  which 
alone  it  is  known  at  the  present  time.  The  consequence  has 
been,  that  the  same  appellation  is  now  extended,  without  further 
consideration,  to  all  female  figures  whose  head  is  crowned  with 
flowers.  That  the  Homans  had  a Flora,  I know  well ; but  no 
such  goddess  was  known  to  the  Greeks,  whose  skill  executed  the 
statues  which  we  admire.  Different  figures  of  the  Muses,  much 
larger  than  life,  are  to  be  found  ; among  them  is  one,  in  the 
above-named  palace,  which  has  been  converted  into  a Urania ; 
I am  therefore  confident  that  the  statue  called  Flora  is  wrongly 
named,  and  is  either  an  Erato  or  a Terpsichore.  As  to  the 
Flora  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  whose  head  is  crowned  with 
flowers,  I find  no  ideal  beauty  in  it ; and,  in  my  opinion,  it  is 
the  likeness  of  some  unknown  beautiful  individual,  who,  by 
means  of  this  garland,  is  made  to  represent  one  of  the  goddesses 
of  the  seasons,  namely,  Spring.  In  the  description  of  this  Muse, 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


349 


the  remark,  that  she  holds  a bunch  of  flowers  in  her  hand,  ought 
at  least  to  have  been  omitted,  because  the  hand,  as  well  as  the 
flowers,  is  a modern  addition. 

18.  Catullus  describes  the  Fates  as  old,  wrinkled,  and  bent 
with  years,  with  trembling  limbs  and  harsh  countenances ; but 
they  are  represented,  on  more  than  one  ancient  monument,  in 
a manner  which  is  the  very  reverse  of  this  description.  They 
are  generally  found  present  at  the  Death  of  Meleager , where 
they  appear  as  beautiful  young  virgins,  sometimes  with,  and 
sometimes  without,  wings  on  their  heads,  and  distinguished  by 
their  appropriate  emblems ; one  is  always  writing  with  a pen  on 
a scroll.  At  times  there  are  only  two  Parcse,  as  there  were  but 
two  statues  of  them  in  the  porch  of  the  temple  of  Apollo,  at 
Delphi. 

19.  Even  the  Furies  are  represented  as  beautiful  young  vir- 
gins (13),  either  with  or  without  snakes  about  their  heads. 
Sophocles  calls  them  “ virgins  ever  young.”  On  a vase  in  the 
Porcinari  collection,  at  Naples,  of  which  an  engraving  has  been 
published  in  the  second  volume  of  the  Hamilton  Vases,  there  is 
a painting  which  represents  them  with  snakes,  and  blazing 
torches,  and  bared  arms,  seeking  vengeance  on  Orestes.  These 
avenging  goddesses  appear,  likewise,  young  and  beautiful  on 
different  reliefs  in  Rome,  descriptive  of  the  same  incident  in 
relation  to  this  hero. 

20.  The  Gorgons,  the  last  named  of  the  inferior  goddesses, 
are,  with  the  exception  of  the  head  of  Medusa,  not  represented 
on  any  antique  work.  But,  if  images  of  them  had  been  pre- 
served, their  shape  would  have  been  found  not  to  correspond  to 
the  description  given  of  them  by  the  most  ancient  poets,  in 
which  they  are  armed  with  long  teeth,  like  tusks ; since  Medusa, 
one  of  the  three  sisters,  has  been  to  artists  an  image  of  high 
beauty,  and  fable  also  presents  her  to  us  in  a similar  aspect. 
According  to  some  accounts,  which  are  quoted  by  Pausanias, 
she  was  the  daughter  of  Phorcus.  After  her  father’s  death, 
she  assumed  the  government  of  his  dominions,  which  bordered 
on  Lake  Tritonis,  in  Africa,  and  even  led  her  subjects  in  war. 
She  was  slain  in  an  attack  upon  the  army  of  Perseus,  against 
whom  she  had  marched.  The  hero,  astonished  at  the  beauty 
displayed  even  by  her  lifeless  body,  cut  off  her  head,  for  the 
purpose  of  showing  it  to  the  Greeks.  The  most  beautiful  head 
in  marble  of  a dead  Medusa  (14)  is  that  in  the  hand  of  a much 


850 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


repaired  statue  of  Perseus,  in  the  palace  Lanti.  One  of  the 
most  beautiful  heads  on  gems  is  a cameo  in  the  royal  Farnese 
museum,  at  Naples;  another,  on  carnelian,  is  in  the  museum 
Strozzi.  Both  of  these  are  of  a loftier  character  than  the  more 
celebrated  one  in  this  same  museum,  marked  with  the  name  of 
Solon.1  This  last  celebrated  Medusa  is  cut  on  a chalcedony. 
It  was  found  in  a vineyard,  near  the  church  of  Saints  John  and 
Paul,  on  Mount  Coelius,  by  a gardener,  who  offered  it  for  sale  to 
a purchaser  of  things  of  the  kind,  which  we  call  antiques,  who 
kept  on  the  square  Montanara,  near  the  theatre  of  Marcellus. 
This  man,  who  could  have  no  particular  knowledge  of  such  arti- 
cles, wished  to  take  an  impression  from  the  stone,  on  wax.  It 
happened  to  be  winter,  and  early  in  the  morning ; the  wax  of 
course  was  not  sufficiently  soft,  and  the  stone  was  broken  into 
two  pieces.  The  finder  received  two  sequins  (four  dollars)  for 
it.  From  the  buyer  it  passed  into  the  possession  of  Sabattini, 
a practical  antiquarian  of  some  note,  who  purchased  it  for  three 
sequins.  He  had  it  set  in  gold,  and  sold  it  for  five  sequins  to 
the  Cardinal  Alessandro  Albani,  — who  at  that  time  had  not 
assumed  the  clerical  profession.  He  exchanged  it  again  with 
this  same  Sabattini  for  other  antiquities,  at  an  estimated  value 
of  fifty  scudi  (fifty  dollars).  If  it  were  not  for  the  preceding 
authentic  account  of  it,  I should  be  unable  to  divest  myself  of  a 
suspicion  that  the  figure  might  be  the  work  of  a more  modem 
hand,  — an  opinion  which  I entertained  for  some  time  (15). 
However,  this  Medusa  has  obtained  the  utmost  celebrity ; it  is 
selected  by  our  artists  for  imitation,  and  has  been  frequently 
cut  on  stone ; yet  the  above-mentioned  head  on  carnelian  is  far 
more  deserving  of  such  preference. 

21.  With  the  goddesses  I associate  the  Heroines  or  Ama- 
zons (16),  as  ideal  images.  They  all  resemble  each  other  in 
conformation,  even  to  the  hair  of  the  head ; and  their  counte- 
nances appear  to  have  been  executed  after  one  and  the  same 
model.  Among  the  Heroines,  the  Amazons  are  the  most  cele- 
brated ; and  they  are  represented  in  many  statues,  and  on  ri- 
lievi.  Their  look  is  serious,  blended  with  an  expression  of  pain 
or  sorrow,  for  all  these  statues  have  a wound  in  the  breast ; this 
must  have  been  the  case  with  those,  also,  of  which  only  the 
heads  remain.  The  eyebrows  are  defined  with  an  energetic 
sharpness ; now,  as  this  manner  was  usual  in  the  more  ancient 

i Plate  XIV.,  B. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


351 


style  of  art,  as  I shall  hereafter  show,  it  is  an  allowable  suppo- 
sition, that  the  Amazon  of  Ctesilaus,  which  received  the  prize 
over  the  Amazons  of  Polycletus  and  Phidias,  may  have  served 
as  a model  to  succeeding  artists.  The  look  of  the  Amazons  is 
neither  warlike  nor  fierce,  but  serious,  even  more  so  than  that 
of  Pallas  is  wont  to  be. 

22.  There  are  six  entire  Amazon  statues,  known  as  such,  in 
Rome.  The  first  is  in  the  villa  Mattei,  and  is  the  only  one 
which  has  a helmet  lying  at  its  feet.  The  second  is  in  the 
palace  Barberini.  The  third,  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  bears 
the  name  of  the  artist,  Sosicles.  The  fourth  i-s  in  the  court 
of  the  palace  Yerospi.  The  fifth  and  sixth  are  likewise  in 
the  Capitol ; but  their  heads  — one  of  which  is  antique,  and  the 
other  modern,  and  covered  with  a helmet  — do  not  belong  to 
them ; and  neither  corresponds  to  the  statue  upon  which  it  is 
placed.  The  restorers  of  the  last  two  statues  did  not  under- 
stand that  the  heads  of  the  Amazons  are  characterized  by  a 
definite  idea,  and  to  such  a degree,  that  those  of  the  four  first- 
mentioned  statues  appear  to  be  the  heads  of  sisters,  and  taken, 
as  it  were,  from  the  same  mould.  There  is  no  difference  even 
in  the  hair,  either  m its  arrangement  or  execution ; the  counte- 
nance of  alt  expresses  what  the  word  virago  signifies.  There 
are,  however,  in  the  Capitoline  museum  two  heads  perfectly 
similar  to  the  others,  and  very  well  preserved,  which,  if  they  had 
been  recognized,  might  have  been  placed  upon  those  statues  of 
Amazons  which  have  not  their  original  heads,  for  these  supple- 
mental heads  are  not  in  keeping  with  the  rest  of  the  body.  No 
heads  would  have  furnished  to  our  artists  better  models  for  fig- 
ures of  the  Holy  Virgin  than  these,  if  the  idea  of  using  them 
for  this  purpose  had  ever  occurred  to  any  one. 

In  the  villa  Pamfili  is  an  Amazon  (17),  above  the  size  of 
life,  — as  these  figures  always  are,  — which  the  process  of 
restoration  has  converted  into  a Diana,  though  the  drapery 
and  head  ought  to  have  pointed  out  its  true  character.  The 
sight  of  a single  head  of  an  Amazon  would  have  removed  all 
the  doubts  of  a certain  author  (18),  who  finds  himself  unable 
to  decide  whether  a head  crowned  with  laurel  — on  the  coins 
of  the  city  of  Myrina,  in  Asia  Minor,  which  was  built  by  the 
Amazons  — represents  an  Apollo,  or  one  of  these  heroines.  I 
will  not  again  repeat  here  what  I have  already  remarked  in 
more  than  one  place,  that,  among  all  the  statues  of  Amazons, 


852 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


there  is  not  a single  instance  in  which  the  left  breast  is 
wanting. 

23.  In  the  heads  of  particular  individuals  the  ancient  artists 
approximated  as  closely  to  the  ideal  as  it  could  be  done  without 
injury  to  the  resemblance.  These  heads  show  with  how  much 
good  judgment  certain  details  which  do  not  add  to  the  likeness 
a, re  passed  over.  Many  of  those  wrinkles  which  are  the  neces- 
sary accompaniments  of  age  are  omitted ; those  which  detract 
nothing  from  our  conception  of  beauty  are  expressed,  — as,  for 
instance,  beneath  the  chin  and  on  the  neck.  The  precept  of 
the  ancient  sage  was  observed  here,  namely,  to  make  the  good 
as  good  as  possible,  but  to  conceal  and  diminish  the  bad.  On 
the  other  hand,  those  parts  of  the  face  of  an  individual  which 
are  beautiful,  but  which  neither  add  to  nor  detract  from  the 
likeness,  may  be  brought  particularly  into  view.  This  rule  has 
been  judiciously  observed  in  the  heads  of  Louis  the  Fourteenth, 
on  his  coins,  as  is  evident  from  a comparison  of  them  with  Ran- 
teuil’s  beautifully  engraved  heads  of  this  monarch. 

24.  As  animals  cannot  be  excluded  from  our  observations  on 
beauty,  a few  remarks  relative  to  them  will  be  subjoined.  It 
has  been  observed  of  horses,  by  critics  who  can  speak  knowingly 
upon  the  subject  (19),  that  those  which  remain  to  us  in  marble 
and  bronze  are  copied  from  a coarse  breed  of  the  animal.  In 
confirmation  of  their  assertion,  they  point  especially  to  the  sup- 
posed clumsy  make  of  the  parts  between  the  neck  and  spine,  at 
the  place  where  the  shoulder-blades  are  situated  in  man,  which 
in  horses  is  called  the  withers.  In  the  Arabian,  Spanish,  Ne- 
apolitan, and  English  horses  this  part  is  finer,  lighter,  and  more 
flexible.  Some  other  animals,  especially  lions  (20),  have  re- 
ceived from  the  ancient  artists  an  ideal  shape,  — - a piece  of  in- 
formation for  those  to  whom  lions  in  marble  appear  different 
from  lions  in  life.  The  same  remark  may  be  made,  yet  more 
strongly,  of  the  dolphin  ; it  cannot  be  found  in  nature  as  it  is 
represented  on  antique  works  ; yet  its  imaginary  form  has  been 
adopted  by  all  modern  artists  as  a reality.1 

1 The  paragraphs  23  and  24,  which  are  inserted  here,  are  taken  from 
the  Notes  to  the  History  of  Art.  It  is  true  that  their  insertion  here 
interrupts  in  some  degree  the  connection  between  22  and  25 ; but,  as  the 
author’s  remarks  upon  the  portrait-figures  of  the  ancients  and  the  ideal 
conformation  of  animals  could  not  find  a more  appropriate  place,  we 
thought  it  better  to  disturb  the  connection  a little,  rather  than  banish 
them  from  the  text  to  find  a place  among  the  notes.  — Germ  Ed. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


358 


25.  Whilst  on  the  subject  of  female  ideal  beaiity,  I cannot 
refrain  from  mentioning  the  Masks  of  this  sex.  Among  them 
are  to  be  found  faces  of  the  highest  beauty,  even  on  works  of 
indifferent  execution ; such,  for  instance,  is  a procession  of 
Bacchus,  in  the  palace  Albani,  in  which  are  two  female  Masks 
that  give  me  renewed  pleasure  every  time  I look  at  them,  — a 
hint  for  the  information  of  those  who  have  supposed  all  the 
ancient  Masks  to  be  of  a frightful  character. 

26.  I close  these  general  remarks  on  beauty  of  shape  and 
forms  with  some  observations  on  the  beauty  of  Masks.  The 
term  Masks  appears  to  convey  an  idea  of  disguise  and  deformity. 
When,  therefore,  we  see  the  beauty  of  conformation  which  is 
displayed  in  works  seemingly  scarce  worthy  of  such  elegance, 
not  less  than  in  those  of  a loftier  character,  we  can  the  more 
readily  infer  how  generally  the  principles  of  beauty  must  have 
been  known,  and  how  common  was  the  representation  of  beau- 
tiful forms.  This  inference  gains  strength  when  we  consider 
that  the  procession  above  mentioned,  in  which  Masks  are  intro- 
duced, was  taken  from  a sepulchral  urn,  the  most  ordinary 
class  of  antique  works.  Of  all  the  reflections  contained  in  this 
history,  no  one  can  be  brought  to  the  proof  more  generally 
than  the  foregoing,  because  it  can  be  tested  everywhere,  even 
at  a distance  from  the  treasures  of  antiquity;  whereas  those 
investigations  which  relate  especially  to  expression,  action, 
drapery,  and  style,  can  be  carried  on  only  with  the  ancient 
works  before  one’s  eyes.  Coins  and  engraved  gems,  or  impres- 
sions from  them,  are  to  be  obtained  even  in  lands  which  have 
never  seen  any  admirable  work  from  a Greek  chisel,  and  from 
these  the  whole  world  can  form  an  idea  of  the  lofty  concep- 
tions expressed  in  the  heads  of  the  divinities.  A head  of  Jupi- 
ter on  the  coins  of  Philip  of  Macedon,  on  those  of  the  first 
Ptolemies,  and  likewise  those  of  Pyrrhus,  is  not  inferior  in 
majesty  of  conformation  to  his  image  in  marble.  The  head  of 
Ceres,  on  silver  coins  of  the  city  of  Metapontus,  in  Magna 
Grsecia,  and  the  head  of  Proserpine,  on  two  different  silver 
coins  of  Syracuse,  in  the  royal  Farnese  museum  at  Naples, 
surpass  anything  that  can  be  imagined.  The  same  remark 
might  be  made  of  other  beautiful  female  figures,  on  numerous 
coins  and  engraved  gems. 

27.  Nothing  mean  or  ordinary,  indeed,  could  be  introduced 

into  the  images  of  the  deities,  because  their  conformation  was 
vol.  i.  23 


354 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


so  universally  settled  among  Greek  artists  as  apparently  to 
have  been  prescribed  by  some  law.  The  head  of  Jupiter  on 
coins  of  Ionia,  or  stamped  by  Doric  Greeks,  is  perfectly  similar 
to  that  of  the  same  god  on  coins  of  Sicilian  or  other  cities. 
The  heads  of  Apollo,  Mercury,  Bacchus,  Liber  Pater,  and  Her- 
cules, either  in  youthful  or  more  manly  age,  are,  on  coins  and 
gems,  as  well  as  statues,  designed  after  one  and  the  same  idea. 
The  law  referred  to  was  found  in  the  most  beautiful  of  the 
images  produced  by  the  most  celebrated  artists,  to  whom  the 
gods  were  believed  to  have  manifested  themselves  in  special 
visions.  Thus,  Parrhasius  boasted  that  Hercules  had  appeared 
to  him  in  the  very  form  in  which  he  had  painted  the  hero. 
This  appears  to  have  been  the  idea  of  Quintilian,  where  he  says 
that  the  statue  of  Jupiter  from  the  hand  of  Phidias  had  done 
much  to  awaken  a greater  degree  of  reverence  towards  this  god. 
The  Jupiter  of  Phidias,  the  Juno  of  Polycletus,  the  Venus  of 
Alcamenes,  and  afterwards  the  Venus  of  Praxiteles,  were  the 
noblest  prototypes  of  these  deities  to  all  succeeding  artists,  and, 
thus  embodied,  they  were  adopted  and  worshipped  by  all  Greece. 
However,  the  highest  beauty  cannot  be  imparted  in  an  equal 
degree  to  every  one,  even  among  the  deities,  as  Cotta  remarks 
in  Cicero,  any  more  than  to  all  the  figures  in  the  most  beautiful 
picture ; indeed,  this  is  not  more  admissible  than  it  would  be  to 
introduce  only  heroes  in  a tragedy. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


355 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  EXPRESSION  OF  BEAUTY  IN  FEATURES  AND  ACTION. 

1.  Next  to  a knowledge  of  beauty,  expression  and  action 
are  to  be  considered  as  the  points  most  essential  to  an  artist, 
just  as  Demosthenes  regarded  action  as  the  first,  second,  and 
third  requisite  in  an  orator.  Action  alone  may  cause  a figure 
to  appear  beautiful ; but  it  can  never  be  considered  so,  if  the 
action  is  faulty.  An  observance  of  propriety  in  expression  and 
action  ought,  therefore,  to  be  inculcated  at  the  same  time  with 
the  principles  of  beautiful  forms,  — because  it  is  one  of  the  con- 
stituents of  grace.  For  this  reason,  the  Graces  are  represented 
as  the  attendants  of  Venus,  the  goddess  of  beauty.  Conse- 
quently the  phrase,  to  sacrifice  to  the  Graces , signifies  among 
artists  to  be  attentive  to  the  expression  and  action  of  their 
figures. 

2.  In  art,  the  term  expression  signifies  imitation  of  the 
active  and  passive  states  of  the  mind  and  body,  and  of  the 
passions  as  well  as  of  the  actions.  In  its  widest  sense  it  com- 
prehends action ; but  in  its  more  limited  meaning,  it  is  re- 
stricted to  those  emotions  which  are  denoted  by  looks  and  the 
features  of  the  face.  Action  relates  rather  to  the  movements 
of  the  limbs  and  the  whole  body:  it  sustains  the  expression. 
The  censure  which  Aristotle  passed  on  the  pictures  of  Zeuxis 
— namely,  that  they  had  no  r)6o<s,  expression  — can  be  applied 
either  to  expression  or  action.  I will  explain  myself  on  this 
point  hereafter. 

3.  Expression,  in  its  limited  as  well  as  more  extended  sig- 
nification, changes  the  features  of  the  face,  and  the  posture, 
and  consequently  alters  those  forms  which  constitute  beaut}’. 
The  greater  the  change,  the  more  unfavorable  it  is  to  beauty. 
On  this  account,  stillness  was  one  of  the  principles  observed 
here,  because  it  was  regarded,  according  to  Plato,  as  a state 
intermediate  between  sadness  and  gayety ; and,  for  the  same 


856 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


reason,  stillness  is  the  state  most  appropriate  to  beauty,  just  as 
it  is  to  the  sea.  Experience  also  teaches  that  the  most  beauti- 
ful men  are  quiet  in  manners  and  demeanor.  In  this  view,  even 
abstraction  is  required  in  an  image  not  less  than  in  him  who 
designs  it ; for  the  idea  of  lofty  beauty  cannot  be  conceived 
otherwise  than  when  the  soul  is  wrapt  in  quiet  meditation,  and 
abstracted  from  all  individuality  of  shape.  Besides,  a state  of 
stillness  and  repose,  both  in  man  and  beast,  is  that  state  which 
allows  us  to  examine  and  discover  their  real  nature  and  charac- 
teristics, just  as  one  sees  the  bottom  of  a river  or  lake  only  when 
their  waters  are  still  and  unruffled,  and  consequently  even  Art 
can  express  her  own  peculiar  nature  only  in  stillness. 

4.  Repose  and  equanimity,  in  their  highest  degree,  are  incom- 
patible with  action.  The  most  elevated  idea  of  beauty,  there- 
fore, can  neither  be  aimed  at,  nor  preserved,  even  in  figures  of 
the  deities,  who  must  of  necessity  be  represented  under  a human 
shape.  But  the  expression  was  made  commensurate,  as  it  were, 
with  the  beauty,  and  regulated  by  it.  With  the  ancient  artists, 
therefore,  beauty  was  the  chief  object  of  expression,  just  as  the 
cymbal  guides  all  the  other  instruments  in  a band,  although 
they  seemingly  overpower  it.  A figure  may,  however,  be  called 
beautiful  even  though  expression  should  preponderate  over 
beauty,  just  as  we  give  the  name  of  wine  to  a liquor  of  which 
the  larger  portion  is  water.  Here  we  also  see  an  indication  of 
the  celebrated  doctrine  of  Empedocles  relative  to  discord  and 
harmony,  by  whose  opposing  actions  the  things  of  this  world 
are  arranged  in  their  present  situation.  Beauty  without  expres- 
sion might  properly  be  termed  insignificant,  and  expression 
without  beauty,  unpleasing ; but,  from  the  action  of  one  upon 
the  other,  and  the  union  of  the  two  opposing  qualities,  beauty 
derives  additional  power  to  affect,  to  persuade,  and  to  convince. 

5.  Repose  and  stillness  are  likewise  to  be  regarded  as  a con- 
sequence of  the  propriety  which  the  Greeks  always  endeavored 
to  observe  both  in  feature  and  action,  insomuch  that  even  a 
quick  walk  was  regarded  as,  in  a certain  measure,  opposed  to 
their  ideas  of  decorum.  It  seemed  to  involve  a kind  of  bold- 
ness. Demosthenes  reproaches  Nicobulus  with  such  a mode  of 
walking;  and  he  connects  impudent  talking  with  quick  walking. 
In  conformity  to  this  mode  of  thinking,  the  ancients  regarded 
slow  movements  of  the  body  as  characteristic  of  great  minds. 
I find  it  hardly  necessary  to  remark,  that  a posture  which 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


857 


denotes  servitude  is  different  from  one  that  conforms  to  pro- 
priety and  good  manners.  In  this  attitude  a few  statues  of 
captive  kings  are  represented ; they  stand  with  their  hands 
crossed  one  over  the  other,  — an  act  indicative  of  the  deepest 
submission,  — in  the  manner  in  which  Tigranes,  king  of  Arme- 
nia, caused  himself  to  be  served  by  four  kings  who  were  his 
vassals. 

6.  The  ancient  artists  have  observed  this  sort  of  propriety 
even  in  their  dancing  figures,  with  the  exception  of  the  Bac- 
chantes. It  has  been  thought  by  some,  that  the  action  of  these 
figures  was  measured  and  regulated  by  a style  belonging  to 
dances  of  a period  anterior  to  that  in  which  they  were  executed, 
and  that,  in  subsequent  dances  of  the  ancient  Greeks,  they  in 
their  turn  were  adopted  as  a standard  by  which  female  dancers 
so  governed  themselves  as  not  to  overstep  the  limits  of  modest 
propriety.  The  proof  of  this  can  be  seen  in  many  lightly 
dressed  female  statues,  of  which  the  greater  portion  have  no 
girdle,  wear  no  emblems,  and  are  represented  as  if  engaged  in 
a very  modest  dance.  Even  where  the  arms  are  wanting,  it  is 
apparent  that  one  was  occupied  in  supporting  the  dress  upon 
the  shoulder,  and  the  other  in  slightly  raising  it  from  below. 
This  action  gives  to  these  figures  significance,  and  at  the  same 
time  serves  to  explain  their  true  character.  As  several  of  them 
have  ideal  heads,  one  of  the  two  Muses  who  specially  presided 
over  dancing,  namely,  Erato  and  Terpsichore,  may  be  repre- 
sented by  them.  Statues  in  this  attitude  are  to  be  found  in 
the  villas  Medici,  Albani,  and  elsewhere.  Two  figures  in  the 
villa  Ludovisi,  of  the  size  of  life,  and  similar  to  these,  and  a few 
among  the  Herculaneum  statues,  have  not  ideal  heads.  One  of 
those  in  the  villa  Ludovisi  has  a head  of  high  beauty,  but  the 
hair  is  deficient  in  that  simplicity  which  is  usual  in  ideal  heads  ; 
it  is  artistically  twisted  together  and  braided,  so  as  to  resemble 
a fashion  of  our  day.  Another,  which  stands  over  the  entrance 
to  the  palace  Caraffa  Colubrano,  at  Naples,  has  a head  of  high 
beauty,  encircled  by  a garland  of  flowers  (1).  It  may,  there- 
fore, be  the  case  that  these  statues  were  actually  erected  to 
beautiful  female  dancers,  for  the  Greeks  conferred  on  them  this 
undeserved  honor,  and  several  Greek  epigrams  on  such  statues 
are  still  extant.  Some  of  these  statues  have  one  breast  bared  : 
it  is  a sure  sign  that  neither  of  the  two  Muses  above  mentioned 
is  intended,  because  such  exposure  in  them  would  be  a violation 
of  decency. 


858 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


7.  The  highest  conception  of  these  principles,  especially  of 
repose  and  stillness,  is  embodied  in  the  figures  of  the  divinities, 
which,  from  the  Father  of  the  gods  down  to  the  inferior  deities, 
show  no  trace  of  emotion.  Thus,  Homer  pictures  to  us  his  Ju- 
piter as  shaking  Olympus  solely  by  the  bending  of  his  eyebrows 
and  the  waving  of  his  hair.  Most  of  the  images  of  the  gods  are 
equally  tranquil  and  passionless.  Hence,  the  high  beauty  ex- 
hibited by  the  Genius,  in  the  villa  Borghese,  could  be  expressed 
only  in  such  a state. 

A serene,  quiet  look  has  been  imparted,  not  only  to  figures  of 
the  superior  divinities,  but  also  to  those  of  the  subordinate 
marine  gods.  From  some  epithets  of  the  poets,  we  should  form 
an  idea  of  the  Tritons  different  from  that  usually  entertained. 
In  our  view,  the  Greek  artists  appear  to  have  intended  them  as 
images  of  the  calmness  of  the  sea,  when  it  resembles  a greenish- 
blue  sky,  — an  idea  which  is  admirably  expressed  in  two  colos- 
sal heads  of  Tritons  in  the  villa  Albani,  of  which  mention  has 
already  been  made.1  An  engraving  of  one  of  them  may  be  seen 
in  the  Ancient  Monuments. 

8.  Jupiter  himself  is  not  uniformly  represented  with  the 
same  degree  of  serenity.  He  has  a disturbed  look  on  a ri- 
lievo,  belonging  to  the  Marquis  Rondanini,  in  which  he  is  rep- 
resented immediately  after  having  received  a blow  on  the  head, 
with  a wooden  mallet,  from  Vulcan,  who  stands  near,  full  of 
expectation,  to  see  Pallas  spring  forth  from  his  brain.  Jupiter 
sits  as  if  stunned  by  the  blow,  and  seemingly  suffering  the 
pains  of  parturition,  which,  through  the  birth  of  this  goddess, 
are  to  introduce  into  the  world  all  sensual  and  spiritual  wisdom. 
A copperplate  engraving  of  this  work  is  on  the  title-page  of  the 
second  volume  of  the  Monuments. 

9.  The  Vatican  Apollo  was  intended  to  represent  this  deity 
in  a state  of  anger  over  the  serpent,  Python,  slain  by  his  arrows, 
and  at  the  same  time  with  a feeling  of  contempt  for  his  victory, 
which  to  a god  was  an  easy  achievement.  As  the  skilful  artist 
wished  to  personify  the  most  beautiful  of  the  gods,  he  expressed 
only  the  anger  in  the  nose,  — this  organ,  according  to  the  old 
poet  being  its  appropriate  seat,  — and  the  contempt  on  the  lips. 
The  latter  emotion  is  manifested  by  the  elevation  of  the  lower 
lip,  by  which  the  chin  is  raised  at  the  same  time ; the  former  is 
visible  in  the  dilated  nostrils. 


1 Plate  XV. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


359 


10.  As  the  position  and  action  usually  correspond  to  the  pas- 
sions expressed  in  the  face,  both  are  made  to  conform  to  the 
divine  excellence,  in  statues  and  figures  of  the  gods.  The 
union  of  these  two  qualities  may  be  termed  Decorum.  There  is 
not  a single  instance  in  which  a god  of  mature  age  stands  with 
his  legs  crossed.  A statue  of  a hero  with  the  legs  crossed 
would  have  been  censured  by  the  Greeks ; for  such  a posture 
would  have  been  considered  unseemly  in  an  orator,  as  it  was, 
among  the  Pythagoreans,  to  throw  the  right  thigh  over  the 
left.  I therefore  do  not  believe  that  the  statue  at  Elis  — 
which  stood  with  its  legs  crossed,  and  leaned  with  both  hands 
on  a spear  — represented  a Neptune,  as  Pausanias  (2)  was 
made  to  believe.  Apollo,  Bacchus,  and  Mercury  are  the  only 
deities  thus  represented : the  first,  to  personify  frolicsome 
Youth ; the  second,  Effeminacy.  There  are,  however,  but  few 
statues  of  the  kind.  An  Apollo  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  a 
few  similar  figures  of  him  in  the  villa  Medici,  and  one  other  in 
the  palace  Farnese,  stand  in  this  position  ; the  last  surpasses  all 
the  others  in  the  beauty  of  its  shape  and  of  its  head.  In  one 
of  the  paintings  from  Herculaneum  his  attitude  is  precisely 
the  same.  Among  the  figures  of  Mercury,  there  is  only  a single 
one  known  to  me  which  stands  thus,  namely,  a statue  in  the 
grand-ducal  gallery  at  Florence,  upon  which  the  Mercury  in 
bronze,  of  the  size  of  life,  in  the  palace  Farnese,  was  moulded  and 
cast.  This  position  is  peculiar  to  Meleager  and  Paris ; the  statue 
of  the  latter,  in  the  palace  Lancelotti,  stands  in  this  manner. 
The  young  Satyrs  or  Fauns  — two  of  the  most  beautiful  of  which 
are  in  the  palace  Ruspoli  — have  one  foot  awkwardly,  and,  as  it 
were,  clownishly,  placed  behind  the  other,  to  denote  their  char- 
acter. This  is  precisely  the  attitude  of  the  young  Apollo 
2a vpoKTovos,  the  Lizard-killer , of  whom  there  are  two  figures  in 
marble  in  the  villa  Borghese,  and  one  in  bronze  in  the  villa 
Albani.  They  probably  represent  him  during  the  period  of  his 
servitude,  as  herdsman  to  king  Admetus.  Of  the  female  divin- 
ities I know  not  one  that  is  represented  in  this  attitude,  which 
wTould  be  less  becoming  in  them  than  in  the  gods ; I therefore 
leave  it  undecided,  whether  a coin  of  the  Emperor  Aurelian,  on 
which  is  a figure  of  Providence  with  crossed  legs  (3),  is  an  an- 
tique. This  position  may,  however,  befit  Nymphs ; one  of  them, 
of  the  size  of  life,  which  formerly  belonged  to  the  family  Gim 
stiniani,  stands  thus ; also  one  of  the  three  Nymphs  who  are 


860 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


carrying  off  Hylas,  in  the  palace  Albani.  From  observation  of 
these  particulars,  I believe  myself  authorized  to  doubt  the  an- 
tiquity of  an  engraved  gem  on  which  is  represented  the  (so 
called)  Minerva  Medica,  — holding  a staff  entwined  by  a ser- 
pent, and  having  one  leg  thrown  over  the  other,  — more  es- 
pecially as  the  figure  in  question  has  the  right  breast  bared,  ail 
exposure  which  is  not  to  be  found  in  a single  figure  of  Pallas. 
This  fact  recurred  to  my  recollection  when  a similar  figure  on  a 
gem  was  shown  to  me  as  an  antique  work ; but,  for  the  reasons 
just  mentioned,  I recognized  it  as  not  being  such.  This  attitude 
was  regarded  as  appropriate  to  persons  in  grief ; for  thus,  in  a 
picture  described  by  Philostratus,  the  weeping  warriors  stood 
around  the  body  of  Antilochus,  son  of  Nestor,  and  bewailed  his 
death ; and  in  this  attitude  Antilochus  communicates  to  Achil- 
les the  death  of  Patroclus,  as  seen  on  a relief  in  the  palace 
Mattei,  and  also  on  a cameo,  — both  of  which  have  been  pub- 
lished in  my  Ancient  Monuments , — and  in  a picture  from  Her- 
culaneum. 

11.  The  ancient  artists  displayed  the  same  wisdom  in  their 
conception  of  figures  drawn  from  the  heroic  age,  and  in  the 
representation  of  merely  human  passions,  the  expression  of 
which  always  corresponds  to  what  we  should  look  for  in  a man 
of  disciplined  mind,  who  prevents  his  feelings  from  breaking 
forth,  and  lets  only  the  sparks  of  the  fire  be  seen,  who  seeks 
to  penetrate  the  latent  motives  of  him  who  comes  to  honor 
him,  or  to  play  the  spy.  The  manner,  also,  in  which  such  a 
man  expresses  himself  conforms  precisely  to  this  idea.  Hence, 
Homer  compares  the  words  of  Ulysses  to  flakes  of  snow,  falling 
abundantly,  but  softly,  upon  the  earth.  Moreover,  the  Greek 
artists  were  convinced  that,  as  Thucydides  says,  greatness  of 
mind  is  usually  associated  with  a noble  simplicity.  Even  Achil- 
les presents  himself  to  us  in  this  aspect;  for,  though  prone  to 
anger  and  inexorable  in  wrath,  his  character  is  ingenuous,  and 
without  dissimulation  or  falseness.  The  ancient  artists  accord- 
ingly  modelled  the  faces  of  their  heroes  after  the  truth  thus 
taught  them  by  experience.  No  look  of  subtlety  is  there,  nor 
of  frivolity,  nor  craft,  still  less  of  scorn,  but  innocence  is  dif- 
fused over  them,  blended  with  the  calmness  of  a trustful  nature. 

12.  In  representing  heroes,  the  artist  is  allowed  less  license 
than  the  poet.  The  latter  can  depict  them  according  to  their 
times,  when  the  passions  were  as  yet  unrestrained  by  social 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


861 


laws  or  the  artificial  proprieties  of  life,  because  the  qualities 
ascribed  to  a man  have  a necessary  relation  to  his  age  and 
standing,  but  none  necessarily  to  his  figure.  The  former,  how- 
ever, being  obliged  to  select  the  most  beautiful  parts  of  the 
most  beautiful  conformations,  is  limited,  in  the  expression  of 
the  passions,  to  a degree  which  will  not  conflict  with  the  phys- 
ical beauty  of  the  figure  which  he  models. 

13.  The  truth  of  this  remark  is  apparent  in  two  of  the  most 
beautiful  works  of  antiquity.  One  of  them  is  a representation 
of  the  fear  of  death ; the  other,  of  extreme  suffering  and  pain. 
The  daughters  of  Niobe,  at  whom  Diana  has  aimed  her  fatal 
shafts,  are  represented  in  that  state  of  indescribable  anguish, 
their  senses  horror-struck  and  benumbed,  in  which  all  the  men- 
tal powers  are  completely  overwhelmed  and  paralyzed  by  the 
near  approach  of  inevitable  death.  The  transformation  of  Niobe 
into  a rock,  in  the  fable,  is  an  image  of  this  state  of  deathlike 
anguish ; and  for  this  reason  Aeschylus  introduced  her  as  a 
silent  personage  in  his  tragedy  on  this  subject.  A state  such 
as  this,  in  which  sensation  and  reflection  cease,  and  which  re- 
sembles apathy,  does  not  disturb  a limb  or  a feature,  and  thus 
enabled  the  great  artist  to  represent  in  this  instance  the  high- 
est beauty  just  as  he  has  represented  it ; for  Niobe  and  her 
daughters  are  beautiful  according  to  the  highest  conceptions  of 
beauty  (4). 

14.  Laocoon  (5)  is  an  image  of  the  most  intense  suffering. 
It  manifests  itself  in  his  muscles,  sinews,  and  veins.  The  poi- 
son introduced  into  the  blood,  by  the  deadly  bite  of  the  ser- 
pents, has  caused  the  utmost  excitement  in  the  circulation ; 
every  part  of  the  body  seems  as  if  straining  with  agony.  By 
this  means  the  artist  brought  into  action  all  the  natural  motive 
powers,  and  at  the  same  time  displayed  the  wonders  of  his  sci- 
ence and  skill.  But  in  the  representation  of  this  intense  suf- 
fering is  seen  the  determined  spirit  of  a great  man  who  struggles 
with  necessity  and  strives  to  suppress  all  audible  manifestations 
of  pain,  — as  I have  endeavored  to  show,  when  describing  this 
statue,  in  the  second  part  of  this  work. 

15.  Even  Philoctetes, 

“ Quod  ejulatu,  questu,  gemitu,  fremitibus, 

Resonando  multum,  flebiles  voces  refert,” 

Ennius  apud  Cic.  de  Fin.,  B.  2,  ch.  29, 
Whose  shrieks  and  groans,  wide  echoing  through  the  air, 
Combine  with  tearful  words  of  wan  despair, 


862 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


has  been  represented  by  these  judicious  artists  more  in  accord- 
ance with  the  principles  of  wisdom  than  with  the  description  of 
the  poet,  — as  is  shown  by  the  figures  of  this  hero  in  marble 
and  on  engraved  gems,  which  have  been  published  in  my  An- 
cient Monuments.  . The  frantic  Ajax  of  the  celebrated  painter 
Timomachus  was  not  represented  in  the  act  of  slaughtering  the 
rams,  under  the  impression  that  they  were  the  chiefs  of  the 
Grecian  forces,  but  after  it  was  completed,  and  when,  restored 
to  the  possession  of  his  senses,  and  overwhelmed  by  despair, 
and  buried  in  the  deepest  sadness,  he  sat  and  brooded  over  his 
offence.  In  this  manner  he  is  figured  in  the  (so  called)  “ Tro- 
jan Tablet,”  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  and  on  several  engraved 
gems.  There  is,  however,  an  antique  cast  in  glass,  taken  from 
a cameo,  which  represents  Ajax  as  Sophocles  has  done,  in  his 
tragedy  of  Ajax,  that  is,  killing  a large  ram,  while  two  herds- 
men and  Ulysses  are  standing  near,  to  the  latter  of  whom 
Pallas  is  showing  this  display  of  rage  on  the  part  of  his  enemy. 
This  rare  piece  will  appear  in  the  third  volume  of  the  Ancient 
Monuments. 

16.  In  women,  particularly,  artists  followed  the  fundamen- 
tal principle,  — taught  by  Aristotle,  and  observed  in  all  the 
tragedies  of  the  ancients  which  are  known  to  us,  — never  to  rep- 
resent women  in  such  a way  that  they  shall  violate  the  char- 
acteristics of  their  sex,  or  appear  excessively  daring  and  fierce. 
For  this  reason,  the  rilievo  which  represents  the  murder  of 
Agamemnon  shows  Clytemnestra  as  at  a distance  from  the 
scene  of  blood,  and  in  another  chamber,  merely  holding  a torch 
to  light  the  assassin,  not  laying  hands  herself  on  her  husband. 
A similar  circumstance  is  observed  in  a picture  by  the  above- 
mentioned  Timomachus,  in  which  the  children  of  Medea  are 
smiling  while  the  dagger  of  their  mother  is  suspended  over 
them,  so  that  her  fury  is  mingled  with  compassion  as  she  looks 
upon  their  innocence.  The  representations  of  this  same  deed, 
in  marble,  present  Medea  as  if  still  hesitating  in  the  execution 
of  her  revenge. 

17.  In  accordance  with  similar  principles,  the  wisest  among 
the  ancient  artists  strove  to  avoid  the  representation  of  what- 
ever conflicted  with  beauty.  They  much  preferred  to  deviate 
from  truth,  rather  than  from  beauty,  in  their  figures,  — as  may 
be  seen,  among  other  instances,  in  the  Hecuba,  on  a rilievo  in 
my  Ancient  Monuments.  Though  this  aged  queen  of  Troy 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS . 


363 


is  generally  represented  with  a countenance  very  much  wrin- 
kled,— especially  in  the  statue  of  her  in  the  Capitoline  museum, 
and  on  a mutilated  relief  in  the  abbey  of  Grotta  Ferrata, — 
and  with  long,  flaccid,  and  pendulous  breasts  on  another  mar- 
ble, in  the  villa  Pamfili,  which  will  also  be  published  in  the 
third  volume  of  the  Ancient  Monuments  ; still,  on  the  work  first 
mentioned,  she  is  figured  as  a woman  who  has  scarcely  passed 
the  maturity  of  her  charms.  In  judging  the  figure  of  Medea 
on  the  very  beautiful  earthen  vessels  of  the  Hamilton  collec- 
tion, we  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  principle  mentioned  above, 
for  she  is  there  represented  as  not  older  than  her  daughter. 

18.  Distinguished  men,  and  rulers,  are  conceived  and  repre- 
sented in  a manner  worthy  of  them,  and  as  they  would  appear 
before  the  eyes  of  the  whole  world.  The  statues  of  the  Roman 
empresses  resemble  Heroines;  displaying  no  artificial  graces, 
either  in  feature,  position,  or  action  ; we  see  in  them,  as  it  were, 
that  social  propriety  which,  in  the  opinion  of  Plato,  is  no  object 
of  sense.  Even  as  the  two  celebrated  schools  of  ancient  philos- 
ophers placed  the  greatest  good  in  a mode  of  life  which  con- 
formed to  nature,  but  the  Stoics,  in  decorum  and  propriety,  so, 
in  this  case,  also,  the  observation  of  artists  was  directed  to  the 
workings  of  nature  when  left  to  herself,  unchecked,  and  when 
controlled  by  the  observance  of  decency. 

19.  On  public  monuments,  the  Roman  emperors  always  ap- 
pear as  principal  citizens  among  their  fellows,  exhibiting  nothing 
of  the  pride  of  sovereigns,  and  seemingly  having  no  prerogatives 
greater  than  the  by-standers,  laovofxot.  The  surrounding  per- 
sonages are  apparently  equal  to  their  ruler,  who  is  distinguished 
as  such  from  the  others  only  by  the  principal  action  being  given 
to  him.  No  one  who  offers  anything  to  the  emperor  does  so  on 
bended  knee,  and  no  one,  with  the  exception  of  captive  kings, 
bows  his  body  or  head  when  addressing  him.  Although  adula- 
tion was  carried  to  great  excess,  — since  we  know  that  the 
Roman  Senate  fell  at  the  feet  of  Tiberius,  — yet  Art  still  held 
herself  as  proudly  erect  as  when  in  the  height  of  her  glory  at 
Athens.  I have  observed  that  captive  kings  are  an  exception 
to  the  general  application  of  my  remark,  even  when  limited  to 
the  monuments  which  remain  to  us  ; but  we  also  know  that 
kings,  not  conquered,  showed  to  Roman  generals  this  mark  of 
submission,  as  Plutarch  informs  us  of  Tigranes,  king  of  Arme- 
nia. When  this  despot  went  to  visit  Pompey,  he  dismounted 


864 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


from  his  horse  in  front  of  the  Roman  camp,  unbuckled  his 
sword,  and  delivered  it  to  the  two  lictors  who  advanced  to  meet 
him ; on  coming  into  Pompey’s  presence,  he  laid  his  cap  at  his 
feet,  and  prostrated  himself  before  him. 

20.  Among  other  examples  which  I might  adduce  to  show 
the  degenerate  tone  of  thought,  and  the  extent  to  which  viola- 
tion of  the  principle  in  question  has  been  carried  in  modern 
times,  is  a large  rilievo  on  the  fountain  of  Trevi  at  Rome,  which 
was  executed  a few  years  ago.  It  represents  the  architect  of 
this  aqueduct  presenting,  on  his  knees,  the  plan  of  it  to  Marcus 
Agrippa.  I will  simply  remark  that  the  long  beard  (6)  of  this 
distinguished  Roman  is  in  contradiction  to  every  known  likeness 
of  him,  whether  on  coins  or  in  marble. 

21.  When  I reflect  on  the  fundamental  principles  of  decency 
entertained  by  the  ancient  artists,  I cannot  persuade  myself  that 
it  is  the  Emperor  Adrian  who  is  represented  among  the  figures 
on  the  pediment  of  the  temple  of  Pallas  at  Athens,  because,  as 
Pococke  assures  us,  the  figure  in  question  is  embracing  another, 
a female  figure.  Such  an  act  would  have  been  regarded  as 
offending  against  the  dignity  of  an  emperor,  and  the  sanctity  of 
the  place.  I do  not  believe,  therefore,  that  either  Adrian,  or 
his  wife  Sabina,  is  here  impersonated,  as  Spoil  claims  to  have 
discovered ; for  I do  not  so  far  confide  in  this  author’s 
knowledge  of  such  subjects  as  to  take  all  his  assertions  upon 
trust. 

22.  It  must  also  be  considered  here,  that,  in  general,  all 
excess  in  the  passions  was  rigorously  excluded,  especially  from 
public  works  of  art,  and  that  the  representation  of  them  on 
public  monuments  was  not  allowable,  even  in  a degree  which 
might  be  very  proper  and  decent  in  other  works,  not  public. 
If  this  be  assumed  as  proved,  it  may  also  serve  as  a principle 
by  which  to  distinguish  counterfeit  from  genuine  objects  of 
antiquity,  — a test  which  may  be  applied  to  a coin,  in  Occo  and 
Mezzabarba,  which  exhibits  an  Assyrian  man  and  woman  bound 
to  a palm-tree,  and  tearing  the  hair  from  their  heads,  with  the 
inscription,  — “ ASSYRIA.  ET.  PALAESTINA.  IN.  POTEST. 
P.  R.  RED  AC.  S.  C.”  A connoisseur  in  coins  is  obliged  to 
seek  the  proof  that  this  coin  is  a counterfeit  (7)  in  the  word 
Palaestina , which,  according  to  his  showing,  is  not  found  on  a 
single  Latin-Roman  coin ; but  the  same  conclusion  at  which 
even  this  learned  inquiry  arrives  might  have  been  drawn  from 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


365 


the  foregoing  remark.  I do  not  pretend  to  decide  whether  a 
person,  not  of  the  male,  but  of  the  female  sex,  could  with  pro- 
priety be  represented  in  a picture  as  rending  her  hair  in  the 
extremity  of  her  grief  and  despair ; but  such  an  act  would  have 
been  considered  as  great  a -violation  of  decency  in  a symbolical 
figure  on  a coin,  as  though  it  were  on  a public  monument,  a 
triumphal  car,  and  associated  with  the  principal  figures  on  it ; 
it  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  dignity  of  its  place  ; it  would, 
as  the  Greeks  say,  not  be  Kara  <jxvtxa->  appropriate.  It  is  this 
principle  which  governed  the  representation  of  Hecuba  on  the 
rilievo  at  Grotta  Ferrata,  just  mentioned.  Her  head  is  bowed 
down,  and  her  right  hand  pressed  upon  her  forehead,  in  token 
of  the  fulness  of  her  sorrow,  — according  to  the  instinctive 
promptings  of  grief  or  deep  thought.  In  the  bitterness  of  her 
anguish,  while  sitting  by  the  dead  body  of  her  son,  Hector,  she 
sheds  not  a tear ; for  tears  are  crowded  back  upon  their  source 
when  grief  is  choked  by  despair,  as  Seneca  makes  Andromache 
to  say  : — 

“ Levia  perpessse  suraus,  si  flenda  patimur.” 

No  heavy  ills  are  ours,  when  tears  can  flow. 

23.  The  wisdom  of  the  ancient  artists  in  regard  to  expression 
becomes  more  clearly  manifest  when  we  contrast  their  works 
with  those  of  most  artists  of  modern  days,  in  which  much  is 
not  signified  by  little,  but  little  by  much.  The  ancients  would 
have  termed  the  latter  mode  7rapev0vpo-os ; and  their  commenta- 
tors would  have  explained  it  by  to  Trapa  Trpi-n-ov , or  irapa.  axwai 
6vpcr(j  xPW@aL’  that  is,  an  unseasonable  use  or  introduction  of  the 
Thyrsus,  namely,  on  the  stage,  since  tragic  personages  only  were 
accustomed  to  carry  it.  The  expression,  consequently,  signifies 
the  magnifying  of  trifles  into  undue  importance.  I introduce  this 
explanation  here,  because  I do  not  think  that  the  precise  mean- 
ing of  the  word  7rap€i/0vpo-o<;  has  been  given  by  commentators  on 
Longinus.  It  would,  however,  exactly  designate  the  faults  in 
expression  committed  by  most  modern  artists.  For,  as  regards 
action,  their  figures  resemble  the  comic  performers  of  the  ancient 
amphitheatres,  who  were  obliged  to  violate  the  truth  of  nature 
by  exaggeration,  in  order  to  make  themselves  intelligible,  in  the 
broad  light  of  day,  to  the  most  ordinary  classes  of  the  people 
on  the  outermost  rows  of  seats ; whilst,  in  the  expression  of 
their  faces,  they  are  like  the  ancient  masks,  for  the  distortion 
of  which  we  may  find  an  explanation  in  the  cause  just  stated. 


366 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


This  exaggerated  style  of  expression  is  even  inculcated  by 
Charles  le  Brun,  in  his  Treatise  on  the  Passions , — a work  in 
the  hands  of  most  young  students  of  art.  In  his  illustrative 
drawings,  the  passions  are  not  only  represented,  in  the  face,  in 
an  extreme  degree,  but  in  several  instances  the  expression  of 
them  amounts  even  to  frenzy.  It  is  supposed  that  expression 
is  taught  on  the  principle  by  which  Diogenes  lived ; “ I imitate 
musicians,”  said  he,  “ who  strike  a higher  note  in  the  scale  than 
the  one  upon  which  they  wish  to  fall.”  But,  as  the  impetuosity 
natural  to  the  young  rather  disposes  them  to  adopt  extremes 
than  a mean,  they  will  in  this  way  hardly  acquire  the  right 
tone,  from  the  difficulty  of  keeping  it  when  once  struck.  There 
is  an  analogy  in  this  case  with  the  passions  themselves,  which, 
as  Chrysippus  the  Stoic  taught,  resemble  the  passage  down  a 
steep,  precipitous  descent ; if  a traveller  thereon  once  gets  to 
running,  he  can  neither  stop  himself,  nor  yet  turn  back.  Horace 
says,  that  the  Shades  in  the  Elysian  Fields  listen  less  attentively 
to  the  tender  odes  of  Sappho  than  to  the  lyrics  of  Alcseus,  who 
sings  of  battle,  and  tyrants  deposed ; and  so  it  is,  that,  from 
youth  upward,  we  are  more  captivated  by  wild  tumults  and 
dread  alarums  than  by  peaceful  incidents  and  wisdom’s  tranquil 
life.  Hence,  the  youthful  designer  is  more  readily  guided  by 
Mars  into  the  battle-field,  than  by  Pallas  to  the  calm  society  of 
the  wise.  The  doctrine  of  repose  and  stillness,  in  the  drawing 
of  his  figures,  is  as  repugnant  to  his  feelings,  but  yet  as  neces- 
sary, as  precepts  of  virtue  are  to  all  youthful  persons.  As, 
according  to  Hippocrates,  the  cure  of  the  foot  depends  on 
repose,  so  also  must  improvement  with  such  artists  commence 
in  repose. 

24.  Moreover,  we  do  not  find  in  those  figures  of  the  ancients 
which  are  in  a still  position  any  of  that  meretricious,  artificial 
grace  so  common  among  the  moderns ; to  mention  one  instance 
of  it,  the  hinder  foot  is  frequently  made  to  rest  upon  the  toes 
alone.  Now  the  ancients  gave  this  position  to  the  foot  only 
when  the  action  represented  running  or  walking,  — never  when 
a figure  was  in  repose.  It  is  true  that  a rilievo  in  my  posses- 
sion, and  copied  into  the  Ancient  Monuments , shows  Philoctetes 
with  his  right  foot  thus  placed ; but  the  position  of  the  foot,  in 
this  instance,  expresses  the  pain  endured  by  the  hero  from  the 
serpent’s  bite,  which  disabled  him  from  bearing  his  weight  on  it. 

25.  These  explanations  and  reflections,  in  relation  to  action, 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


367 


deserve  more  attention,  on  some  accounts,  from  those  who  are 
beginning  to  study  works  of  art,  than  even  conceptions  of 
beauty,  because  they  are  more  readily  comprehended,  and  also 
better  appreciated,  by  those  who  do  not  possess  a quick  percep- 
tion of  the  beautiful.  On  comparing  ancient  and  modern  works, 
the  difference  in  this  particular  is  so  striking,  that  the  latter 
appear  to  be  the  reverse  of  the  former.  Every  one  perceives 
that  the  greater  number  of  modern  artists,  especially  sculptors, 
have  been  governed  by  principles  of  an  entirely  different  spirit 
from  those  just  considered.  They  confidently  believed  that  art 
was  capable  of  improvement  by  such  principles,  and  imagined 
that,  like  several  other  arts,  it  had  not  yet  attained  the  highest 
degree  of  excellence  in  action.  For  this  reason,  the  successors 
of  Raphael  deserted  him ; and  the  simplicity  of  his  manner,  in 
which  he  imitated  the  ancients,  was  termed  a marble  manner, 
that  is,  one  in  which  the  repose  resembles  death.  This  cor- 
ruption advanced  with  steady  and  gradual  increase  from  the 
time  of  Michael  Angelo  to  that  of  Bernini ; and  although  the 
constant  tendency  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  social  life  to 
become  more  and  more  natural  and  unrestrained  threw  light 
upon  this  portion  of  art,  still  a trace  of  the  new  school  was 
always  perceptible.  One  of  the  most  distinguished  painters 
now  living,  in  his  picture  of  Hercules  between  Virtue  and  Pleas- 
ure, — which  has  recently  been  sent  to  Russia,  — supposed  that 
Virtue  was  not  represented  sufficiently  beautiful  under  the 
shape  of  Pallas,  unless  her  right,  forward  foot  was  made  to  rest 
upon  the  toes  only,  — just  as  if  she  were  about  to  crack  a nut. 
Such  an  elevation  of  the  foot  would  have  been  considered  by 
the  ancients  a sign  of  pride ; or,  according  to  Petronius,  of 
shamelessness ; according  to  Euripides,  this  was  the  attitude  of 
the  Bacchantes. 

26.  He  who  desires  to  institute  a comparison  between  ancient 
and  modern  sculptors  must  reflect  upon  what  I have  said  of 
beauty  generally,  and  of  action  in  particular.  If  a certain 
learned  member  of  the  French  Academy  had  had  any  knowl- 
edge of  the  works  of  the  ancients,  he  would  not  have  ventured 
to  say  that  modern,  meaning  thereby  French,  sculptors  had 
finally  succeeded,  not  only  in  equalling,  but  even  in  surpassing, 
the  finest  productions  of  Rome  and  Athens.1  To  convince  one 

1 Burette,  Diss.  sur  les  Effets  de  la  Musique,  dans  les  Mem.  de  TAcad. 
des  Inscript.,  T.  v.,  p.  133. 


868 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


who  expresses  such  opinions  of  their  incorrectness  is  always  a 
difficulty ; but,  in  the  following  instance,  it  seemed  to  me  an 
impossibility ; — a Russian  nobleman,  whilst  preparing  for  his 
third  journey  to  Italy,  said  to  me,  in  the  presence  of  other  per- 
sons, that  he  regarded  all  statues,  the  Apollo,  the  Laocoon,  the 
Farnese  Hercules,  as  nothing,  when  compared  with  the  Mercury 
of  Pigalle,  in  the  Sans-Souci,  near  Potsdam. 

27.  Others,  who  appear  more  modest  in  their  opinions,  and 
believe  that  a Michael  Angelo,  a Puget,  a Fiammingo,  need  not 
shrink  from  comparison  with  an  Apollonius  or  an  Agasias,  may 
take  beauty  as  the  touchstone  of  their  comparative  merit.  Let 
us  commence  by  offering  to  their  view  the  best  heads  by  the 
heroes  of  modern  art ; let  us  place  before  them  the  finest  figure 
of  Christ,  by  Michael  Angelo,  the  celebrated  head  of  Prudence  (8) 
on  the  monument  of  Paul  III.,  in  St.  Peter’s  church,  by  Gug- 
lielmo  della  Porta,  the  scholar  of  Michael  Angelo,  then  the 
much-admired  head  of  St.  Susanna  (9)  by  Fiammingo,  and  that 
of  St.  Bibiana  (10)  by  Bernini : I name  the  last  statue,  because 
it  is  always  selected  by  those  who  wish  to  extol  the  artist.  If 
any  one  should  think  me  too  severe,  when  I assert,  in  another 
place,  that  Michael  Angelo  originated  and  promoted  this  cor- 
ruption of  taste,  even  in  sculpture,  let  him  consider,  among 
other  examples,  a rilievo  by  him,  in  marble,  in  the  possession  of 
the  sculptor  Bartolommeo  Cavaceppi.  This  work,  which  repre- 
sents Apollo  flaying  Marsyas,  is  in  the  very  reverse  of  good 
taste.  I can,  moreover,  justify  my  assertion  by  reference  to 
the  sketches  of  this  great  artist,  of  which  the  sculptor  above 
mentioned  has  a rare  collection.  These  manifest  the  spirit  of 
his  genius  in  the  clearest  light,  and  the  wildness  of  it  is  every- 
where visible.  What  imperfect  ideas  of  youthful  beauty  the 
celebrated  Algardi  had  is  proved  by  his  well-known  rilievo  of 
St.  Agnes,  in  the  church  of  St.  Agnes,  on  the  Piazza  Navona. 
Her  figure  is  rather  ugly  than  beautiful ; and  the  head  is  abso- 
lutely drawn  awry.  And  yet  a copy  of  this  piece,  in  gypsum,  is 
suspended  as  a study  in  the  French  Academy  at  Rome. 

28.  It  is  found,  on  comparing  modern  with  ancient  painting, 
that  the  result  of  the  comparison  is  less  unfavorable  to  it  than 
to  modern  sculpture.  The  reason  probably  is,  that  painting, 
since  its  restoration,  has  been  more  practised,  and  consequently 
has  furnished  greater  facilities  than  sculpture  for  the  formation 
of  eminent  masters.  Leonardo  da  Yinci  and  Andrea  del  Sarto, 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


369 


who  saw  but  few  works  of  the  ancients,  thought  and  toiled  as 
we  cannot  but  imagine  the  Greek  artists  did.  The  Christ  and 
the  Pharisees  from  the  hand  of  the  former,  (11)  and  the  Ma- 
donna del  Sacco  of  the  latter,  (12)  at  Florence,  are  worthy  of 
antiquity.  Indeed,  there  is  so  much  of  innocent  and  innate 
grace  in  the  heads  of  Andrea,  that  a Pythagorean  wTould  say, 
the  soul  of  Protogenes  or  Apelles  had  found  a dwelling-place  in 
his  body.  It  may  be  said,  generally,  that  the  spirit  of  grace 
manifested  itself  more  fully  to  those  painters  who  flourished  in 
the  golden  age  of  the  art,  at  the  commencement  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  than  to  their  successors.  After  a long  interval,  it  re- 
appeared in  Annibal  Caracci.  The  Dead  Christ,  (13)  in  the 
Royal  Farnese  Gallery  at  Naples,  is  one,  among  others  of  his 
imperishable  works,  which  testifies  how  worthily  his  concep- 
tions corresponded  to  the  dignity  of  his  subject.  The  altar- 
piece  in  the  house-chapel  of  the  palace  Pamfili,  on  the  Corso  at 
Rome,  appears  to  be  a repetition  of  the  same  picture,  by  the 
artist  himself.  In  it  he  has  figured  the  Saviour  as  a beardless 
young  hero,  and  imparted  to  him  an  ideal  elevation,  adopted 
from  the  most  beautiful  of  the  ancient  heads,  for  the  purpose  of 
representing  the  fairest  among  the  children  of  men.  Guercino 
has  given  a similar  heroic  face,  without  beard,  to  his  dead 
Christ,  in  a beautiful  picture  in  the  palace  Pamfili,  on  the 
Piazza  Navona ; it  puts  to  shame  the  mean  and  vulgar  counte- 
nance which  Michael  Angelo  has  given  to  his  heads  of  the 
Saviour. 

29.  To  the  honor  of  the  present  age,  however,  it  must  be 
conceded,  that  in  it  the  diffusion  of  knowledge  in  regard  to 
beauty  has  kept  pace  with  the  general  cultivation  of  the  intel- 
lect. This  remark  is  true  in  an  especial  manner  of  sculpture. 
The  modesty  of  our  Roman  artists  will  not  adAit  of  a comparison 
between  themselves  and  a Buonarotti ; but,  though  difficult,  it  is 
not  impossible  to  attain  a similar  superiority  in  scientific  knowl- 
edge. There  are,  on  the  contrary,  a few  of  them,  wrho,  in  beau- 
tiful conformations,  forms,  and  conceptions,  far  surpass  all  their 
predecessors  in  modern  times.  The  reason  is  to  be  found  in  a 
more  attentive  study  of  the  works  of  antiquity,  which,  during 
the  few  years  that  have  elapsed  since  the  veil  fell  from  the 
eyes  of  our  sculptors,  have  become  the  object  of  their  imita- 
tion. A love  for  art  — which,  in  England,  has  become  an  im- 
pulse to  ambition,  and,  in  Germany,  exists  even  on  the  throne 
vol.  i.  24 


870 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


— has,  in  conjunction  with  good  taste,  been  the  most  efficient 
promoter  of  this  result.  For  our  artists,  having  been  required 
to  make  copies  of  antique  works,  have  consequently  been  more 
confined  to  an  imitation  of  the  style  of  the  ancients ; where- 
as, prior  to  this  time,  art  was  almost  exclusively  devoted  to 
churches  and  monasteries,  where  the  style  of  Algardi  and 
Bernini  was  regarded  as  the  evangelical  law,  from  which  there 
was  to  be  no  deviation. 


ART  AMONG  TEE  GREEKS. 


371 


CHAPTER  IV. 

PROPORTION.  — COMPOSITION. 

1.  Next  to  the  consideration  of  beauty  in  general,  I proceed 
to  speak  first  of  the  proportion,  and  then  of  the  beauty,  of  sin- 
gle parts  of  the  human  body.  Indeed,  it  is  impossible  to  con- 
ceive of  beauty  without  proportion ; the  latter  is  the  basis  of 
the  former.  Single  portions  of  the  body,  however,  can  be  beau- 
tiful in  shape,  yet  not  beautiful  in  their  relation  to  the  whole 
figure.  It  is  appropriate,  therefore,  to  make  some  special  re- 
marks upon  proportion,  as  a distinct  idea,  and  unconnected  with 
the  spiritual  attributes  of  beauty.  These  remarks,  with  a few 
thoughts  on  grace,  I append  as  supplementary  to  the  general 
consideration  of  beauty. 

2.  As  health,  without  any  other  enjoyment,  seems  to  be  no 
great  blessing,  so  exactness  in  proportion  is  not  of  itself  sufficient 
to  make  a figure  beautiful.  Science  being  entirely  distinct  from 
good  taste  and  sensibility  to  beauty,  the  proportions  of  a figure 
which  are  founded  on  science  may  be  faultless,  and  yet  the  fig- 
ure itself  not  be  beautiful.  Many  artists  are  skilled  in  propor- 
tion ; but  few  have  produced  beauty,  because  soul  and  feeling, 
rather  than  intellect,  are  required  in  its  creation.  The  ideal 
part  of  beauty  was  always  regarded  by  the  ancient  artists  as 
the  higher  part  of  it ; they  therefore  made  accuracy  of  propor- 
tion subordinate,  and  adjusted,  as  it  were,  proportion  to  beauty 
with  a freedom  which  is  justifiable,  when  warranted  by  good 
reasons.  Thus,  for  example,  the  length  of  the  chest  from  the 
neck-pit  to  the  pit  of  the  stomach  ought  to  be  only  one  face ; 
yet  it  is  generally  an  inch,  and  frequently  more  than  an  inch, 
longer,  that  the  chest  may  have  a grand  arch.  So,  likewise,  the 
distance  between  the  pit  of  the  stomach  and  the  navel  — the 
usual  length  of  which  is  one  face  — was  increased  when  the 
artist  wished  to  give  slimness  to  his  figure  : this  deviation  is 
actually  found  in  the  shape  of  fine,  well-built  men. 


372 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


3.  The  structure  of  the  human  body  consists  of  triads.  Three 
is  the  first  uneven  number,  and  the  first  number  of  relation,  for 
it  contains  in  itself  the  first  even  number,  and  another  which 
unites  the  two  together.  Two  things,  as  Plato  says,  cannot  ex- 
ist without  a third.  The  best  band  is  that  which  binds  together 
most  securely  itself  and  the  thing  bound,  in  such  a manner  that 
the  first  is  related  to  the  second  as  the  second  is  to  the  inter- 
mediate. Hence  the  number  three  contains  in  itself  beginning, 
middle,  and  end.  It  was  regarded  as  the  most  complete  of  all 
numbers,  and  by  it,  according  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Pythago- 
reans, all  things  were  determined.  Even  the  stature  of  our 
bodies  bears  a relation  to  this  number;  for  it  has  been  ob- 
served, that,  in  the  third  year  of  life,  man  attains  one  half  of 
his  height. 

4.  The  body,  as  well  as  its  principal  members,  is  composed  of 
three  parts.  The  body  consists  of  trunk,  thighs,  and  legs ; the 
lower  extremity,  of  thighs,  legs,  and  feet;  and  a similar  dispo- 
sition is  true  of  the  arms,  hands,  and  feet.  The  same  construc- 
tion can  be  shown  in  other  organs  which  are  not  so  evidently 
composed  of  three  parts.  The  relation  existing  among  these 
divisions  is  the  same  in  the  whole  body  as  in  its  parts.  The 
head  and  body  of  a well-built  man  will  have  the  same  relation 
to  his  thighs,  legs,  and  feet,  as  his  thighs  have  to  the  legs  and 
feet,  and  as  the  upper  arm  has  to  the  fore-arm  and  hands.  The 
face,  likewise,  has  three  parts,  namely,  thrice  the  length  of  the 
nose ; but  the  head  does  not  contain  four  lengths  of  the  nose, 
as  a certain  author,1  very  erroneously,  wishes  to  make  it  out. 
The  upper  portion  of  the  head  — namely,  the  distance  from  the 
roots  of  the  hair,  on  the  forehead,  to  the  crown  of  the  head, 
measured  perpendicularly  — contains  only  three  fourths  of  a 
nose-length ; that  is  to  say,  the  length  of  this  part  is  to  that  of 
the  nose  as  nine  is  to  twelve. 

5.  Vitruvius  was  of  opinion,  that,  in  architecture,  the  propor- 
tion of  columns  is  adopted  from  the  proportion  of  the  human 
body ; and  that  the  diameter  of  their  lower  extremity  is  to  their 
height  as  the  length  of  the  foot  is  to  that  of  the  whole  body.  His 
assumption,  however,  is  not  borne  out  by  nature,  though  it  might 
be  true  of  figures  farmed  by  art.  This  proportion  is  not  to  be 
found  in  the  oldest  columns,  either  in  Magna  Grsecia  and  Sicily, 
or  in  Greece  proper ; the  height  of  most  of  them  is  scarcely  five 

1 Watelet,  Reflex,  sur  la  Peint. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


373 


diameters  of  the  lower  extremity  of  the  shaft.  As  the  proportion 
of  the  head  to  the  entire  figure  on  some  very  ancient  Etruscan 
works  is  less  than  we  usually  find  it  in  nature,  — as  I have 
mentioned  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  third  book,  when  speak- 
ing of  the  gem  on  which  are  engraved  the  five  chiefs  who  went 
against  Thebes,  — one  must  either  say  that  the  proportion 
of  columns  has  not  been  determined  from  nature,  or  that 
the  assertion  of  Vitruvius  is  not  correct : I am  of  the  latter 
opinion.  If  he  had  studied  the  proportion  of  the  oldest  Doric 
columns,  — of  which,  however,  he  makes  not  the  least  mention, 
notwithstanding  their  importance,  — he  would  himself  have 
perceived  that  his  comparison  of  columns  with  the  human  body 
is  arbitrary  and  unfounded.  For  the  purpose  of  lending  at 
least  some  degree  of  probability  to  his  hypothesis,  I supposed 
that  it  might  be  based  on  the  proportion  of  some  ancient  fig- 
ures of  which  the  head  constitutes  a larger  portion  than  it  does 
in  nature.  But  even  this  supposition  is  not  generally  true ; in- 
deed, the  more  ancient  the  figures,  the  less  ground  there  is  for 
it ; for  in  the  most  ancient,  small  Etruscan  figures  of  bronze,  the 
head  is  scarcely  the  tenth  part  of  their  whole  height. 

6.  It  is  generally  the  case,  that  the  side  of  the  head  which 
is  averted  is  made  flatter  than  the  other.  This  is  very  evident 
in  the  heads  of  Niobe,  but  even  more  so  in  some  few  almost 
colossal  heads,  — for  example,  the  portrait-head  belonging  to 
the  sculptor  Cavaceppi.  It  was  a remark  of  the  celebrated 
Count  Caylus,  that  the  heads  of  antique  figures  are  generally 
very  large  and  coarse  ; but,  so  far  as  I can  judge,  there  is  no 
ground  for  this  censure,  which  was  suggested  by  Pliny’s  criti- 
cism of  Zeuxis  and  Euphranor,  who  are  said  to  have  formed 
their  figures  with  big  heads  and  joints.  The  distinguished 
Count  ought  to  have  let  this  criticism  pass  without  any  com- 
ment, as  one  of  little  or  no  meaning,  since  the  reverse  of  it  is 
apparent  to  every  one  who  attentively  observes  the  works  of 
antiquity.  Whence,  do  you  suppose,  originated  the  absurd 
notion,  that  the  head  of  the  Hercules  Farnese  was  found  some 
miles  apart  from  the  body  1 Simply  from  the  fact,  that,  to  the 
vulgar  conception  of  a Hercules,  the  head  seems  rather  small. 
Such  critics  as  these  would  find  a similar  occasion  for  censure 
in  more  than  one  Hercules,  especially  if  they  were  to  examine 
the  figures  and  heads  of  the  hero  engraved  on  gems.  The  re- 
verse of  Caylus’s  opinion  is  far  more  susceptible  of  proof.  We 


874 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART . 


can  form  an  idea  of  the  proportion  observed  in  this  particular 
by  the  ancient  artists,  from  the  proportion  of  the  Ionic  capital, 
which,  in  columns  of  this  order,  was  regarded  as  the  head  (1). 
Now,  as  modern  artists  have  far  exceeded  the  ancient  propor- 
tion in  the  Ionic  capital,  we  are  at  liberty  to  infer  that  they 
have  also  erred  by  making  the  heads  of  their  figures  too  large. 
It  is  impossible  for  me,  therefore,  to  subscribe  to  the  opinion 
either  of  the  ancient  or  the  modern  writer.  For  the  proportion 
of  the  head  to  the  neck  and  the  rest  of  the  body  was  better 
known  to  the  ancients,  and  especially  to  artists  like  Zeuxis, 
than  to  us,  — which  is  apparent,  among  other  examples,  from 
a passage  in  the  hymeneal  song  by  Catullus,  on  occasion  of  the 
marriage  of  Peleus  and  Thetis.  “ The  nurse,”  says  the  poet, 
“ when  she  sees  Thetis  on  the  day  following  her  bridal  night, 
will  no  longer  be  able  to  make  the  thread  meet  around  her 
neck.”  By  consulting  the  commentators  on  this  passage,  the 
reader  can  see  whether  it  has  been  made  perfectly  clear.  The 
custom  to  which  allusion  is  made  is  not  unknown,  even  at  the 
present  day,  in  some  parts  of  Italy,  and  may  serve  as  an  illus- 
tration of  the  passage  in  question.  The  neck  of  a marriageable 
youth  or  maiden  is  measured  with  a thread  or  ribbon.  A 
string  of  double  the  length  is  then  taken,  and  the  two  ends 
are  brought  together,  and  the  middle  of  it  is  held  between 
the  teeth.  If,  now,  it  is  sufficiently  long  to  be  carried  from  the 
mouth  over  the  head  without  difficulty,  it  is  a sign  that  the 
person  is  still  a virgin  ; but  if  not,  the  contrary  (2)  may  be 
inferred.  I have  made  this  trial  on  some  young  persons,  and, 
as  it  has  seemed  to  me,  successfully. 

7.  It  is  probable  that  the  Grecian,  like  the  Egyptian,  artists 
had  rules  by  which  not  only  the  greater,  but  the  smaller,  pro- 
portions of  the  body  were  accurately  determined  ; and  that  the 
length,  breadth,  and  circumference  of  parts  suitable  to  each 
age  and  station  were  laid  down  with  precision,  and  taught  in 
the  writings  of  those  artists  who  treated  of  symmetry.  The 
accuracy  with  which  these  proportions  were  established  is  like- 
wise the  reason  why  the  same  system  of  art  is  found  in  all, 
even  ordinary,  figures  by  the  ancient  artists.  For,  notwith- 
standing differences  in  execution  which  had  become  a subject 
of  observation  even  to  the  ancients,  as  early  as  the  works  of 
Myron,  Polycletus,  and  Lysippus,  still  all  the  old  works  appear 
to  have  been  executed  by  followers  of  one  and  the  same  school. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


875 


As  a connoisseur  would  recognize  in  different  violin-players 
who  had  been  taught  by  one  master  the  style  of  their  teacher, 
so  the  same  general  principles  are  visible  in  the  drawing  of  the 
ancient  sculptors,  from  the  greatest  to  the  least.  Departures 
from  them,  it  is  true,  are  occasionally  observed.  This  is  the 
case  with  a small,  beautiful  torso  of  a nude  female  figure, 
belonging  to  the  sculptor  Cavaceppi,  the  body  of  which,  from 
the  navel  to  the  privates,  is  unusually  long.  It  is  probable 
that  this  figure  was  copied  from  a living  individual  in  whom 
the  part  was  thus  shaped.  I do  not  wish,  however,  to  palliate 
in  this  way  actual  errors  ; for,  if  the  ear  is  not  parallel  with 
the  nose,  as  it  should  be,  but  is  placed  as  it  is  on  an  Indian 
Bacchus,  in  the  possession  of  the  Cardinal  Alessandro  Albani, 
it  is  an  inexcusable  fault. 

8.  It  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  ancient  artists  have  at 
times  erred  in  proportion,  — an  instance  of  which  occurs  to  me 
in  a beautiful  rilievo  in  the  villa  Borghese ; one  of  the  arms  of 
the  female  figure  to  whom  Auge  hands  the  youthful  Telephus, 
in  swaddling-clothes,  is  too  long.  Errors  of  proportion  occur 
even  in  beautiful  heads,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  head  of  the 
laughing  Leucothea  (3),  in  the  Campidoglio ; the  ears,  which 
should  be  parallel  with  the  nose,  fall  below  it.  Incorrect  draw- 
ing may  also  be  observed  in  a head  of  Venus,  which  is  a beau- 
tiful head  in  other  respects,  in  the  villa  Albani ; the  outline 
of  it  is  the  most  beautiful  that  can  be  imagined,  and  the  mouth 
is  most  lovely ; but  one  eye  is  awry.  Two  female  figures,  in 
two  Herculaneum  paintings,  are  manifestly  faulty  in  every  pro- 
portion, and  much  too  long.  In  the  History  of  Art  1 I re- 
marked that,  in  an  Egyptian  statue  and  the  Apollo  Belvedere, 
the  retreating  foot  is  larger  than  that  which  is  stationary.  I 
am  now  convinced,  more  • than  ever,  that  its  increased  size  was 
intended  to  compensate  for  what  it  might  apparently  lose  by 
being  drawn  back.  I have  remarked,  in  the  Laocoon,  the  same 
inequality  in  the  size  of  the  feet  The  left  leg,  in  fact,  of  the 
Apollo,  which  is  the  retreating  leg,  is  longer  than  the  right 
by  a couple  of  inches  (4).  It  would  be  possible  for  me  to 
strengthen  this  opinion  by  additional  examples. 

9.  The  rules  of  proportion,  as  adopted  in  art  from  the  pro- 
portions of  the  human  body,  were  probably  first  established  by 
sculptors.  Afterwards,  they  became  canonical  in  architecture 

1 Vol.  I.,  Book  2,  chap.  2,  § 8.  — Tr. 


376 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIFNT  ART. 


also.  Among  the  ancients,  the  foot  was  the  standard  of  all 
large  measurements,  and  bj  its  length  sculptors  determined 
the  height  of  their  statues,  giving  to  them,  as  Vitruvius  states, 
six  lengths  of  the  foot ; for  the  foot  has  a more  determinate 
length  than  the  head  or  the  face,  from  which  modern  sculptors 
and  painters  generally  deduce  the  proportions  of  their  figures. 
Hence,  Pythagoras  calculated  the  height  of  Hercules  from  the 
length  of  his  foot,  with  which  he  measured  the  Olympic  sta- 
dium at  Elis.  We  are,  however,  by  no  means  authorized  to  con- 
clude from  this,  as  Lomazzo  has  done,  that  the  length  of  his 
foot  was  one  seventh  of  his  whole  height.  The  statements  of 
this  writer,  relative  to  the  proportions  established  by  the  an- 
cient artists  for  the  different  divinities,  — such  as  ten  faces  to 
the  height  of  a Venus,  nine  to  a Juno,  eight  to  a Neptune,  and 
seven  to  a Hercules,  — made  by  him  with  all  the  confidence  of 
an  eye-witness,  and  with  a trustful  reliance  on  the  credulity  of 
his  readers,  are  imaginary  and  false. 

10.  This  relation  of  the  foot  to  the  whole  body  strikes  a 
certain  learned  scholar  as  absurd  and  inconceivable ; and  Per- 
rault  absolutely  rejects  it.  It  is,  however,  grounded  on  ob- 
servation of  nature,  even  in  persons  of  a slender  make,  and  is 
found  not  only  in  Egyptian  figures,  on  accurate  measurement 
of  them,  but  also  in  Grecian  statues,  as  most  of  them  would 
show,  if  their  feet  had  been  preserved.  Any  one  can  convince 
himself  of  the  existence  of  this  proportion  in  the  figures  of  di- 
vinities, although  a greater  length  than  is  natural  has  been 
given  to  some  few  parts ; thus,  for  instance,  in  the  Apollo,  who 
was  a little  more  than  seven  heads  high,  the  foot  upon  which 
he  stands  is  one  quarter  of  a Roman  palm  (24  in.  Eng.)  longer 
than  his  head.  Albert  Durer  has  given  precisely  the  same 
proportion  to  his  figures,  eight  heads  tall ; he  makes  the  length 
of  the  foot  one  sixth  of  their  height.  The  shape  of  the  Venus 
deJ  Medici  is  uncommonly  slender;  and  yet,  notwithstanding 
her  head  is  very  small,  her  height  does  not  contain  more  than 
seven  heads  and  a half ; her  foot  is  a palm  and  half  an  inch  in 
length  (9.30  in.),  and  her  whole  height,  six  palms  and  a half 
(4.76  feet).1 

1 It  seems  as  though  there  must  be  some  mistake  here,  for  the  height 
assigned  differs  from  that  usually  given  to  the  Venus  de’  Medici.  In 
the  Guide-book  of  Florence  the  height  is  stated  at  4.  9.  8 ft.,  French 
measure,  which  is  equivalent,  in  English,  to  5.122  ft.  — Tr. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


377 


11.  That  portion  of  the  body  which  extends  from  the  pit  of 
the  stomach  to  the  navel  usually  contains,  as  modern  artists 
say,  only  one  length  of  the  face ; they  therefore  commonly 
request  their  pupils  to  notice  that  the  ancient  sculptors  made 
it,  in  the  figures  of  divinities,  longer  than  nature  by  half  a 
length  of  the  face.  This  is  also  an  error ; for  whoever  has  an 
opportunity  to  see  nature  in  beautiful  slender  men  will  find 
this  region  formed  as  in  those  statues. 

12.  A minute  detail  of  the  proportions  of  the  human  body 
would  have  been  a very  easy  matter  in  this  treatise  on  Greek 
drawing  of  the  naked  figure.  But  mere  theory  without  prac- 
tical instruction  would  afford  just  as  little  information,  in  this 
work,  as  it  does  in  others  into  which  it  has  been  largely  intro- 
duced, without  even  the  assistance  to  be  derived  from  illus- 
trative figures.  Attempts  have  been  made  to  subject  the 
proportions  of  the  body  to  the  rules  of  abstract  harmony  and 
music;  such  endeavors,  however,  offer  but  feeble  hopes  of 
instruction  to  the  designer  and  those  who  are  seeking  to  ac- 
quire a knowledge  of  the  beautiful.  Investigations  to  deter- 
mine the  proportions  of  the  body,  in  numbers,  would  be  of  less 
assistance,  on  this  occasion,  than  the  instructions  of  the  fen- 
cing-school on  a battle-field. 

13.  But,  that  I may  not  leave  those  who  are  beginning  to 
draw  entirely  without  practical  information  on  this  point,  of 
Proportion,  I will  mention  at  least  the  proportions  of  the  face, 
taken  from  the  finest  antique  heads,  and  likewise  from  beauti- 
ful life,  as  an  infallible  rule  by  which  to  work,  and  to  test  the 
works  of  others.  This  rule  has  been  expressed  with  more  ac- 
curacy and  precision  than  ever  before,  by  my  friend,  Antony 
Raphael  Mengs,  the  most  accomplished  instructor  in  his  art ; 
and  he  has  probably  hit  upon  the  exact  method  observed  by 
the  ancients.  Draw  a vertical  line,  and  divide  it  into  five  equal 
parts ; the  uppermost  fifth  is  for  the  hair.  Again  divide  the 
remainder  of  the  line  into  three  equal  parts.  Draw  a horizon- 
tal line  through  the  lower  extremity  of  the  first  of  these  three 
divisions,  forming  with  the  perpendicular  line  a cross.  The 
horizontal  line  must  be  as  long  as  two  of  the  three  parts  into 
which  the  length  of  the  face  is  divided.  Let  curved  lines  be 
drawn  from  the  extreme  points  of  this  line  to  the  upper  extrem- 
ity of  the  fifth  part  originally  set  off ; these  form  the  smaller 
end  of  the  oval  of  the  face.  Now  divide  one  of  the  three 


878 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


parts  of  the  length  of  the  face  into  twelve  equal  portions.  Let 
three  of  them,  that  is,  a fourth  of  one  of  these  three  divi- 
sions, or  one  twelfth  of  the  length  of  the  face,  he  measured 
off  on  both  sides  of  the  point  of  intersection  of  the  horizon- 
tal and  perpendicular  lines ; these  two  portions  indicate  the 
space  between  the  eyes.  Let  three  other  portions  be  measured 
off  on  both  outer  extremities  of  the  horizontal  line.  The  space 
which  now  remains,  included  between  the  quarter  at  the  outer 
end  of  the  horizontal  line  and  the  quarter  at  the  point  of  in- 
tersection of  the  two  lines,  is  equal  to  two  quarters  or  six  of  the 
twelve  portions  mentioned  above,  and  gives  the  length  of  an 
eye.  One  quarter  is  the  width  of  the  eye,  and  also  the  dis- 
tance from  the  tip  of  the  nose  to  the  opening  of  the  lips,  and 
from  this  point  to  the  curvature  of  the  chin,  and  thence  to 
the  tip  of  the  chin.  The  breadth  of  the  nose  to  the  wings  of 
the  nostrils  contains  just  a quarter.  The  length  of  the  mouth 
requires  two  quarters  ; it  is  therefore  equal  to  the  length  of  the 
eyes,  or  to  the  height  of  the  chin  from  its  point  to  the  line  of 
junction  of  the  lips.  One  half  of  the  face,  measured  from  the 
roots  of  the  hair,  gives  the  length  from  the  chin  to  the  pit  at 
the  lower  extremity  of  the  neck.  This  method  of  drawing  a 
face  will,  I think,  be  intelligible  without  a plate,  and  whoever 
observes  it  cannot  fail  to  draw  a face  of  true  and  beautiful  pro- 
portion (5). 

14.  To  these  remarks  upon  proportion  I will  annex  a few 
observations  upon  Composition.  The  principal  rules  of  the 
ancient  artists  on  this  point  w7ere,  first,  fewness  of  figures ; sec- 
ond, repose  in  action.  It  was  a rule  of  the  drama,  first  intro- 
duced by  Sophocles,  not  to  allow  more  than  three  persons  to  be 
present  on  the  stage  at  one  time.  It  appears  from  a very  large 
number  of  ancient  works,  that  the  same  principle  was  adopted 
and  observed  also  in  art  (6).  We  find,  indeed,  that  the  ancient 
artists  strove  to  express  much,  an  entire  action,  in  fact,  in  a 
single  figure,  — as  the  painter  Theon  attempted  in  his  figure  of  a 
warrior,  to  which  he  gave  the  attitude  and  expression  of  one  repel- 
ling an  assault,  though  no  assailants  were  represented.  As  they 
all  drew  their  subjects  from  the  same  source,  namely,  Homer  (7), 
they  were  in  fact  limited  to  a certain  number  of  figures,  because 
in  a great  many  of  the  scenes  in  that  poet  only  two  or  three 
persons  are  engaged  : such,  for  example,  is  the  celebrated  inter- 
change of  arms  by  Glaucus  and  Diomedes,  so  frequently  repre- 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


379 


sented  in  ancient  times;  also  the  enterprise  of  Ulysses  and 
Diomedes  against  the  Trojan  camp,  together  with  the  death  of 
Dolon,  and  numberless  other  incidents  formerly  represented.  It 
is  the  same  with  heroic  history  anterior  to  the  Trojan  war,  as 
every  one  knows;  most  of  its  incidents  were  fully  comprised 
and  completed  in  three  figures. 

15.  As  regards  repose  in  composition,  the  works  of  ancient 
artists  never  present,  like  those  of  modern  times,  an  assemblage 
of  persons,  all  seeking  to  be  heard  at  the  same  time,  or  resem- 
bling a crowd  hastily  gathered  together,  in  which  each  one  is 
straining  to  look  over  his  neighbor’s  shoulder.  No ; their 
images  resemble  an  assemblage  of  persons  who  inspire  and 
demand  respect.  They  understood  very  well  what  we  call 
grouping ; but  we  must  not  expect  to  find  composition  of  this 
kind  on  that  class  of  rilievi  with  which  one  most  frequently 
meets,  because  these  are  all  taken  from  sepulchral  urns  (sar- 
cophagi), the  narrowness  of  whose  shape  would  not  always 
admit  of  it.  The  composition  of  some  of  them,  however,  is 
rich,  crowded  with  figures ; as,  for  instance,  the  Death  of  Me - 
leager , which  is  published  in  the  Ancient  Monuments.  But, 
whenever  the  space  was  ample  enough  to  allow  the  figures  to 
be  arranged  in  a variety  of  positions,  then  even  these  urns  may 
serve  as  models  in  composition,  as  it  is  manifest  from  the 
antique  paintings  in  my  Monuments , and  from  numerous  paint- 
ings brought  from  Herculaneum. 

16.  Of  Contrast,  as  it  is  termed  by  modern  artists,  I shall 
say  nothing.  Every  one  will  acknowledge  that  it  was  as  well 
known  to  the  masters  of  antiquity  as  to  those  of  the  present 
day;  not  less  familiar  to  them  than  Antithesis  — which  is  Con- 
trast in  art- — -was  to  the  poets  and  orators  of  Greece.  Contrast, 
therefore,  like  antithesis  in  writing,  ought  to  be  easy  and  un- 
affected, and  not  to  be  regarded  as  an  important  or  elevated 
point  of  knowledge  in  one  art  more  than  in  the  other ; though 
modern  artists  value  it  as  a substitute  for  every  excellence,  and 
an  excuse  for  every  fault.  On  this  principle  Chambray  justifies 
Raphael  for  having,  in  his  design  of  the  Massacre  of  the  Inno- 
cents, engraved  by  Marco  Antonio,  made  his  female  figures 
stout,  and  the  murderers  lean.  He  says  that  it  was  done  for 
the  purpose  of  contrast,  that  the  murderers  might  thereby  be 
rendered  still  more  horrible. 


380 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


CHAPTER  Y. 

BEAUTY  OF  INDIVIDUAL  PARTS  OF  THE  BODY. 

1.  Nature  is  the  best  teacher  as  to  the  beauty  of  single 
parts  of  the  body.  In  particulars  she  is  superior  to  art,  but  in 
generals  art  can  soar  above  her.  This  is  true,  especially  in 
regard  to  sculpture,  which  cannot  represent  life  in  those  points 
in  which  painting  is  able  to  approach  it  very  closely.  But 
since  some  few  parts,  a soft  profile,  for  instance,  are  seldom 
found  in  perfection,  even  in  the  largest  cities,  we  must,  for  this 
very  reason,  study  them  — to  say  nothing  of  the  nude  parts  — 
in  the  ancient  figures.  A description  of  particulars  is  at  all  times 
difficult,  and  consequently  is  so  in  this  instance. 

2.  In  considering  beauty  I have  proceeded  analytically,  that 
is,  from  the  whole  to  its  parts.  Equal  benefit,  however,  might 
be  derived  from  teaching  it  synthetically,  and  studying  it  as  a 
whole  after  having  examined  its  parts  separately.  The  latter 
method  is  perhaps  preferable  in  oral  instruction,  imparted  by 
means  of  questions,  in  which  the  teacher  requires  from  his 
pupils  some  account  of  the  form  of  single  parts,  and  thus  tries 
and  proves  their  knowledge  of  the  beautiful.  But,  as  a knowl- 
edge of  general  principles  must,  in  every  regular  system,  be 
presumed  before  any  particular  observations  are  made,  although 
the  former  have  grown  out  of  the  latter,  I have  given  a prefer- 
ence to  the  analytical  mode  of  proceeding. 

3.  In  considering  those  parts  which  individually  constitute 
beauty,  attention  must  be  especially  directed  to  the  extremities 
of  the  human  figure,  not  only  because  in  them  reside  life, 
motion,  expression,  and  action,  but  also  because  their  configura- 
tion is  the  most  difficult,  and  principally  determines  the  peculiar 
difference  which  distinguishes  the  beautiful  from  the  ugly,  and 
modern  from  ancient  works.  In  drawing,  head,  hands,  and  feet, 
are  the  principal  points  \ they  must,  therefore,  be  the  parts  first 
taught. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


881 


4.  In  the  conformation  of  the  face,  the  Greek  profile,  as  it  is 
called,  is  the  first  and  principal  attribute  of  a high  style  of 
beauty.  This  profile  consists  in  a nearly  straight  or  slightly 
depressed  line  which  the  forehead  and  nose  describe  in  youthful 
heads,  especially  of  the  female  sex.  It  is  of  less  frequent  occur- 
rence in  cold  (1)  than  in  mild  climates,  but,  wherever  it  exists, 
the  form  of  that  face  may  be  beautiful  : for  grandeur  is  pro- 
duced by  straightness  and  fulness ; but  tenderness,  by  gentle 
inflexions  of  the  forms.  That  this  kind  of  profile  is  a source 
of  beauty  is  proved  by  its  opposite ; for  the  more  the  nose  is 
depressed,  the  greater  is  the  deviation  of  the  line  of  the  face 
from  the  form  of  beauty ; and  if  a face,  when  viewed  sideways, 
shows  a bad  profile,  it  is  useless  to  look  for  beauty  in  it.  The 
nose  of  Egyptian  figures,  which  is  very  much  depressed,  — in 
opposition  to  the  straight  outlines  of  all  other  parts,  — proves 
that,  if  any  form  in  works  of  art  does  not  conform  to  the 
straight  lines  of  the  most  ancient  style,  sufficient  reasons  can 
be  assigned  for  the  deviation.  The  old  writers  make  use  of  the 
term  square  nose.  It  is  not  probable  that  they  understood  by 
it  a full  nose,  as  Junius  explains  the  word,  for  this  gives  no 
idea  of  its  shape,  but  that  they  applied  it  to  the  slightly  indented 
profile  just  mentioned.  We  might  give  another  explanation  of 
the  word,  and  understand  it  to  mean  a nose  with  a broad,  flat 
back,  and  sharp  edges,  of  the  kind  which  may  be  seen  in  the 
Pallas,  and  the  Vestal,  as  she  is  called,  of  the  Giustiniani  pal- 
ace (2).  This  form,  however,  is  found  only  in  statues,  like 
these,  of  the  most  ancient  style,  — indeed,  in  these  two  alone. 

5.  Having  thus  noticed  the  beauty  of  the  profile,  that  is  to 
say,  the  beautiful  form  of  the  whole  face,  I will  now  examine 
it  in  detail,  commencing  with  the  head.  One  of  the  principal 
points  of  a beautiful  face  consists  in  the  conformation  of  the 
forehead,  which  should,  above  all  things,  be  low.  Our  own  ob- 
servation in  part,  and  partly  the  remarks  of  the  ancient  writers, 
teach  us  this ; a high  forehead  was  even  regarded  by  the  an- 
cients as  ugly.  Yet  a high,  open  forehead  is  not  ugly,  but  rather 
the  reverse.  This,  though  seemingly  a contradiction,  is  very 
easily  explained.  The  forehead  should  be  low  in  youth.  It  gen- 
erally is  low  in  the  bloom  of  life,  before  the  hair  which  covers  it 
falls  off,  and  leaves  it  bare.  Nature  herself  has  endowed  the 
age  of  beauty  wfitli  this  characteristic ; the  absence  of  it,  there- 
fore, will  always  detract  from  the  beauty  of  form  of  the  face. 


382 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART . 


It  would,  consequently,  be  a violation  of  the  characteristics  of 
youth,  to  give  to  it  the  high,  open  forehead  which  belongs  to 
manhood.  We  can  easily  convince  ourselves  of  this  by  cover- 
ing with  the  finger  the  front  hair  of  a person  who  has  a low 
forehead ; the  additional  height  thus  given  to  it  will  show  the 
inharmoniousness  of  proportion,  if  I may  so  express  myself,  and 
enable  us  to  understand  on  what  principle  a high  forehead  is 
unfavorable  to  beauty.  Even  the  Circassian  women  know  this  ; 
and,  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  forehead  seem  still  lower 
than  it  really  is,  they  comb  down  the  frontal  hair,  cut  short  for 
the  purpose,  so  that  it  reaches  nearly  to  the  eyebrows.  It  may 
be  inferred  from  what  Arnobius  says,  that  women  who  had  a 
high  forehead  placed  a band  over  it,  with  the  design  of  thereby 
making  it  seem  lower. 

6.  When  Horace  sings  the  praises  of  insignem  tenui  fronte 
Lycorida , he  means  to  say,  “ Lycoris,  celebrated  for  her  low 
forehead.”  He  was  at  least  so  understood  by  the  old  commen- 
tators, who  explained  the  expression  tenui  fronte  in  the  follow- 
ing manner  : — Augusta  et  parva  fronte , quod  in  pulchritudinis 
forma  commendari  solet,  “A  narrow  and  small  forehead,  which 
is  usually  commended  in  a beautiful  form.”  But  Erizzo  did  not 
understand  the  passage ; for  on  the  words  tenui  fronte  he  remarks 
as  follows  : — Tenuis  et  rotunda  frons  index  est  libidinis  et  mobili- 
tatis  simplicitatisque , sine  procaci  petidantia  dolisque  meretricis , 
“ A low,  round  forehead  denotes  sensuality,  fickleness,  and  sim- 
plicity, unaccompanied  by  wanton  forwardness  or  meretricious 
arts.”  Francis  Junius,  likewise,  has  not  understood  the  meaning 
of  the  word  tenuis  in  this  passage ; he  explains  tenuem  frontem 
by  airaXov  kol  Spoo-wSes  /xcto)7tov  from  Anacreon,  “ the  soft  and 
dewy  forehead,”  i.  e.  of  Bathyllus.  In  Martial,  instead  of  frons 
tenuis , “ low  forehead,”  we  have  frons  brevis,  “ short  forehead,” 
— a point  of  beauty  which  he  wishes  to  see  in  a handsome  boy. 

7.  The  lower  the  forehead,  the  shorter  is  the  hair  on  it ; and 
the  points  of  the  lowest  and  shortest  hairs  usually  curve  for- 
wards over  it.  We  observe  this  forward  curve  of  the  hair  on 
all  beautiful  heads  of  Hercules,  both  in  his  youth  and  manhood; 
and  it  is,  in  a measure,  so  characteristic  of  them,  that  it  not 
unfrequently  enables  us  to  detect  a modern  head  on  engraved 
gems.  Petronius  represents  Circe  with  precisely  such  hair; 
but  the  beauty  of  it  has  not  been  understood  either  by  his 
transcribers  or  commentators.  For,  in  the  following  passage, 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


383 


Frons  minima  et  quae  radices  capillorum  retrojlexerat , “ A very 
low  forehead,  on  which  the  roots  of  the  hair  turned  backward,” 
we  must  unquestionably  substitute  for  the  word  radices , “roots,” 
the  word  apices , “ points,”  namely,  of  the  hair,  or  some  word  of 
similar  meaning,  since  apex  signifies  the  point  of  a thing.  How 
can  the  roots  of  the  hair  curve  forward?  The  French  transla- 
tor of  Petronius  has,  in  his  remarks  on  this  passage,  supposed 
an  artificial  head-dress,  beneath  which  the  natural  roots  of  the 
hair  were  visible.  Can  any  thing  be  more  absurd  ? The  mean- 
ing of  the  phrase,  frons  minima,  “a  very  low  forehead,”  which 
is  mentioned  by  Petronius  in  his  description  of  the  form  of 
Circe,  is  not  expressed  by  front  petit , “ small  forehead,*  as  the 
French  translator  has  rendered  it,  because  the  forehead  may  be 
broad  and  at  the  same  time  low. 

8.  A low  forehead  is  so  peculiar  to  the  ideas  which  the  an- 
cient artists  had  of  a beautiful  head,  that  it  is  a characteristic 
by  which  an  antique  can  frequently  be  distinguished  from  a 
modern  work.  Many  heads,  which  I could  not  approach  suffi- 
ciently near  to  examine,  I have  either  recognized  to  be  modern, 
solely  by  the  high  forehead,  or  else  this  conformation  first  ex- 
cited doubts  as  to  their  age,  which  were  afterwards  verified  by 
further  investigation. 

9.  To  complete  the  beauty  of  a youthful  head,  the  frontal 
hair  should  grow  in  a curve  down  over  the  temples,  in  order  to 
give  the  face  an  oval  shape.  Such  a forehead  is  to  be  found  in 
all  beautiful  women ; and  this  form  of  it  is  so  peculiar  to  all 
ideal  and  other  youthful  heads  of  the  ancients,  that  we  do  not 
see  on  any  figures,  not  even  those  of  mature  manhood,  the  re- 
ceding, bare  corners  over  the  temples,  which  usually  enlarge  as 
life  advances  beyond  that  age  when  the  forehead  is  naturally 
high.  Few  modern  sculptors  have  noticed  this  peculiarity;  and 
wherever  new  youthful  male  heads  are  placed  upon  antique  stat- 
ues, the  hair  is  carried  obliquely  over  the  forehead,  and  strik- 
ingly displays  the  faulty  conception  of  modern  days  in  regard 
to  the  natural  beauty  of  its  disposition.  Some  of  our  artists 
have  made  portrait-figures  of  young  persons  of  both  sexes,  with 
whom  I am  acquainted,  and  who  have  low  foreheads ; yet  they 
have  given  so  little  attention  to  the  beauty  of  which  I now 
speak,  that  they  have  added  to  the  height  of  the  foreheads,  and 
made  the  growth  of  hair  commence  farther  back,  with  the  pre- 
sumed intention  of  forming  an  open  forehead.  Bernini  belongs 


884 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


to  this  class ; but  in  this  particular,  as  in  many  others,  he  has 
mistaken  the  reverse  of  beauty  for  beauty’s  self.  Baldinucci, 
his  panegyrist,  wishing  to  adduce  a very  striking  example  of 
his  fine  taste,  says  that,  when  he  modelled  from  life  a statue 
of  Louis  XIV.,  then  in  the  prime  of  youth,  he  smoothed  the 
hair  away  from  his  forehead.  In  this  instance,  as  in  many 
others,  the  babbling  Florentine  revealed  the  poverty  of  his  own 
knowledge. 

10.  This  form  of  the  forehead,  and  especially  the  short  hairs 
with  a forward  curve,  are  manifest  on  all  beautiful  heads  of  Her- 
cules, whether  in  youth  or  manhood,  and  are,  with  the  thick- 
ness of  neck  formerly  noticed,  also  a symbol  of  his  strength. 
These  hairs  seem  intended  to  represent  those  between  the  horns 
of  bulls.  They  are,  therefore,  a characteristic  of  Hercules,  and 
distinguish  his  image  from  the  heads  of  his  beloved  Iole,  which, 
like  his  own,  are  covered  by  a lion’s  skin.  The  hair  of  this 
beautiful  woman  lies  in  curls  on  her  forehead,  as  may  be  seen, 
among  other  instances,  in  a head  (3),  cut  in  high  relief,  in  the 
royal  Farnese  museum  at  Naples.  The  characteristic  in  ques- 
tion was  one  reason,  among  others,  which  led  me  to  the  true 
appellation  of  a beautiful  head,  in  intaglio,  which  went  by  the 
name  of  Iole,  but  was  in  fact  a Hercules,  in  the  former  Stosch 
museum.  It  is  also  to  be  seen  in  a youthful  head  crowned  with 
laurel,  cut  on  a carnelian,  by  Allion,  a Greek  artist,  which  is  in 
the  Grand-ducal  gallery  at  Florence.  A Hercules,  therefore,  is 
also  represented  in  this  figure,  and  not  an  Apollo,  as  it  is  as- 
sumed to  be.  Another  Hercules,  cut  by  Onesas,  in  the  same 
gallery,  is,  like  the  other,  crowned  with  laurel ; but,  in  the  en- 
gravings of  it,  the  forehead  has  been  restored  — as  the  upper 
part  of  the  head  is  wanting  in  the  gem  — by  persons  who  had 
never  noticed  the  peculiarity  in  question.  Many  coins,  especially 
of  Alexander  the  Great,  bear  the  impression  of  a youthful  head 
covered  with  a lion’s  skin  ; if  connoisseurs  in  coins  had  noticed 
the  foregoing  fact,  they  would  have  recognized  the  image  of 
Hercules,  instead  of  erroneously  supposing  it  to  be  the  head  of 
Alexander,  or  some  other  king. 

11.  The  frontal  hair  is,  likewise,  an  invariable  and  infallible 
characteristic  by  which  the  heads  of  Alexander  the  Great  can 
be  distinguished.  But  it  resembles,  in  its  arrangement,  the 
hair  of  Jupiter,  — whose  son  he  wished  to  be  considered,  — be- 
ing smoothed  upwards,  and  then  falling  down  again  in  a curve 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


885 


on  each  side  of  the  face,  in  several  divisions.  Plutarch,  in  that 
passage  of  the  life  of  Pompey  in  which  it  is  said  that  he  wore 
his  hair  like  Alexander,  calls  this  manner  of  dressing  it  a vacrro- 
Xrjv  rrjs  Kofxrjs,  “ a pushing  back  of  the  hair  ” : my  remarks  upon 
it  will  be  found  in  the  second  part  of  this  History. 

12.  For  further  confirmation  of  the  utility  of  the  observation 
made  by  me  as  to  the  short  hairs,  curving  forwards,  on  the  fore- 
head of  Hercules,  I will  remark  that  it  may  be  applied,  in  par- 
ticular, to  a youthful  head,  which,  together  with  a shoulder,  is 
engraved  on  a gem  in  the  museum  of  the  king  of  France.  This 
head  presents  a figure  draped  with  a thin,  transparent  tissue, 
which  is  drawn  from  the  shoulder  upon  the  head,  and  even  over 
the  garland  of  laurel  that  encircles  the  head ; at  the  same  time, 
it  veils  the  lower  part  of  the  face,  so  as  to  cover  the  tip  of  the 
nose,  but  still  in  such  a manner  that  one  can  plainly  distinguish 
and  recognize  the  features. 

13.  A special  treatise  has  ^een  written  upon  this  stone,  in 
which  it  is  pretended  that  the  head  represents  Ptolemy,  — king 
of  Egypt,  and  father  of  the  famed  Cleopatra,  — who  bore  the 
surname  of  Auletes,  or  the  Flute-player,  because  he  loved  to 
play  upon  the  flute,  and  that  the  drapery  which  veils  the  lower 
part  of  his  countenance  — for  the  writer  did  not  perplex  himself 
about  the  veil  over  the  head  and  shoulder  — is  the  band  termed 
4>op/3eid  and  <£o'p/?iov,  which  was  tied  by  flute-players  over  their 
mouths,  and  had  in  it  an  aperture  through  which  the  flute  was 
applied  to  the  lips.  There  might  be  some  plausibility  in  this 
explanatory  statement,  if  we  had  no  definite  idea  of  the  band 
in  question ; but  a triangular  altar  (4),  in  the  Campidoglio, 
shows  us  a Faun,  with  this  band  over  his  mouth,  blowing  two 
flutes.  As  an  engraving  of  this  head  is  to  be  found  in  several 
books,  it  must  of  course  have  been  known  to  the  author  of  the 
treatise  to  which  I have  alluded.  We  also  see  a flute-player  (5), 
with  his  mouth  thus  bandaged,  in  a picture  from  Herculaneum. 
It  is  evident  from  both  these  instances,  that  the  <£op/3aa  was  a 
narrow  band,  which  passed  over  the  mouth  and  ears,  and  was 
tied  on  the  back  part  of  the  head;  so  that  it  has  nothing  to  do 
with  the  manner  in  which  this  figure  is  veiled. 

14.  As  this  head  is  the  only  one  of  its  kind,  it  deserves  fur- 
ther investigation,  as  some  conjectures  may  be  made  which  will 
come  nearer  to  its  true  signification.  If,  with  this  view,  it  be 
compared  with  the  heads  of  a young  Hercules,  a perfect  resem- 

vol.  i.  25 


886 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


blance  between  them  will  be  discovered.  The  forehead  has 
the  usual  swollen  roundness  and  bigness ; the  front  hair  is  ar- 
ranged in  the  manner  previously  mentioned ; and  the  cheeks,  as 
low  down  as  the  under  part  of  the  ear,  are  beginning  to  be  cov- 
ered with  hair,  crvyKariovaa  rj  ko/xy]  t<3  lov\oj  7rapa  to  ovs,  “ the 
hair  of  his  head  uniting,  near  the  ear,  with  the  down  of  his 
cheek,”  — 

“ Cui  prima  jam  nunc  vernant  lanugine  make,” 

Whose  cheeks  are  now  putting  forth  their  vernal  down,  — 
which,  according  to  an  ancient  commentary,  is  a precursor  of 
the  beard.  The  ear,  moreover,  appears  to  resemble  the  Pancra- 
tiast  ear  of  Hercules. 

15.  But  what  meaning  can  I attach  to  the  drapery  which 
veils  this  head,  and  what  relation  can  it  have  to  Hercules  h I 
imagine  that  by  it  the  artist  intended  to  represent  the  hero  at 
the  time  when  he  was  serving  Ompliale,  queen  of  Lydia.  This 
conjecture  is  suggested  to  me  by  a head  of  Paris,  in  the  villa 
Negroni,  which  is  veiled  in  precisely  the  same  manner,  as  high 
up  as  the  edge  of  the  lower  lip.  This  vestment,  therefore,  ap- 
pears to  have  been  in  common  use  among  the  Phrygians  and 
Lydians,  — which  would  naturally  be  the  case  with  contiguous 
nations.  Besides,  these  two  people  were,  according  to  the 
testimony  of  Strabo,  confounded  with  each  other  by  the  tragic 
poets,  more  especially  as  they  had  both  been  governed  at  one 
time  by  Tantalus.  Philostratus,  moreover,  informs  us  that  the 
customs  of  the  Lydians  were,  in  many  respects,  the  reverse  of 
those  of  the  Grecians ; that  the  former  were  accustomed  to  con- 
ceal by  a thin  drapery  parts  of  the  body  which  the  latter  left 
uncovered.  If  these  two  historical  notices  be  taken  into  con- 
sideration, my  supposition  ought  not  to  appear  unfounded. 

16.  As  neither  the  Lydians  nor  the  Phrygians  existed  in  the 
time  of  Philostratus,  it  is  impossible  that  he  should  have 
founded  his  remark  on  personal  observation  of  the  Lydian 
dress.  In  his  day,  the  customs  of  those  who  dwelt  in  Asia 
Minor  had  assumed  quite  a different  aspect.  He  must,  there- 
fore, have  derived  his  information  relative  to  the  practice,  usual 
among  the  Lydians,  of  wearing  mantles,  from  some  more  ancient 
writer,  not  known  to  us.  Euripides,  moreover,  speaks  of  a 
similar  custom  among  the  Phrygians,  in  that  scene  of  his  tra- 
gedy of  Hecuba  in  which  Agamemnon  is  introduced,  who,  seeing 
the  murdered  body  of  Polydorus,  son  of  that  queen  of  Troy, 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


387 


lying  before  her  tent,  inquires  who  the  dead  Trojan  is;  it  can- 
not be  a Greek,  he  says,  for  he  is  wrapped  in  a mantle  : — 

rlv  avdpa  tov  5’  eir l (r/crji'ais  opto 
Qavovra  Tpibojv  ; ov  yap  ’Apyeiuv 
A^uas  TrepLTTTVGGovTes  dyyeWovcri  /jlol. 

He  is  not  speaking  here  of  the  vestment  in  which  the  dead  were 
clothed,  but  of  a garb  peculiar  to  the  Phrygians,  and  differing 
from  the  dress  of  the  Greeks.  But,  if  the  reader  understands 
the  passage  as  applicable  to  the  Phrygian  dress  generally,  my 
commentary  may,  in  that  case,  be  passed  by  as  unnecessary. 

17.  I did  not  make  the  closing  remark  of  the  last  paragraph 
from  any  mistrust  of  the  conjecture  proposed  by  me,  — that  it 
was  a customary  practice  among  the  Lydians  to  veil  the  face ; 
on  the  contrary,  I think  that  my  explanation  of  the  gem  in 
question  will  receive  all  the  confirmation  it  needs  from  a paint- 
ing on  a vase  of  terra  cotta,  of  which  an  engraving  may  be 
found  in  the  large  Hamilton  Collection.  I will  mention  here, 
that  this  vase  was  brought  from  Alexandria,  in  Egypt,  whither 
it  had  been  carried,  at  some  earlier  period,  from  the  kingdom 
of  Naples. 

18.  This  picture,  undoubtedly,  represents  Hercules  at  the 
time  when  he  was  sold  to  Omphale,  who  sits  here  in  company 
with  three  other  female  figures.  The  queen  is  enveloped  in  a 
thin,  transparent  drapery,  thrown  over  her  other  dress,  which 
not  only  completely  covers  her  left  hand,  but  is  even  drawn 
upwards,  over  the  lower  part  of  the  face,  upon  the  nose,  pre- 
cisely in  the  manner  exhibited  by  the  head  on  the  gem.  If  the 
engraver  of  this  head,  therefore,  had  exhibited  the  whole  figure 
of  Hercules,  he  would  have  draped  it  precisely  in  this  man- 
ner ; for  even  the  men,  in  Lydia,  wore  a mantle  which  descended 
to  the  feet,  and  was  called  ftao-o-dpa.  Generally,  it  was  also 
denominated  AuSio?,  “Lydian,”  with  the  addition  of  Xe7 rro?, 
“ thin.”  We  must,  notwithstanding  Casaubon’s  conjecture,  give 
this  reading  to  Athenaeus,  whose  meaning  is  at  the  same  time 
elucidated  by  the  preceding  remarks.  The  right  hand  of  Her- 
cules, who  advances  toward  Omphale,  rests  upon  his  club ; and 
his  left  touches  her  knees,  — a form  of  supplication  common 
among  those  who  desired  to  obtain  a suit  from  another.  Be- 
tween these  two  figures  hovers  a small  male  figure,  seemingly  a 
Genius,  but  it  might  probably  be  Mercury,  by  whom  Hercules 
was  sold  to  the  Lydian  queen.  If  so,  it  would  be  the  sole 


388 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


instance  among  the  ancient  monuments  in  which  this  god  has 
been  figured  with  long  wings  on  his  back.  Or  this  winged  and 
perfectly  white  child  may  represent  the  Soul  of  Iphitus,  whom 
Hercules  slew,  and  may  signify  that  he  was  sold  into  slavery  in 
obedience  to  the  oracle  of  Apollo,  that  he  might  expiate  the 
murder.  Or  it  may  be  Cupid,  who  calls  off  Omphale  from  her 
conversation,  that  she  may  receive,  in  the  youthful  hero  who  pre- 
sents himself  before  her,  her  future  lover.  The  female  figure 
sitting  in  front  of  Omphale  has  her  hair  cut  off  short  behind, 
after  the  fashion  of  men.  This  is  altogether  unusual ; and  it 
must,  therefore,  have  some  peculiar  meaning.  I do  not  know 
whether  to  venture  a conjecture  relative  to  its  signification. 
But  might  not  this  figure,  perchance,  represent  a maiden  who 
had  been  spayed?  — the  Lydians  having  been  the  first  to  effect 
such  a change,  by  artificial  means,  in  the  nature  of  woman.  It 
is  said  that  Andramytes,  who  wras  the  fourth  king  of  the  coun- 
try before  Omphale,  invented  the  operation,  in  order  that  he 
might  use  such  female  creatures  instead  of  eunuchs.  By  what 
personal  mark  was  a woman  of  this  kind  to  be  indicated,  except 
by  her  hair?  which  is  short,  as  young  men  usually  wear  it, 
apparently  for  the  purpose  of  signifying  thereby  that  her  nature 
as  a woman  had  undergone  a change.  Young  eunuchs,  also, 
wore  their  hair  in  this  manner.  The  learned  painter  of  this 
vase  intimated,  therefore,  by  means  of  such  a person,  more 
plainly  than  he  could  have  done  otherwise,  the  alteration  she 
had  suffered,  the  land  in  which  it  was  effected,  and  also  the 
presence  of  a queen  of  the  Lydians.  He  may,  possibly,  have 
had  other  reasons,  but  it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  inquire  further 
regarding  them,  as  I may  then  pass  over  in  silence  what  occurs 
to  me  on  this  occasion  relative  to  the  Tribades,  and  the  exces- 
sive wantonness  of  the  Lydian  women. 

19.  The  reader  may,  by  this  time,  begin  to  think  the  inves- 
tigation of  this  remarkable  gem  a digression.  Properly,  there- 
fore, I ought  to  resume  the  thread  of  my  subject,  and  notice  the 
beauty  of  the  remaining  features  of  the  face.  But  I cannot  re- 
frain from  embracing  the  opportunity  to  mention  two  heads  of 
a young  hero  which  perfectly  resemble  each  other.  Their  con- 
figuration is  beautiful  and  ideal.  The  arrangement  of  the  hair 
on  the  forehead  is  like  that  of  Hercules ; and  both  are  encircled 
by  a diadem.  The  peculiarity  in  both  is  a hole  above  each  tem- 
ple, into  which  the  thumb  can  be  easily  introduced,  and  which 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


889 


would,  therefore,  seem  to  have  been  made  for  the  purpose  of 
attaching  horns.  In  one  head  the  holes  had  been  filled  up  by 
some  modern  sculptor.  From  the  conformation  of  the  face,  and 
from  the  hair,  we  cannot  infer  that  the  horns  were  goats’  horns, 
nor  the  heads  those  of  young  Fauns.  The  probability  is,  that 
small  ox-horns  were  attached  here.  They  were  given  to  the 
heads  of  Seleucus  I.,  king  of  Syria ; but  these  heads  do  not 
resemble  the  likenesses  of  him.  I am  consequently  of  opinion 
that  Hyllus,  son  of  Hercules,  is  represented  by  them.  His 
images,  like  those  of  Ptolemy  Hephsestion,  had  a horn  on  the 
left  side  of  the  head ; the  one  on  the  right  side  has  been  gra- 
tuitously added  by  the  sculptor.  One  of  these  heads  is  in  my 
possession ; the  other,  in  the  museum  of  the  Signor  Bartolom- 
meo Cavaceppi. 

20.  The  eyes,  as  a component  part  of  beauty,  are  still  more 
essential  than  the  forehead.  In  art,  they  are  to  be  considered 
more  in  regard  to  their  form  than  their  color,  because  their 
beauty  does  not  consist  in  the  latter,  but  in  the  former,  which 
is  not  at  all  affected,  whatever  the  color  of  the  iris  may  be. 
With  respect  to  the  form  of  the  eyes,  generally,  it  is  super- 
fluous to  say  that  one  beauty  in  them  is  size,  just  as  a great 
light  is  more  beautiful  than  a small  one.  But  the  size  of  the 
eye  conforms  to  the  eye-bones,  or  its  socket,  and  is  manifested 
by  the  edge  and  opening  of  the  eyelids,  of  which  the  upper 
describes  a rounder  curve  towards  the  inner  corner  of  a beau- 
tiful eye  than  the  under.  All  large  e}ms,  however,  are  not 
beautiful ; projecting  eyes  never  are.  The  upper  eyelid  of  the 
lions  in  Rome,  at  least  of  Egyptian  lions,  opens  in  such  a man- 
ner as  to  describe  a complete  semicircle.  The  eyes  of  heads  in 
profile,  on  rilievi,  and  especially  on  the  most  beautiful  coins, 
form  an  angle  the  opening  of  which  is  towards  the  nose.  The 
corner  of  the  eye  towards  the  nose  is  deeply  sunken,  and  the 
contour  of  it  terminates  at  the  highest  point  of  its  curve,  — that 
is  to  say,  the  pupil  itself  is  in  profile.  The  opening  of  the  eye 
being  truncated  in  this  manner,  the  head  acquires  an  air  of  maj- 
esty, and  an  open,  elevated  look.  The  pupil  of  the  eye  is,  also, 
denoted  on  coins  by  means  of  a raised  point  on  its  centre. 

I will  not  repeat  here  what  has  already  been  observed  by 
others,  that  the  word  /3ou)ttls,  by  which  Homer,  in  particular 
characterizes  beautiful  eyes,  does  not  signify  ox-eyed;  but 
merely  remark  that  the  j3ov,  in  this  as  well  as  in  many  other 


390 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART . 


words  compounded  with  it,  is  a prefix,  as  the  grammarians  say, 
signifying  enlargement.  Hence  the  scholiast  of  Homer  trans- 
lates /3o£)7tl<s  by  [xe\av6(fi6a\fji.o<i,  “ black-eyed,”  and  KaXrj  to  rrpo- 
a-oiTTov,  “ beautiful  in  face.”  The  reader  can  also  see  what  the 
learned  Martorelli  says  on  this  point  in  his  Antiquities  of  Naples. 

21.  The  eyes,  in  ideal  heads,  are  always  more  deeply  seated 
than  they  are  commonly  found  to  be  in  nature,  and  the  upper 
edge  of  the  socket  consequently  appears  to  be  more  prominent. 
Deeply  seated  eyes,  however,  are  not  a characteristic  of  beauty, 
and  impart  a not  very  open  expression  to  the  countenance. 
But,  as  art  could  not,  in  this  particular,  always  conform  to  the 
teachings  of  nature,  it  adhered  to  the  lofty  style  and  the  gran- 
deur of  conception  by  which  it  is  characterized.  For,  the  eyes 
and  eyebrows  of  large  figures  being  farther  removed  from  the 
spectator  than  those  of  smaller  ones,  they  would  be  scarcely 
visible  at  a distance,  if  the  eyeball  had  been  placed  as  prom- 
inently as  in  nature,  — it  being,  for  the  most  part,  quite  smooth 
in  sculpture,  and  not  designated  as  in  painting, — and  if,  for 
the  same  reason,  the  upper  edge  of  the  socket  had  not  been 
made  more  prominent.  On  this  point,  therefore,  art  deviated 
from  nature,  and  thus  brought  forth,  by  means  of  depth,  and 
of  elevation  in  this  portion  of  the  face,  greater  light  and  shadow, 
and  imparted  more  animation  and  power  to  the  eye,  which, 
otherwise,  would  have  been  destitute  of  expression,  and,  as  it 
were,  lifeless.  This  would  have  been  conceded  even  by  Eliz- 
abeth, queen  of  England,  who  wished  her  portrait  to  be  painted 
entirely  without  shadow.  Art,  in  this  case,  rose  above  nature, 
and  justly,  too,  and  afterwards  established  from  this  form  of 
the  eyes  a rule  of  almost  universal  application,  even  to  small 
figures.  For  the  eyes  of  heads  on  coins  of  the  best  days  of 
art  lie  just  as  deeply  as  in  those  of  later  date,  and  the  edge  of  the 
socket  is  more  prominent ; in  proof  of  which  let  any  one  examine 
the  coins  of  Alexander  the  Great,  and  his  successors.  In  works 
of  metal,  some  things  were  signified,  which,  in  the  bloom  of 
art,  were  omitted  in  those  of  marble.  Thus,  for  example,  the 
light,  — as  artists  term  it,  — or  the  pupil,  was  denoted  by  a 
raised  point  on  the  centre  of  the  eye,  on  coins  bearing  the  heads 
of  Gelon  and  Hiero,  even  prior  to  the  days  of  Phidias.  But,  so 
far  as  we  know,  a pupil  was  not  given  to  heads  in  marble  until 
some  time  during  the  first  century  of  the  Caesars,  and  there 
are  only  a few  which  have  it.  One  of  them  is  the  head  of  Mar- 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS . 


891 


cellus,  grandson  of  Augustus,  in  the  Campidoglio.  For  the 
reason  assigned  above,  and  with  precisely  the  same  view,  eyes 
appear  to  have  been  inserted.  This  was  a common  practice 
anmng  Egyptian  sculptors  of  the  earliest  ages.  In  many  heads 
of  bronze,  the  eyes  have  been  hollowed  out,  and  substitutes  of 
a different  material  introduced.  The  head  of  the  Pallas  of 
Phidias  was  of  ivory,  but  the  pupil  of  the  eye  was  a gem.  I 
shall  speak  particularly  of  such  eyes  hereafter. 

22.  Thus  it  was  well  understood  and  settled  what  consti- 
tuted beauty  of  the  eye  generally.  And  yet,  without  departing 
from  this  form,  the  eye  was  so  differently  shaped  in  the  heads 
of  divinities,  and  ideal  heads,  that  it  is  of  itself  a characteristic 
by  which  they  can  be  distinguished.  In  Jupiter,  Apollo,  and 
Juno,  the  opening  of  the  eye  is  large,  and  roundly  arched;  it 
has,  also,  less  length  than  usual,  that  the  curve  which  it  makes 
may  be  more  spherical.  Pallas,  likewise,  has  large  eyes;  but 
the  upper  lid  falls  over  them  more  than  in  the  three  divinities 
just  mentioned,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  her  a modest,  maiden 
look.  But  the  eyes  of  Yenus  (6)  are  smaller;  and  the  eleva- 
tion of  the  lower  lid  imparts  to  them  that  love-exciting  and 
languishing  look  which  the  Greeks  term  vypov , “liquid.”  The 
celestial  Yenus,  or  Yenus  Urania,  is  distinguished  from  Juno 
by  an  eye  of  this  kind ; 1 but  as,  like  Juno,  she  wears  a diadem, 
she  has  been  confounded  with  the  latter  by  those  who  had  not 
noticed  her  distinctive  peculiarity.  On  this  point  many  mod- 
ern artists  seek  to  surpass  the  ancients,  and  have  supposed 
that  by  giving  to  their  figures  prominent  eyeballs,  starting  from 
their  sockets,  they  expressed  the  idea  intended  to  be  conveyed 
by  Homer  in  the  term  ox-eyes , or  large  eyes , as  before  men- 
tioned. The  modern  head  of  the  figure,  in  the  villa  Medici,  erro- 
neously supposed  to  be  Cleopatra  (7),  has  eyes  which  resemble 
those  of  a person  who  had  died  by  hanging ; and  a young  sculp- 
tor, now  resident  in  Rome,  has  given  precisely  such  eyes  to  a 
statue  of  the  Madonna  (8)  — which  he  was  commissioned  to 
execute  — in  the  church  of  San  Carlo,  on  the  Corso. 

23.  Nothing,  not  even  the  line  of  the  eyelids,  escaped  the 
penetration  of  the  ancients  in  their  observation  of  beauty ; for 
the  word  k\i KoftXecjxipos,  in  Hesiod,  seems  to  apply  to  a particu- 
lar form  of  them.  This  word  has  been  explained  very  vaguely 
and  loosely  by  the  host  of  Greek  grammarians  since  his  time,  by 

1 Plate  16,  B and  C. 


392 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


KaWifiXecfrapos,  “ with  beautiful  eyelids.”  But  the  scholiast  of 
Hesiod,  on  the  contrary,  seems  to  penetrate  into  its  inner  and 
secret  meaning,  and  thinks  that  it  denotes  eyes  whose  lids  de- 
scribe a line  the  undulation  of  which  has  been  compared  to  the 
flexure  of  the  young  tendrils  of  the  vine,  eAi/ce?.  This  com- 
parison, which  in  its  way  explains  the  epithet,  may  be  admitted, 
if  we  consider  the  waving  line  described  by  the  edge  of  beauti- 
ful eyelids,  and  clearly  seen  in  the  finest  ideal  heads,  as  in  the 
Apollo,  the  heads  of  Niobe,  and  especially  in  the  Venus.  In 
colossal  heads,  as  the  Juno  in  the  villa  Ludovisi,  this  waving 
line  is  drawn  yet  more  distinctly,  and  more  perceptibly  ex- 
pressed. The  heads  of  bronze  in  the  Herculaneum  museum 
have  marks  on  the  edges  of  the  lids  which  indicate  that  the 
eyelashes,  /SXecfiapiSes,  were  represented  by  small  pins  inserted 
in  them. 

24.  The  beauty  of  the  eye  itself  is  enhanced,  and,  as  it  were, 
crowned,  by  the  eyebrow ; and  the  eyebrow  is  beautiful  in  pro- 
portion to  the  delicacy  of  the  line  formed  by  the  hairs,  which  is 
denoted,  on  the  finest  heads  in  sculpture,  by  the  sharp  edge  of 
the  bone  over  the  eyes.  Among  the  Greeks,  such  eyebrows 
were  termed  eyebrows  of  the  Graces.  But,  if  they  were  much 
arched,  they  were  compared  to  a bent  bow,  or  to  snails,  and  in 
this  case  were  never  considered  beautiful  (9).  The  former  is 
the  ocjipvoiv  to  tvypapgov,  “ graceful  line  of  the  eyebrows,”  which 
Lucian  found  so  beautiful  in  the  heads  of  Praxiteles.  Petronius, 
in  describing  the  characteristics  of  beauty  in  an  eyebrow,  uses 
the  following  words,  — Supercilia  usque  ad  malarum  scripturam 
currentia , et  rursus  conjinio  luminum  pene  permixta , “ Eyebrows 
which  reach,  at  one  extremity,  even  to  the  cheek,  and,  at  the 
other,  almost  join  the  confines  of  the  eye.”  I believe  that,  in 
this  passage,  we  might  read  stricturam  instead  of  scripturam , as 
the  latter  word  conveys  no  meaning ; yet  it  must  be  acknowl- 
edged that  strictura  cannot  be  applied  here  in  the  sense  in  which 
it  is  used  by  authors.  But,  if  we  extend  to  it  the  signification 
of  the  verb  stringere,  from  which  it  is  derived,  Petronius  would 
be  understood  to  say,  “ even  to  the  boundary  of  the  cheeks ; ” 
for  stringere  means  precisely  the  same  as  radere,  that  is,  to  just 
touch  in  passing  (10). 

25.  As  the  hairs  which  compose  the  eyebrows  are  not  an  es- 
sential part  of  them,  it  is  not  necessary  that  they  should  be 
represented.  In  portrait-heads,  as  well  as  ideal  heads,  they  may 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


393 


be  omitted  both  by  painters  and  sculptors ; and  this  has  been 
done  by  Raphael  and  Annibal  Caracci.  The  eyebrows  of  the 
most  beautiful  heads  in  marble,  at  least,  are  not  represented  by 
separate  hairs.  Eyebrows  which  meet  have  already  been  men- 
tioned. I have  stated  my  opinion  to  be  unfavorable  to  them, 
and  have  good  reason  to  be  astonished  that  Theocritus,  the 
poet  of  tenderness,  could  find  joined  eyebrows  beautiful,  and 
that  other  writers  have  imitated  him  in  this  particular.  Among 
these  is  Isaac  Porphyrogenetes,  who  gives  such  eyebrows,  a-vvo- 
cfipvs,  to  Ulysses ; the  supposed  Phrygian,  Dares,  also,  to  show 
the  beauty  of  Briseis,  mentions  the  junction  of  her  eyebrows. 
Bayle,  although  he  had  no  knowledge  of  art,  considered  this 
as  rather  a strange  charm  in  a beautiful  woman  like  Briseis, 
and  thinks  that  such  eyebrows  would  not,  in  our  days,  be  re- 
garded as  an  attribute  of  beauty.  But  he,  as  well  as  others, 
may  be  assured,  that  connoisseurs  of  beauty,  even  in  ancient 
times,  held  precisely  the  same  opinion  as  theirs ; among  them 
I will  mention  Aristsenetus,  who  praises  the  parted  eyebrows 
of  a beautiful  woman.  The  eyebrows  of  Julia,  daughter  of 
Titus,  in  the  villa  Medici,  and  of  another  female  head,  in  the 
palace  Giustiniani,  are  joined  together.  We  are  not,  however, 
to  suppose  that  their  junction,  in  these  instances,  was  made  for 
the  purpose  of  adding  to  the  beauty  of  the  individuals,  but 
simply  to  produce  a faithful  likeness.  Suetonius  mentions  that 
the  eyebrows  of  Augustus  joined ; ijiey  are  not  so  represented, 
however,  in  a single  head  of  him  (11).  Eyebrows  which  meet 
are,  as  a Greek  epigram  remarks,  an  indication  of  pride  and 
bitterness  of  spirit. 

26.  Next  to  the  eyes,  the  mouth  is  the  most  beautiful  feature 
of  the  face.  The  beauty  of  its  form,  however,  is  known  to  all, 
and  requires  no  special  notice.  The  lips  answer  the  purpose  of 
displaying  a more  brilliant  red  than  is  to  be  seen  elsewhere.  The 
under  lip  should  be  fuller  than  the  upper.  As  a consequence 
of  this  formation,  there  is  found  beneath  it  and  above  the  chin 
a depression,  the  design  of  which  is  to  impart  variety  to  this 
portion  of  the  face,  and  give  a fuller  roundness  to  the  chin.  In 
one  of  the  two  beautiful  statues  of  Pallas,  in  the  villa  Albani, 
the  lower  lip  projects,  but  imperceptibly,  in  order  that  a greater 
degree  of  seriousness  may  be  expressed  in  her  aspect.1  The 

1 Plate  XVIII.,  B.  Front  view  of  the  mouth  of  the  Pallas  Albani,  of 
the  size  of  the  original.  — Germ.  Ed. 


894 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


lips  of  figures  of  the  most  ancient  style  are  usually  closed ; 
but,  in  the  later  periods  of  art,  they  are  not  entirely  (12) 
closed  in  all  figures  of  divinities,  either  of  the  male  or  female 
sex ; and  this  is  especially  the  case  with  Venus,  in  order 
that  her  countenance  may  express  the  languishing  softness  of 
desire  and  love.  The  same  remark  holds  true  of  heroic  figures. 
Propertius  also  refers,  in  his  use  of  the  word  hiare , to  the  open- 
ing of  the  mouth  of  a statue  of  Apollo,  in  the  temple  of  this 
god  on  Mount  Palatine,  at  Rome  : — 

“ Hie  equidem  Phoebo  visus  mihi  pulchrior  ipso 

Marmoreus  tacita  carmen  hiare  lyra.” 

L.  2,  Eleg.  31,  vers.  5. 

More  beauteous  than  the  God  his  marble  form  I see ; 

Though  hushed  the  lyre,  the  lips  are  breathing  melody. 

In  portrait-figures,  the  reverse  is  usually  the  case ; and  heads 
of  the  Roman  emperors,  in  particular,  have  the  lips  invariably 
closed.  The  edge  of  the  lips,  in  some  few  heads  of  the  older 
style,  is  denoted  merely  by  an  incised  line ; but  in  others  it  is 
elevated  (13)  quite  imperceptibly,  and,  as  it  were,  pinched  up, 
for  the  purpose,  probably,  of  indicating  more  distinctly  the  line 
of  it  in  figures  which  stood  at  a certain  distance  from  the  spec- 
tator. Very  few  of  the  figures  which  have  been  represented 
laughing,  as  some  Satyrs  or  Fauns  are,  show  the  teeth.  Among 
the  images  of  divinities,  only  one  statue  with  such  a mouth, 
namely,  an  Apollo  of  the  older  style,  in  the  palace  Conti,  is 
known  to  me. 

27.  In  images  whose  beauties  were  of  a lofty  cast,  the  Greek 
artists  never  allowed  a dimple  to  break  the  uniformity  of  the 
chin’s  surface.  Its  beauty,  indeed,  consists  in  the  rounded  ful- 
ness of  its  arched  form,  to  wdiich  the  lower  lip,  when  short,  im- 
parts additional  size.  In  order  to  give  this  form  to  the  chin, 
the  ancient  artists  made  the  lower  jaw  larger  and  deeper  than 
nature  usually  fashions  it,  having  observed  this  to  be  the  case  in 
the  most  beautiful  of  her  conformations.  As  a 'dimple  — by  the 
Greeks  termed  vv^r)  — is  an  isolated,  and  somewhat  accidental, 
adjunct  to  the  chin,  it  was  not  regarded  by  the  Greek  artists  as 
an  attribute  of  abstract  and  pure  beauty,  though  it  is  so  con- 
sidered by  modern  writers  (14).  Hence,  it  is  not  to  be  found 
either  in  Niobe  and  her  daughters,  or  in  the  Albani  Pallas,  or 
in  Ceres  on  coins  of  Metapontus,  or  in  Proserpine  on  coins  of 
Syracuse,  — images  of  the  highest  female  beauty.  Of  the  finest 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS . 


395 


male  heads,  neither  the  Apollo  nor  the  Meleager  (15)  of  the 
Belvedere  has  it,  nor  the  Bacchus  in  the  villa  Medici,  nor  in- 
deed any  beautiful  ideal  figure  which  has  come  down  to  us. 
The  head  of  an  Apollo  in  bronze,  of  the  size  of  life,  in  the 
museum  of  the  Roman  College,  and  the  Venus  (16)  at  Florence, 
alone  have  it,  as  a peculiar  charm,  not  as  anything  appertaining 
to  the  beautiful  form  of  the  chin.  It  was  also  given  to  the 
head  of  the  statue  of  Bathyllus,  which  stood  in  the  temple  of 
Juno  at  Samos,  as  Apuleius  informs  us;  but,  notwithstanding 
Varro  calls  this  dimple  an  impress  from  the  finger  of  Cupid,  it 
does  not  disprove  the  correctness  of  my  remarks. 

28.  A rounded  fulness  of  the  chin,  therefore,  is  an  attribute  of 
its  beauty  which  was  universally  acknowledged,  and  introduced  in 
all  figures  of  superior  merit.  Consequently,  when,  in  drawings 
made  from  them,  the  lower  part  of  it  seems,  as  it  were,  to  be 
pinched  in,  it  may  be  inferred  with  certainty  that  the  contrac- 
tion proceeds  from  the  ignorance  of  the  copyist ; and  when  such 
a chin  is  found  in  antique  ideal  heads,  it  may  justly  be  sus- 
pected that  some  modern  ignorant  hand  has  been  attempting 
to  improve  upon  them.  Therefore  I doubt  whether  the  beauti- 
ful Mercury  of  bronze,  in  the  Herculaneum  museum,  had  origi- 
nally such  a chin  as  it  now  has,  especially  as  we  are  assured 
that  the  head  of  it  was  found  broken  into  many  pieces.  Few 
heads  from  modern  sculptors  are  unexceptionable  in  the  chin. 
In  the  larger  number  of  them  it  is  too  small,  too  pointed ; some- 
times, it  has  the  appearance  of  being  pinched  in  all  around. 
The  figures  in  the  works  of  Pietro  da  Cortona  are  always  distin- 
guishable by  their  somewhat  small  chin.  — I forgot  to  notice 
another  imperfection  in  the  chin  of  the  Medicean  Venus  (17), 
namely,  its  flattened  tip,  in  the  middle  of  which  is  a dimple. 
Such  flatness  of  surface  is  not  to  be  found  either  in  nature  or 
in  a single  antique  head.  As,  however,  our  sculptors  are  con- 
tinually making  copies  in  marble  of  this  statue,  they  imitate 
with  the  utmost  exactness  the  unusual  flatness  of  its  chin,  as  a 
beauty,  and  they  cannot  be  convinced  that  a broad,  flat  chin  is 
not  beautiful. 

29.  It  was  customary  with  the  ancient  artists  to  elaborate  no 
portion  of  the  head  more  diligently  than  the  ears.  The  beauty, 
and  especially  the  execution,  of  them  is  the  surest  sign  by 
which  to  discriminate  the  antique  from  additions  and  restora- 
tions. If,  therefore,  in  a case  of  doubt  as  to  the  antiquity  of 


396 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


engraved  gems,  it  should  be  observed  that  the  ear  is  only,  as  it 
were,  set  on,  and  not  worked  out  with  the  utmost  nicety,  the 
workmanship  may  unquestionably  be  pronounced  modern  (18). 
In  portrait-figures,  when  the  countenance  is  so  much  injured  as 
not  to  be  recognized,  we  can  occasionally  make  a correct  conjec- 
ture as  to  the  person  intended,  if  it  is  one  of  whom  we  have  any 
knowledge,  merely  by  the  form  of  the  ear ; thus,  we  infer  a 
head  of  Marcus  Aurelius  from  an  ear  with  an  unusually  large 
inner  opening.  In  such  figures  the  ancient  artists  were  so  par- 
ticular about  the  ears,  that  they  even  copied  their  deformities, 
— as  one  may  see,  among  other  instances,  in  a beautiful  bust 
belonging  to  the  Marquis  Rondinini,  and  on  a head  in  the  villa 
Altieri. 

30.  Besides  the  infinite  variety  of  forms  of  the  ear  on  heads 
modelled  from  life,  or  on  copies  of  such  heads,  we  observe  an 
ear  of  quite  a singular  shape,  that  is  found  not  only  on  ideal 
figures,  but  also  on  some  which  represent  particular  individuals. 
The  cartilages  of  it  seem  to  be  beaten  flat,  and  swollen;  its 
inner  passage  is,  consequently,  made  narrower,  and  the  whole 
outer  ear  itself  is  shrunken,  and  diminished  in  size.1  Having, 
at  first,  observed  this  peculiar  form  of  the  ear  on  a few  heads  of 
Hercules,  I conjectured  that  a secret  meaning  was  involved  in 
it.  The  description  given  of  Hector  by  Philostratus  has,  I 
think,  furnished  me  with  a key  to  its  explanation. 

31.  This  writer  introduces  Protesilaus  speaking,  and  makes 
him  describe  the  stature  and  characteristics  of  the  Greek  and 
Trojan  heroes  in  the  Trojan  war.  In  this  narration,  he  particu- 
larly notices  the  ears  of  Hector,  and  says  that  <Sra  /careayws  rjv, 
that  is,  “ his  ears  were  broken  and  crushed.”  These  injuries 
were  received,  not  in  games  of  the  arena,  as  Philostratus  ex- 
pressly declares,  — because  such  exercises  had  not,  at  that  time, 
been  introduced  among  the  Asiatics,  — but  in  contests  with 
bulls.  He  also  explains  his  understanding  of  the  term,  /careayd)? 
wra,  “ broken  ears,”  by  a circumlocution,  TraXata-rpav  aur<3 
7rcrrovrnA€va  ra  wra,  that  is,  “ ears  which  have  been  belabored  in 
the  palaestra”:  such  ears  he  ascribes  to  Nestor.  I do  not 
understand,  however,  in  what  sense  it  could  be  said  of  Hector 
that  he  got  ears  of  this  description  in  fighting  with  bulls ; and 
Vigen^re,  the  French  translator  of  Philostratus,  was  no  less  per- 
plexed by  this  statement  than  myself.  I,  therefore,  believe  that, 

1 Plate  VIII.,  B.  A Pancratiast  ear. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


897 


in  the  last  version  of  this  author,  of  which  an  edition  was  pub- 
lished at  Leipsic,  the  translator  has  sought  to  evade  all  diffi- 
culty by  means  of  a general  expression,  inasmuch  as  he  has 
rendered  Sra  Ka-reayajs  by  athletico  erat  habitu. 

32.  Philostratus,  in  this  instance,  is  probably  speaking  in  the 
words  of  Plato,  who  represents  Socrates  as  making  the  follow- 
ing inquiry  of  Callicles : “ Tell  me,  have  the  Athenians  been 
made  better  by  Pericles,  or,  on  the  contrary,  loquacious  and 
corrupt  rt  ” Callicles  answers,  — “ Who  will  say  this,  except 
those  whose  ears  are  crushed  1 ” Twv  ra  wra  KareayoTcor  <xko vcls 
ravra : that  is,  “ Who  will  say  this,  except  people  who  know 
nothing  else  than  how  to  contend  in  the  arena  1 ” This  was 
probably  intended  as  a sarcasm  upon  the  Spartans,  who  wTere 
less  devoted  than  other  Greeks  to  the  arts  which  Pericles  had 
introduced  into  Athens,  and  fostered  there,  and  who  held  in 
higher  esteem  athletic  exercises,  — although  Serranus,  in  his 
translation  of  the  passage,  has  given  to  it  a meaning  entirely 
different  from  mine.  He  renders  it  thus  : TIcec  audis  ah  iis,  qui 
fractas  obtusasque  istis  rumoribus  aures  habent,  — that  is,  “ You 
hear  these  things  from  persons  whose  ears  are  broken  and 
stunned  by  such  tittle-tattle.”  My  supposition  in  regard  to 
the  Spartans  rests  upon  another  passage  of  Plato,  in  the  Pro- 
tagoras, which  says,  in  reference  to  the  characteristics  that 
distinguished  the  Spartans  from  other  Greeks,  Ol  filv  wra  re 
KaTajyvwrai,  “Who,  indeed,  have  their  ears  crushed.”  But 
even  this  expression  has  been  wrongly  explained  by  Meursius, 
who  assumes  that  the  Spartans  lacerated  their  own  ears,  aures 
sibi  concidunt ; and  hence,  he  understood  no  better  the  follow- 
ing words  also,  t/xavra?  TreptaXiTTovrai ; he  supposed  the  mean- 
ing to  be,  that  the  Spartans,  after  having  mangled  their  own 
ears,  wound  leathern  thongs  around  them.  But  every  one  will 
readily  understand  that  the  reference  here  is  to  the  cestus  wrorn 
by  boxers,  which  was  bound  about  the  hands.  The  same  ex- 
planation of  the  passage  had  already  been  given  by  a learned 
scholar  before  mine  was  offered. 

33.  An  athlete  wTith  such  ears  is  termed  in  Lucian  wro/cara- 
“ one  who  has  the  marks  of  blows  on  his  ears ; ” and  Laer- 
tius, when  speaking  of  the  philospher  Lycon,  who  was  a famous 
athlete,  uses  the  wrord  wtoOX aSias,  which  has  a similar  significa- 
tion. The  latter  word  is  explained  by  Hesychius  and  Suidas  to 
signify  r a 5ra  TeOXacr/Hvo' “ one  with  crushed  ears  ) ” it  cannot 


898 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIFNT  ART. 


be  understood  in  the  sense  of  mutilated  ears,  applied  to  it  by- 
Daniel  Heyne.  Salmasius,  who  quotes  this  passage  of  Laertius, 
dwells  at  length  on  the  word  ifjL7nvrjs,  but  passes  over  without 
comment  the  more  difficult  term  uToOXaSias. 

34.  In  the  first  place,  Hercules  has  such  ears,  because  he 
won  the  prize,  as  Pancratiast,  in  the  games  which  he  himself 
instituted  at  Elis,  in  honor  of  Pelops,  son  of  Tantalus,  as  well 
as  in  those  which  Acastus,  son  of  Pelias,  celebrated  at  Argos. 
In  the  next  place,  Pollux  is  represented  with  such  ears,  because 
he  obtained  the  victory,  as  Pancratiast,  in  the  first  Pythian 
games  at  Delphi.  In  the  villa  Albani  is  a large  rilievo,  on 
which  is  the  figure  of  a young  hero  with  an  ear  of  this  form,  to 
whom  I gave,  in  consequence,  the  name  of  Pollux,  and,  in  my 
Ancient  Monuments , I have  shown  the  correctness  of  the  appel- 
lation. Such  ears  may  also  be  observed  on  the  statue  of  Pollux 
on  the  Campidoglio,  and  on  a small  figure  of  the  same  hero  in 
the  Farnesina.  But  it  is  to  be  remarked  that  not  all  the  images 
of  Hercules  have  the  ear  thus  formed.  There  are  seven  statues 
which  represent  him  as  a Pancratiast,  and,  consequently,  with 
the  characteristic  of  a Pancratiast ; one  of  them,  in  bronze,  is 
in  the  Campidoglio ; of  the  other  six,  in  marble,  one  is  in  the 
Belvedere,  another  in  the  villa  Medici,  the  third  in  the  palace 
Mattei,  the  fourth  in  the  villa  Borghese,  the  fifth  in  the  villa 
Ludovisi,  and  the  sixth  in  the  garden  of  the  villa  Borghese. 
Of  heads  of  Hercules  with  ears  of  this  shape,  I can  point  to 
some  in  the  Campidoglio,  the  palace  Barberini,  and  the  villa 
Albani;  but  the  most  beautiful  of  them  all  is  a Hermes  (19) 
belonging  to  Count  Fede,  which  was  found  in  Adrian’s  villa  at 
Tivoli.  If  the  Pancratiast  ears  had  been  observed  on  two  beau- 
tiful bronze  busts  of  a youthful  Hercules,  of  the  size  of  life,  in 
the  Herculaneum  museum,  they  alone  would  have  truly  de- 
noted the  person  represented,  without  any  assistance  from  the 
conformation,  and  the  fashion  of  the  hair,  by  which,  also,  the 
likeness  might  have  been  recognized.  But,  neither  charac- 
teristic having  been  noticed,  the  younger  bust  was  pronounced 
a Marcellus,  grandson  of  Augustus,  and  the  elder,  a Ptolemy 
Philadelphus.  There  is  a small  nude  male  figure,  of  bronze, 
belonging  to  the  family  of  the  Massimi,  which,  before  observing 
the  ears,  I had  set  down  as  a modern  work ; but  their  Pancra- 
tiast form  led  me,  afterwards,  to  a more  correct  conclusion. 
Now,  as  I am  convinced  that  no  one,  and  especially  no  artist, 


ART  AMONG  TER  GREEKS. 


899 


had  ever  noticed  this  form  of  the  ear  prior  to  myself,  it  was  of 
course  conclusive  evidence  to  my  mind  of  the  antiquity  of  the 
head  of  the  figure,  and,  on  more  careful  examination,  I detected 
in  it  a resemblance  to  the  heads  of  Hercules.  From  the  leath- 
ern bottle  on  the  left  shoulder,  this  figure  would  seem  to  denote 
Hercules  the  Tippler.  I,  therefore,  believe  that  the  statue  of 
Dioxippus  — of  whom  Pliny  makes  mention  as  having  been 
victor  in  the  Pancratium,  apparently  without  exertion  or  resist- 
ance — did  not  have  ears  of  a form  similar  to  those  of  a Pancra- 
tiast,  and  that,  in  this  respect,  it  differed  from  the  statues  of 
other  Pancratiasts. 

35.  The  beautiful  statue  of  Autolycus  had  such  ears ; and 
they  were  given,  as  a distinctive  mark,  to  many  of  the  finest 
statues  of  antiquity,  which  represented  Pancratiasts,  and  were 
executed  by  Myron,  Pythagoras,  and  Leochares.  The  right  ear 
of  the  figure  in  the  villa  Borghese,  erroneously  termed  a Gladi- 
ator (20),  likewise  has  this  form,  though  it  escaped  observation 
even  at  the  time  when  the  left  ear,  being  mutilated,  was 
restored.  Two  ears,  thus  formed,  may  be  seen  on  the  statue  of 
a young  hero  in  the  villa  Albani,  and  on  a similar  statue  which 
formerly  stood  in  the  palace  Verospi,  but  is  now  in  the  museum 
of  Henry  Jennings,  of  London.  By  means  of  such  ears,  I think 
that  I have  discovered,  in  the  Hermes  of  a philosopher,  in  the 
villa  Albani,  the  philosopher  Lycon,  successor  of  Strato,  in  the 
Peripatetic  sect.  In  his  youth,  he  had  been  a famous  Pan- 
cratiast,  and,  as  far  as  I can  recollect,  is  the  only  philosopher 
of  whom  this  is  stated.  As,  according  to  Laertius,  he  had 
crushed  ears,  and  his  shape  still  showed  the  development  of  an 
athlete,  ryv  re  Traaav  (r^iav  aOXrjTLKrjv  eTu^atVcor,  even  after  he 
had  renounced  all  gymnastic  exercises,  the  name  which  I give  to 
this  Hermes  is  thereby  rendered  very  probable.  As,  moreover, 
the  ears  are  thus  formed  on  the  beautiful  youth,  of  bronze,  in 
the  Herculaneum  museum,  which  has  the  shape  of'  a Hermes, 
and  is  inscribed  with  the  name  of  the  artist,  Apollonius,  son  of 
Archias  of  Athens,  I infer  it  to  be  the  likeness  of  a young  ath- 
lete, and  not  of  the  emperor  Augustus  in  his  youth,  whom, 
besides,  it  does  not  resemble.  I observe,  in  conclusion,  that  a 
statue  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  which  is  called  a Pancratiast, 
cannot  represent  a person  of  this  description,  because  the  ears 
are  not  shaped  in  the  way  which  I have  described. 

36.  The  ancient  sculptors  strove  to  display  all  their  skill  not 


400 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


less  in  the  hair  than  in  the  ears.  Hence,  the  former,  as  well  as 
the  latter,  is  a sign  by  which  to  distinguish  the  modern  from 
the  antique ; for  later  artists  differ  so  much  from  the  ancients 
in  respect  to  the  hair,  partly  in  its  arrangement,  and  partly  in 
its  execution,  that  the  difference  must  be  immediately  appar- 
ent (21)  even  to  a novice  in  knowledge  of  the  art.  Of  the  hair 
upon  the  forehead  I have  already  spoken,  remarking  at  th&  time 
how  it  and  its  peculiar  arrangement  distinguish  a Jupiter,  or  a 
Hercules,  from  other  divinities. 

37.  The  workmanship  of  the  hair  differed  according  to  the 
quality  of  the  stone.  Thus,  when  the  stone  was  of  a hard  kind, 
the  hair  was  represented  as  cut  short,  and  afterwards  finely 
combed,  — which  I shall  again  mention  in  its  proper  place,  — 
because  it  is  impossible  to  work  out  loosely-flowing  and  curled 
hair  from  stone  of  this  sort,  since,  in  addition  to  its  too  great 
hardness,  it  is  also  brittle.  In  marble,  on  the  contrary,  and 
certainly  in  male  figures  executed  at  a flourishing  period  of  art, 
the  hair  was  made  to  curl  in  ringlets,  — except  in  portrait- 
figures  of  persons  who  had  short  or  straight  hair,  in  which  case 
the  artist  would  necessarily  imitate  it.  But,  though  on  female 
heads  the  hair  is  smoothed  upward,  and  gathered  in  a knot  on 
the  back  of  the  head,  and  consequently  is  without  ringlets,  still 
we  can  see  that  it  follows  a serpentine  course,  and  is  divided  by 
deep  furrows,  the  object  of  wdiich  is  to  produce  variety,  and 
light  and  shade.  The  hair  of  all  Amazons  is  executed  in  this 
manner,  and  it  might  serve  as  a model  to  our  artists  in  statues 
of  the  Madonna. 

38.  The  hair  of  all  figures  which  belong  to  a flourishing 
period  of  art  (22)  is  curly,  abundant,  and  executed  with  the 
utmost  imaginable  diligence.  By  modern  artists,  on  the  con- 
trary, it  is  scarcely  indicated ; this  is  a fault,  especially  in 
female  heads.  Hence  there  is  a deficiency  of  light  and  shade 
in  this  part,  for  they  cannot  be  produced  where  the  grooves  are 
superficial.  One  of  the  reasons  why  so  little  labor  has  been 
bestowed  upon  the  hair  by  modern  artists  might  seem  to  be 
that  its  appearance  comes  nearer  to  the  reality  when  it  is  rep- 
resented either  as  smooth,  or  confined  in  a mass ; still,  on  the 
other  hand,  art  requires  even  such  hair  to  be  disposed  in  deep 
curves.  The  heads  of  the  Amazons,  on  which  there  are  no 
curls,  may  serve  as  models  in  this  particular.  There  is,  more- 
over, a certain  arrangement  of  the  hair,  peculiar  to  the  Satyrs 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


401 


or  Fauns,  as  I shall  show  hereafter,  which  has  been  adopted 
almost  universally  by  modern  artists  for  male  heads,  probably 
because  it  gives  less  trouble  in  the  execution.  This  style  ap- 
pears to  have  been  introduced  principally  by  Algardi. 

39.  The  hair  of  the  Fauns  or  young  Satyrs  is  stiff,  and  but 
little  curved  at  its  points.  It  was  termed  by  the  Greeks 
ev0v6pL$,  “ straight  hair,”  and  by  Suetonius  capillus  leniter  in- 
jlexus,  “ hair  slightly  bent.”  By  such  hair  it  was,  apparently, 
intended  to  represent  them  as  having  a sort  of  goat’s  hair ; for 
the  old  Satyrs,  or  the  figures  of  Pan,  were  made  with  the  feet 
of  a goat.  Hence,  the  epithet  ^pt^o/cop^s,  “ bristly,”  has  been 
applied  to  Pan.  But  if,  in  the  Song  of  Solomon,  the  hair  of  the 
bride  is  compared  to  the  fleece  of  a goat,  the  remark  is  to  be 
understood  of  Oriental  goats,  whose  hair  was  so  long  that  they 
were  sheared. 

40.  It  is  common  both  to  Apollo  and  Bacchus,  and  to  them 
alone  of  all  the  divinities,  to  have  the  hair  hanging  down  upon 
both  shoulders.  This  fact  merits  particular  attention,  because 
mutilated  figures  (23)  may  thereby  be  recognized  as  figures  of 
them. 

41.  Children  wore  long  hair  until  the  age  of  puberty,  as  we 
learn  from  various  sources,  and  among  these  Suetonius,  in  the 
passage  where  he  speaks  of  the  five  thousand  Neapolitan  chil- 
dren with  long  hair  whom  Nero  assembled  at  Naples.  Youths 
who  had  attained  this  age  were  accustomed  to  wear  the  hair 
cut  shorter,  especially  behind,  except  the  inhabitants  of  Euboea, 
whom  for  this  reason  Homer  terms  omOev  koixo^vt^  “long- 
haired behind.” 

42.  I cannot,  on  this  occasion,  refrain  from  saying  a few 
words  also  in  regard  to  the  color  of  the  hair,  more  especially 
since  a misconception  in  relation  to  it  has  grown  out  of  several 
passages  in  the  ancient  writers.  Flaxen,  £avQr)  hair,  has  always 
been  considered  the  most  beautiful ; and  hair  of  this  color  has 
been  attributed  to  the  most  beautiful  of  the  gods,  as  Apollo 
and  Bacchus,  not  less  than  to  the  Heroes  (24) ; even  Alexander 
had  flaxen  hair.  I have,  elsewhere,  corrected  the  interpretation 
of  a passage  in  Athenseus  so  as  to  make  it  conform  to  this  idea. 
The  passage  in  question  has  hitherto  been  understood,  even  by 
Francis  Junius,  to  mean  that  Apollo  had  black  hair.  But  a 
note  of  interrogation,  placed  at  the  end  of  it,  entirely  reverses 
its  meaning ; OvS  6 7r OLrjTrjs  [^hp-omS^s]  Aeywv  pva-OKojuau 

vol.  i.  26 


402 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


'AjroWwva  ; “ Did  not  the  poet,  Simonides,  call  him  the  golden- 
haired Apollo]”  Hair  of  this  color  is  also  called  geXi^poo^, 
“honey-colored;”  and  the  remark  of  Lucretius,  Nigra  geX! 
Xpoos  est , “ Honey-colored  is  black,”  is  a confirmation  of  what  I 
have  asserted  above ; for  the  poet,  when  speaking  of  the  false 
flatteries  addressed  to  women,  quotes  one  in  illustration,  namely, 
that  a maiden  with  black  hair  is  called  /xeXixpoos, — thus 
ascribing  to  her  a beauty  which  she  does  not  possess.  More- 
over, the  interpretation  of  Simonides  hitherto  received  is  a 
contradiction  of  the  father  of  poets,  who  does  not  even  once 
mention  hair  of  a black  color. 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


403 


CHAPTER  VI. 

BEAUTY  OF  THE  EXTREMITIES,  BREAST,  AND  ABDOMEN.— 
DRAWING  OF  THE  FIGURES  OF  ANIMALS  BY  GREEK  MASTERS. 

1.  The  beauty  of  form  of  the  other  parts  of  the  figure — ■ 
the  extreme  parts,  hands  and  feet  as  well  as  surfaces  — was 
determined  by  the  ancient  artists,  in  their  works,  with  equal 
regard  to  congruity.  Plutarch  appears  to  show  no  more  knowl- 
edge of  art  on  this  point  than  on  any  other.  He  asserts  that 
the  attention  of  the  ancient  masters  was  exclusively  directed  to 
the  face,  and  that  other  parts  of  the  figure  were  not  elaborated 
with  similar  assiduity.  It  is  not  more  difficult  in  morals,  where 
the  extreme  of  virtue  borders  upon  vice,  to  practise  any  virtue 
within  its  just  limits,  than  it  is  in  art  to  execute  the  extremities, 
by  the  formation  of  which  the  artist  displays  his  knowledge  of 
the  beautiful.  But  time  and  man’s  violence  have  left  few  beau- 
tiful feet,  and  still  fewer  beautiful  hands,  remaining.  The 
hands  of  the  Venus  de’  Medici  (1),  which  have  been  the  occa- 
sion of  exposing  the  ignorance  of  those  who,  criticising  them  as 
antique,  pronounced  them  faulty,  are  modern.  In  this  respect, 
the  Venus  resembles  the  Apollo  Belvedere,  whose  arms  below 
the  elbow  are  also  modern. 

2.  The  beauty  of  a youthful  hand  consists  in  a moderate 
degree  of  plumpness,  and  a scarcely  observable  depression, 
resembling  a soft  shadow,  over  the  articulations  of  the  fingers, 
where,  if  the  hand  is  plump,  there  is  a dimple.  The  fingers 
taper  gently  towards  their  extremities,  like  finely  shaped  col- 
umns ; and,  in  art,  the  articulations  are  not  expressed.  The 
fore  part  of  the  terminating  joint  is  not  bent  over,  nor  are  the 
nails  very  long,  though  both  are  common  in  the  works  of  mod- 
ern sculptors.  Beautiful  hands  are  termed  by  the  poets  hands 
of  Pallas,  and  also  hands  of  Polycletus,  because  this  artist  was 
the  first  to  shape  them  beautifully.  Of  beautiful  hands,  still 
remaining,  on  youthful  male  figures  (2),  there  is  one  on  that  son 


404 


/ HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


of  Niobe  who  lies  prostrate  on  the  earth,  and  another  on  a Mer- 
cury embracing  Herse,  in  the  garden  behind  the  Farnese  palace. 
Of  beautiful  female  hands  (3)  there  are  three,  — one  on  the 
Hermaphrodite  in  the  villa  Borghese,  and  two  on  the  figure  of 
Herse  mentioned  above  : the  latter  furnishes  the  very  rare, 
indeed  the  sole,  instance  in  which  both  hands  have  been  pre- 
served. I am  now  speaking  of  statues  and  figures  of  the  size  of 
life,  not  of  rilievi. 

3.  The  most  beautiful  youthful  legs  and  knees  of  the  male 
sex  are  indisputably,  in  my  opinion,  those  of  the  Apollo  2a vpo- 
ktoVos,  in  the  villa  Borghese,  an  Apollo  with  a swan  at  his  feet, 
in  the  villa  Medici,  a similar  one  in  the  palace  Farnese,  and  a 
Bacchus  in  the  villa  Medici.  The  beautiful  Thetis  in  the  villa 
Albani,  which  I shall  hereafter  describe,  has  the  most  beautiful 
legs  (4)  of  all  the  female  figures  in  Borne.  The  knees  of  youth- 
fuk  figures  are  shaped  in  truthful  imitation  of  the  beauty  that 
exists  in  nature,  where  they  do  not  show  the  cartilages  with 
anatomical  distinctness,  but  are  rounded  with  softness  and 
smoothness,  and  unmarked  by  muscular  movements ; so  that 
the  space  from  the  thigh  to  the  leg  forms  a gentle  and  flowing 
elevation,  unbroken  by  depressions  or  prominences.  Whoever 
has  examined  the  impressions  of  footsteps  on  the  sand,  espe- 
cially that  of  the  sea-shore,  which  is  firm,  will  have  remarked 
that  the  feet  of  women  are  more  arched  in  the  sole,  and  those  of 
men  more  hollowed  at  the  sides. 

4.  That  this  imperfect  notice  of  the  shape  of  a youthful 
knee  may  not  appear  superfluous,  let  the  reader  turn  to  the 
figures  of  a youthful  age,  executed  by  more  modern  artists. 
Few  of  them,  I will  not  say  none,  but  few  of  them  are  to  be 
found  which  show  that  the  natural  beauty  of  this  part  has  been 
observed  and  imitated.  I am  now  speaking  particularly  of  fig- 
ures of  the  male  sex  ; for,  rare  as  beautiful  youthful  knees  are  in 
nature,  they  are  always  still  more  rare  in  art,  — both  in  pictures 
and  statues ; insomuch  that  I cannot  adduce  any  figure  by 
Baphael  as  a model  in  this  particular,  and,  much  less,  by  the 
Caracci  and  their  followers.  Our  painters  may  derive  instruc- 
tion on  this  point  from  the  beautiful  Apollo  of  Mengs,  in  the 
villa  Albani. 

5.  Like  the  knee,  a beautiful  foot  was  more  exposed  to  sight 
among  the  ancients  than  with  us.  The  less  it  was  compressed, 
the  better  was  its  form ; and  from  the  special  remarks  upon  the 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


405 


feet  by  the  ancient  philosophers,  and  from  the  inferences  which 
they  presumed  might  be  drawn  from  them  as  to  the  natural  in- 
clinations, it  appears  that  their  shape  was  the  subject  of  close 
observation.  Hence,  in  descriptions  of  beautiful  persons,  as 
Polyxena  and  Aspasia,  even  their  beautiful  feet  are  mentioned, 
and  history  (5)  notices  the  ugly  feet  of  Domitian.  The  nails 
are  flatter  on  the  feet  of  antique  than  of  modern  statues. 

6.  Having  now  considered  the  beauty  of  the  extremities,  I 
shall  next  touch  upon  that  of  the  surfaces,  namely,  the  breast 
and  abdomen.  A proudly  arched  chest  was  regarded  as  a uni- 
versal attribute  of  .beauty  in  male  figures.  The  father  of  poets 
(6)  describes  Neptune  (7)  with  such  a chest,  and  Agamemnon 
as  resembling  him ; and  such  a one  Anacreon  desired  to  see  in 
the  image  of  the  youth  whom  he  loved. 

7.  The  breast  or  bosom  of  female  figures  is  never  exuberant ; 

and  Banier  is  wrongly  informed,  when  he  says,  in  his  description 
of  the  figure  of  Ceres,  that  she  is  represented  with  large  breasts  ; 
he  must  have  mistaken  a modern  Ceres  for  an  antique.  The 
form  of  the  breasts  in  the  figures  of  divinities  is  virginal  in  the 
extreme,  since  their  beauty,  generally,  was  made  to  consist  in 
the  moderateness  of  their  size.  A stone,  found  in  the  island  of 
Naxos,  was  smoothly  polished,  and  placed  upon  them,  for  the 
purpose  of  repressing  an  undue  development.  Virginal  breasts 
are  likened  by  the  poets  to  a cluster  of  unripe  grapes.  Valerius 
Flaccus,  in  the  following  passage,  alludes  to  their  moderate 
prominence  in  Nymphs  by  the  wTord  obscura  : Crinis  ad  obscu- 

rae  decurrens  cingula  mammae , — “ Hair  falling  to  the  zone  of 
the  gently  swelling  breast.”  On  some  figures  of  Venus,  less 
than  the  size  of  life,  the  breasts  are  compressed,  and  resemble 
hills  whose  summits  run  to  a point ; and  this  form  of  them 
appears  to  have  been  regarded  as  the  most  beautiful.  The 
Ephesian  Diana,  which  I exclude  from  the  figures  of  the  divini- 
ties, is  the  sole  exception  to  these  observations.  Her  breasts 
are  not  only  large  and  full,  but  are  also  many  in  number.  In 
this  instance,  however,  their  form  is  symbolical ; beauty  was 
not  the  object  sought.  Among  ideal  figures,  the  Amazons 
alone  have  large  and  fully  developed  breasts ; even  the  nipples 
are  visible,  because  they  represent,  not  virgins,  but  women  (8). 

8.  The  nipples  are  not  made  visible  on  the  breasts  either  of 
virgins  or  goddesses,  at  least  in  marble ; in  paintings  also,  in 
accordance  with  the  form  of  the  breasts  in  the  purity  and  in- 


406 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIFNT  ART. 


nocence  of  life,  they  should  not  be  prominent.  Now,  as  the 
nipples  are  fully  visible  in  the  figure  of  a supposed  Venus,  of 
the  size  of  life,  In  an  ancient  painting  in  the  palace  Barberini, 
I conclude  from  this  circumstance  that  it  cannot  represent  a 
goddess.  Some  of  the  greatest  modern  artists  are  censurable 
in  this  respect.  Among  them  is  the  celebrated  Domenichino, 
who,  in  a fresco  painted  on  the  ceiling  of  a room  in  the  Costa- 
guti  mansion  at  Rome,  has  represented  Truth,  struggling  to 
escape  from  Time,  with  nipples  which  could  not  be  larger,  more 
prominent,  or  pointed  in  a woman  who  had  suckled  many  chil- 
dren. No  painter  has  depicted  the  virginal  form  of  the  breasts 
better  than  Andrea  del  Sarto ; and  among  other  instances  is 
a half  figure,  crowned  with  flowers,  and  also  holding  some  in 
her  hand  : it  is  in  the  museum  of  the  sculptor  Bartolommeo 
Cavaceppi. 

9.  I cannot  comprehend  how  the  great  artist  of  the  Anti- 
nous,  wrongly  so  termed,  in  the  Belvedere,  happened  to  make  a 
small  incised  circle  about  the  right  nipple,  which  consequently 
appears  as  if  inlaid,  and  as  large  as  the  part  inclosed  within 
the  circle.  It  was  probably  done  for  the  purpose  of  denoting 
the  extent  of  the  glandular  portion  of  the  nipple.  This  sin- 
gularity is  to  be  found  in  no  other  Greek  figure ; moreover,  no 
one  can  possibly  consider  it  a beauty. 

10.  The  abdomen  is,  in  male  figures,  precisely  as  it  would 
appear  in  a man  after  a sweet  sleep,  or  an  easy,  healthful  di- 
gestion,— that  is,  without  prominence,  and  of  that  kind  which 
physiologists  consider  as  an  indication  of  a long  life.  The  navel 
is  quite  deep,  especially  in  female  figures,  in  which  it  sometimes 
has  the  form  of  a bow,  and  sometimes  that  of  a small  half- 
circle, which  is  turned  partly  upward  and  partly  downward. 
There  are  a few  figures  in  which  the  execution  of  this  part  is 
more  beautiful  than  on  the  Venus  de’  Medici,  in  wdiom  it  is 
unusually  deep  and  large. 

11.  Even  the  private  parts  have  their  appropriate  beauty. 
The  left  testicle  is  always  the  larger,  as  it  is  in  nature ; so, 
likewise,  it  has  been  observed  that  the  sight  of  the  left  eye  is 
keener  than  that  of  the  right.  In  a few  figures  of  Apollo  and 
Bacchus,  the  genitals  seem  to  be  cut  out,  so  as  to  leave  an 
excavation  in  their  place,  and  with  a care  which  removes  all 
idea  of  wanton  mutilation.  In  the  case  of  Bacchus,  the  re- 
moval of  these  parts  may  have  a secret  meaning,  inasmuch  as 


ART  AMONG  TER  GREEKS. 


407 


he  was  occasionally  confounded  with  Atys,  and  was  emascu- 
lated like  him.  Since,  on  the  other  hand,  in  the  homage  paid 
to  Bacchus,  Apollo  also  was  worshipped,  the  mutilation  of  the 
same  part  in  figures  of  him  had  precisely  the  same  signification. 
I leave  it  to  the  reader,  and  to  the  seeker  after  beauty,  to  turn 
over  coins,  and  study  particularly  those  parts  which  the  painter 
was  unable  to  represent  to  the  satisfaction  of  Anacreon,  in  the 
picture  of  his  favorite. 

12.  All  the  beauties  here  described,  in  the  figures  of  the  an- 
cients, are  embraced  in  the  immortal  works  of  Antonio  Raphael 
Mengs,  first  painter  to  the  courts  of  Spain  and  Poland,  the 
greatest  artist  of  his  own,  and  probably  of  the  coming  age  also. 
He  arose,  as  it  were,  like  a phoenix  new-born,  out  of  the  ashes 
of  the  first  Raphael  to  teach  the  world  what  beauty  is  contained 
in  art,  and  to  reach  the  highest  point  of  excellence  in  it  to 
which  the  genius  of  man  has  ever  risen.  Though  Germany 
might  well  be  proud  of  the  man  who  enlightened  the  wise  in 
our  fathers’  days,  and  scattered  among  all  nations  the  seeds 
of  universal  science,1  she  still  lacked  the  glory  of  pointing  to 
one  of  her  citizens  as  a restorer  of  art,  and  of  seeing  him  ac- 
knowledged and  admired,  even  in  Rome,  the  home  of  the  arts, 
as  the  German  Raphael. 

13.  To  this  inquiry  into  Beauty  I add  a few  remarks  which 
may  be  serviceable  to  young  beginners,  and  to  travellers,  in 
their  observation  of  Greek  figures.  The  first  is,  — Seek  not  to 
detect  deficiencies  and  imperfections  in  works  of  art,  until  you 
have  previously  learned  to  recognize  and  discover  beauties.  This 
admonition  is  the  fruit  of  experience,  of  noticing  daily  that  the 
beautiful  has  remained  unknown  to  most  observers,  — who  can 
see  the  shape,  but  must  learn  the  higher  qualities  of  it  from 
others, — because  they  wish  to  act  the  critic  before  they  have 
begun  to  be  scholars.  It  is  with  them  as  with  schoolboys,  all 
of  whom  have  wit  enough  to  find  out  their  instructor’s  weak 
point.  Vanity  will  not  allow  them  to  pass  by,  satisfied  with  a 
moderate  gaze ; their  self-complacency  wants  to  be  flattered ; 
hence,  they  endeavor  to  pronounce  a judgment.  But,  as  it  is 
easier  to  assume  a negative  than  an  affirmative  position,  so 
imperfections  are  much  more  easily  observed  and  found  than 
perfections,  and  it  requires  less  effort  and  trouble  to  criticise 
others  than  to  improve  one’s  self.  It  is  the  common  practice, 

1 Leibnitz. 


408 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


on  approaching  a beautiful  statue,  to  praise  its  beauty  in  gen- 
eral terms.  This  is  easy  enough.  But  when  the  eye  has  wan- 
dered over  its  parts  with  an  unsteady,  rambling  look,  discovering 
neither  their  excellence  nor  the  grounds  of  it,  then  it  fixes  upon 
faults.  Of  the  Apollo  it  is  observed,  that  the  knee  bends  in- 
wardly, — though  this  is  a fault  rather  of  the  way  in  which  a 
fracture  was  mended,  than  of  the  artist ; of  the  presumed  An- 
tinoiis  of  the  Belvedere,  that  the  legs  bow  outwardly ; of  the 
Hercules  Farnese,  that  the  head,  of  which  mention  has  been 
made,  is  rather  small.  Herewith,  those  who  wish  to  be  thought 
more  knowing  than  others  relate,  that  it  was  found  in  a well, 
a mile  distant,  and  the  legs  ten  miles  distant  from  the  body,  — 
a fable  wThich  is  accredited  in  more  than  one  work  ; hence,  then, 
it  happens,  that  the  modern  restorations  alone  are  the  subject 
of  observation.  Of  the  same  character  are  the  remarks  made 
by  the  blind  guides  of  travellers  at  Rome,  and  by  the  writers 
of  travels  in  Italy.  Some  few,  on  the  other  hand,  err  through 
unseasonable  caution.  They  wish,  when  viewing  the  works  of 
the  ancients,  to  set  aside  all  opinions  previously  conceived  in 
their  favor.  They  appear  to  have  determined  to  admire  noth- 
ing, because  they  believe  admiration  to  be  an  expression  of 
ignorance  ; and  yet  Plato  says,  that  admiration  is  the  senti- 
ment of  a philosophic  mind,  and  the  avenue  which  leads  to 
philosophy.  But  they  ought  to  approach  the  works  of  Greek 
art  favorably  prepossessed,  rather  than  otherwise;  for,  being 
fully  assured  of  finding  much  that  is  beautiful,  they  will  seek 
for  it,  and  a portion  of  it  will  be  made  visible  to  them.  Let 
them  renew  the  search  until  it  is  found,  for  it  is  there. 

14.  My  second  caution  is,  — Be  not  governed  in  your  opin- 
ion by  the  judgment  of  the  profession,  which  generally  prefers 
what  is  difficult  to  what  is  beautiful.  This  piece  of  advice  is 
not  less  useful  than  the  foregoing,  because  inferior  artists,  who 
value,  not  the  knowledge,  but  only  the  workmanship,  displayed, 
commonly  decide  in  this  way.  This  error  in  judgment  has  had 
a very  unfavorable  effect  upon  art  itself ; and  hence  it  is,  that, 
in  modern  times,  the  beautiful  has  been,  as  it  were,  banished 
from  it.  For  by  such  pedantic,  stupid  artists  — partly  because 
they  were  incapable  of  feeling  the  beautiful,  and  partly  because 
incapable  of  representing  it  — have  been  introduced  the  nu- 
merous and  exaggerated  foreshortenings  in  paintings  on  plain 
and  vaulted  ceilings.  This  style  of  painting  has  become  so 


ART  AMONG  TER  GREENS. 


409 


peculiar  to  these  places,  that,  if,  in  a picture  executed  on  either, 
all  the  figures  do  not  appear  as  if  viewed  from  beneath,  it  is 
thought  to  indicate  a want  of  skill  in  the  artist.  In  conformity 
to  this  corrupted  taste,  the  two  oval  paintings  on  the  ceiling  of 
the  gallery  in  the  villa  Albani  are  preferred  to  the  principal  and 
more  central  piece,  — all  three  by  the  same  great  artist,1  — 
as  he  himself  foresaw  while  engaged  upon  the  work ; and  yet, 
in  the  foreshortenings,  and  the  arrangement  of  the  drapery  after 
the  manner  of  the  modern  and  the  ecclesiastical  style,  he  was 
willing  to  cater  to  the  taste  of  minds  of  a coarser  grade.  An 
amateur  will  decide  precisely  in  the  same  way,  if  he  wish  to 
avoid  the  imputation  of  singularity,  and  escape  contradiction. 
The  artist  who  seeks  the  approbation  of  the  multitude  chooses 
this  style,  probably  because  he  believes  that  there  is  more  skill 
shown  in  drilling  a net  in  stone  2 than  in  producing  a figure  of 
correct  design. 

15.  In  the  third  place,  the  observer  should  discriminate,  as 
the  ancient  artists  apparently  did,  between  what  is  essential 
and  what  is  only  accessory  in  the  drawing,  — partly  that  he 
may  avoid  the  expression  of  an  incorrect  judgment,  in  censuring 
what  is  not  deserving  of  examination,  and  partly  that  his  atten- 
tion may  be  exclusively  directed  to  the  true  purpose  of  the 
design.  The  slight  regard,  paid  by  the  ancient  artists  to  ob- 
jects which  were  seemingly  not  within  their  province,  is  shown, 
for  instance,  by  the  painted  vases,  on  which  the  chair  of  a 
seated  figure  is  indicated  simply  by  a bar  placed  horizontally. 
But,  though  the  artist  did  not  trouble  himself  as  to  the  way  in 
which  a figure  should  be  represented  sitting,  still,  in  the  figure 
itself,  he  displays  all  the  skill  of  an  accomplished  master.  In 
making  this  remark,  I do  not  wish  to  excuse  what  is  actually 
ordinary,  or  bad,  in  the  works  of  the  ancients.  But  if,  in  any 
one  work,  the  principal  figure  is  admirably  beautiful,  and  the 
adjunct,  or  assigned  emblem  or  attribute,  is  far  inferior  to  it, 
then  I believe  we  may  conclude  from  this  circumstance  that  the 

1 Antonio  Raphael  Mengs. 

2 Winckelmann,  in  this  passage,  undoubtedly  refers  to  a statue  envel- 
oped in  a net,  in  the  church  of  Santa  Maria  della  Pieta,  at  Naples.  The 
subject  is  Vice  undeceived : a man  is  represented  struggling  in  a net, 
and  striving  to  escape  from  it.  The  work  is  a very  remarkable  one  for 
the  patient  industry  which  it  proves,  as  the  net  is  almost  entirely  de- 
tached, touching  the  figure  itself  only  in  a few  points.  It  was  executed 
by  Guccirolo.  — Tr. 


410 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


part  which  is  deficient  in  form  and  workmanship  was  regarded 
as  an  accessory,  or  Parergon , as  it  was  also  termed  by  artists. 
For  these  accessories  are  not  to  be  viewed  in  the  same  light  as 
the  episodes  of  a poem,  or  the  speeches  in  history,  in  which  the 
poet  and  historian  have  displayed  their  utmost  skill. 

16.  It  is,  therefore,  requisite  to  judge  mildly,  in  criticising 
the  swan  at  the  feet  of  the  above-mentioned  beautiful  Apollo  in 
the  villa  Medici,  since  it  resembles  a goose  more  than  a swan. 
I will  not,  however,  from  this  instance,  establish  a rule  in  regard 
to  all  accessories,  because  in  so  doing  I should  at  the  same  time 
contradict  the  express  statements  of  ancient  writers,  and  the 
evidence  of  facts.  For  the  loops  of  the  smallest  cords  are  indi- 
cated on  the  apron  of  many  figures  clothed  in  armor.  Indeed, 
there  are  feet,  on  which  the  stitching  between  the  upper  and 
under  soles  of  the  sandal  is  executed  so  as  to  resemble  the 
finest  pearls.  We  know,  moreover,  in  respect  to  statues  which 
once  existed,  that  the  least  details  about  the  Jupiter  of  Phidias 
were  finished  with  the  utmost  nicety,  also  how  much  industry 
Protogenes  lavished  upon  the  partridge  in  his  picture  of  Ialysus, 
— - to  say  nothing  of  numerous  other  works. 

17.  In  the  fourth  place,  if  they  who  have  had  no  opportu- 
nity of  viewing  antique  works  should  see,  in  drawings  and 
engravings  of  them,  parts  of  the  figures  manifestly  ill-shaped, 
let  them  not  find  fault  with  the  ancient  artists  ; they  may  be 
assured  that  such  deformities  are  to  be  attributed  either  to  the 
engraver,  or  to  the  sculptor  who  repaired  them.  Occasionally, 
both  are  in  fault.  In  making  this  remark,  I have  in  mind  the 
engravings  of  the  statues  in  the  Giustiniani  gallery,  all  of  which 
were  repaired  by  the  most  unskilful  workmen,  and  those  parts 
which  were  really  antique  copied  by  artists  who  had  no  relish 
for  antiquity.  Taught  by  experience  like  this,  I am  governed 
accordingly  in  my  judgment  of  the  bad  legs  of  a beautiful 
statue  of  Bacchus  leaning  upon  a young  Satyr,  which  stands  in 
the  library  of  San  Marco,  at  Yenice.  Although  I have  not  yet 
seen  it,  I am  convinced  that  the  faulty  portion  of  it  is  a modern 
addition. 

18.  In  this  section  on  the  essential  of  Greek  art,  — all  that 
ralates  to  the  drawing  of  the  human  figure  being  concluded,  — 
I have  a few  remarks  on  the  representation  of  animals  to  add  to 
those  which  I have  already  made  in  the  second  chapter  of  this 
book.  It  was  not  less  an  object  with  the  ancient  Greek  artists 


ART  AMONG  THE  GREEKS. 


411 


than  with  the  philosophers,  to  investigate  and  understand  the 
nature  of  beasts.  Several  of  the  former  sought  to  distinguish 
themselves  by  their  figures  of  animals  : Calamis,  for  instance, 
by  his  horses  ; Nicias,  (9)  by  his  dogs.  The  Cow  of  Myron  is, 
indeed,  more  famed  than  any  of  his  other  works,  and  has  been 
celebrated  in  song  by  many  poets,  w'hose  inscriptions  still  re- 
main ; a dog,  by  this  same  artist,  was  also  famous,  as  w^ell  as  a 
calf  by  Menaechmus.  We  find  that  the  ancient  artists  executed 
animals  after  life  ; and  when  Pasiteles  made  a figure  of  a lion, 
he  had  the  living  animal  before  his  eyes. 

19.  Figures  of  lions  and  horses  of  uncommon  beauty  have 
been  preserved ; some  are  detached,  and  some  in  rilievo  ; others 
are  on  coins  and  engraved  gems.  The  sitting  lion,  of  white 
marble,  larger  than  life,  which  once  stood  on  the  Piraeus,  at 
Athens,  and  is  now  in  front  of  the  gate  of  the  arsenal  at  Venice, 
is  justly  reckoned  among  the  superior  works  of  art.  The 
standing  lion  in  the  palace  Barberini,  likewise  larger  than  life, 
and  which  was  taken  from  a tomb,  exhibits  this  king  of  beasts 
in  all  his  formidable  majesty.  How  beautiful  are  the  draw- 
ing and  impression  of  the  lions  on  coins  of  the  city  of  Velia ! 
It  is  asserted,  however,  even  by  those  who  have  seen  and  ex- 
amined more  than  one  specimen  of  the  living  lion,  that  there  is 
a certain  ideal  character  in  the  ancient  figures  of  this  animal,  in 
which  they  differ  from  the  living  reality. 

20.  In  the  representation  of  horses,  the  ancient  artists  are 
not,  perhaps,  surpassed  by  the  moderns,  as  Du  Bos  maintains, 
on  the  assumption  that  the  Greek  and  Italian  horses  are  not  so 
handsome  as  the  English.  It  is  not  to  be  denied,  that  a better 
stock  has  been  produced  by  crossing  the  mares  of  England  and 
Naples  with  the  Spanish  stallion,  and  that  the  breed  of  the  animal 
in  these  countries  has  been  very  much  improved  by  this  means. 
This  is  also  true  of  other  countries.  In  some,  however,  a con- 
trary result  has  happened.  The  German  horses,  which  Caesar 
found  very  bad,  are  now  very  good  ; and  those  of  France,  which 
were  prized  in  his  time,  are  at  present  the  worst  in  all  Europe. 
The  ancients  were  unacquainted  with  the  beautiful  breed  of 
Danish  horses ; the  English,  also,  were  unknown  to  them.  But 
they  had  those  of  Cappadocia  and  Epirus,  the  noblest  of  all 
races,  the  Persian,  Achaean,  Thessalian,  Sicilian,  Etruscan,  and 
Celtic  or  Spanish.  Hippias  in  Plato  says,  “ The  finest  breeds 
of  horses  belong  to  us.”  The  writer  above  mentioned  also 


412 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART . 


evinces  a very  superficial  judgment,  when  he  seeks  to  maintain 
the  foregoing  assertion  by  adducing  certain  defects  in  the  horse 
of  Marcus  Aurelius.  Now  this  statue  has  naturally  suffered, 
having  been  thrown  down  and  buried  in  rubbish.  As  regards 
the  horses  on  Monte  Cavallo,  I must  plainly  contradict  him ; 
the  portions  which  are  antique  are  not  faulty. 

21.  But,  even  if  Grecian  art  had  left  us  no  other  specimens 
of  horses  than  those  just  mentioned,  we  might  presume  — since 
a thousand  statues  on  and  with  horses  were  made  anciently 
where  one  is  made  in  modern  days  — that  the  ancient  artists 
knew  the  points  of  a fine  horse  as  well  as  the  ancient  writers 
and  poets  did,  and  that  Calamis  had  as  much  discernment  of 
the  good  qualities  and  beauties  of  the  animal  as  Horace  and 
Virgil,  who  describe  them.  It  seems  to  me,  that  the  two  horses 
on  Monte  Cavallo  at  Rome,  the  four  of  bronze  over  the  porch 
of  St.  Mark’s  church  at  Venice,  may  be  considered  beautiful  of 
the  kind ; and  there  cannot  exist  in  nature  a head  more  finely 
shaped,  or  more  spirited,  "than  that  of  the  horse  of  Marcus 
Aurelius.  The  four  horses  of  bronze,  attached  to  the  car  which 
stood  on  the  theatre  at  Herculaneum,  were  beautiful,  but  of  a 
light  breed,  like  the  Barbary  horses.  One  entire  horse  has  been 
composed  from  the  fragments  of  the  four,  and  is  to  be  seen  in 
the  court-yard  of  the  royal  museum  at  Portici.  Two  other 
bronze  horses,  of  a small  size,  also  in  this  museum,  may  be 
mentioned  among  its  greatest  rarities.  The  first  one,  with  its 
rider,  was  found  in  Herculaneum,  May,  1761 ; all  four  of  its 
legs,  however,  were  wanting,  as  were  also  the  legs  and  right 
arm  of  the  rider.  It  stands  on  its  original  base,  which  is  inlaid 
with  silver.  The  horse  is  two  Neapolitan  palms  in  length  (20J 
in.  Eng.) ; he  is  represented  on  a gallop,  and  is  supported  by  a 
ship’s  rudder.  The  eyes,  a rosette  on  the  frontal,  and  a head 
of  Medusa  on  the  breastband,  are  of  silver.  The  reins  them- 
selves are  of  copper.  The  figure  on  the  horse,  which  resembles 
Alexander  the  Great,  also  has  eyes  of  silver,  and  its  cloak  is 
fastened  together,  over  the  right  shoulder,  by  a silver  hook. 
The  left  hand  holds  the  sheath  (10)  of  a sword ; the  sword, 
therefore,  must  have  been  in  the  right  hand  (11),  which  is 
wanting.  The  conformation  resembles  that  of  Alexander  in 
every  respect,  and  a diadem  encircles  the  head.  It  is  one 
Roman  palm  and  ten  inches  (16J  in.  Eng.)  high,  from  the  ped- 
estal. The  second  horse  was,  likewise,  mutilated,  and  without 


ART  AMONG  TER  GREEKS. 


413 


a rider.  Both  these  horses  are  of  the  most  beautiful  shape,  and 
executed  in  the  best  manner.  Since  then,  a horse  of  similar 
size,  together  with  an  equestrian  Amazon,  has  been  discovered 
in  Herculaneum.  The  breast  of  the  horse,  which  is  in  the  act 
of  springing,  rested  upon  a Hermes.  The  horses  on  some  Syra- 
cusan and  other  coins  are  beautifully  drawn ; and  the  artist 
who  placed  the  first  three  letters,  MI®,  of  his  name  under  a 
horse’s  head  on  a carnelian  of  the  Stosch  museum  was  confident 
of  his  own  knowledge,  and  the  approbation  of  connoisseurs. 

22.  I will  take  this  occasion  to  repeat  a remark  which  I have 
made  elsewhere, — that  the  ancient  artists  were  not  more 
agreed  as  to  the  action  of  horses,  that  is  to  say,  as  to  the  man- 
ner and  succession  in  which  the  legs  are  lifted,  than  certain 
modern  writers  are,  who  have  touched  upon  this  point.  Some 
maintain  that  the  two  legs  of  the  same  side  are  lifted  at  the 
same  time.  This  is  the  gait  of  the  four  antique  horses  at 
Venice,  of  the  horses  of  Castor  and  Pollux,  on  the  Campidoglio, 
and  of  those  of  Nonius  Balbus  and  his  son,  at  Portici.  Others 
are  positive  that  their  movement  is  diagonal,  or  crosswise,-— 
that  is  to  say,  that  they  lift  the  left  hind-foot  after  the  right 
fore-foot ; and  this  assertion  they  ground  on  observation,  and 
the  laws  of  mechanics.  In  this  way  are  disposed  the  feet  of  the 
horse  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  of  the  four  horses  attached  to  the 
chariot  of  this  emperor  in  a rilievo,  and  of  those  which  are  on 
the  arch  of  Titus. 

23.  Besides  these,  there  are  in  Home  several  other  animals, 
executed  by  Greek  artists  in  marble  and  on  hard  stone.  In  the 
villa  Negroni  is  a beautiful  tiger  (12),  in  basalt,  on  which  is 
mounted  one  of  the  loveliest  children,  in  marble.  A large  and 
beautiful  sitting  dog  (13),  of  marble,  was  carried  a few  years 
ago  to  England.  It  was  probably  executed  by  Leucon,  who  was 
celebrated  for  his  dogs.  The  head  of  the  well-known  goat  (14) 
in  the  palace  Giustiniani,  which  is  the  most  important  part  of 
the  animal,  is  modern  (15). 

24.  I am  well  aware  that,  in  this  treatise  on  the  drawing  of 
the  nude  figure  by  Greek  artists,  the  subject  is  not  exhausted. 
But  I believe  that  I have  discovered  the  right  end  of  the  clew, 
which  others  can  seize,  and  safely  follow.  No  place  can  com- 
pare with  Borne  in  the  abundance  of  its  facilities  for  verifying 
and  applying  the  observations  which  I have  offered.  But  it  is 
impossible  for  any  one  to  form  a correct  opinion  in  regard  to 


414 


HISTORY  OF  ANCIENT  ART. 


them,  or  to  obtain  all  the  benefit  which  they  are  capable  of 
yielding,  in  a hasty  visit.  For  the  impressions  first  received 
may  not  seem  to  conform  to  the  author’s  ideas ; yet,  by  oft-re- 
peated observation,  they  will  approximate  more  and  more  nearly 
to  them,  and  confirm  the  experience  of  many  years,  and  the 
mature  reflections,  embodied  in  this  treatise. 


NOTES. 


NOTES. 


The  authors  of  the  notes  are  designated  by  the  following  signatures:  W., 
Winckelmann;  Germ.  Ed.,  the  German  Editor,  Meyer;  L.,  Lessing;  A.,  Amo- 
retti,  author  of  an  Italian  translation;  F.,  Fea,  also  an  Italian  translator;  D., 
Desmarest ; S.,  Siebelis ; E.,  Eschenburg. 


PREFACE  TO  HISTORY  OF  ART. 

1.  Afterwards  explained  by  the  author  as  Electra  and  Orestes.  — 
Germ.  Ed. 

2.  Baldinucci,  Vila  di  Bernini , p.  72.  Bernini,  Vita  del  Can.  Bernini, 
cap.  2,  p.  13.  Bernini  may,  perhaps,  have  esteemed  too  highly  a frag- 
ment of  a group  known  by  the  name  of  Pasquino,  at  the  corner  of  the 
Corsini  palace,  in  Rome.  But  it  is  unquestionably  an  admirable  work, 
worthy  of  a Greek  master.  There  are  several  ancient  repetitions  of  this 
work  extant.  According  to  Visconti  ( Mus . Pio-Clem.,  Tom.  VI.  pp.  21- 
31),  this  torso,  as  well  as  other  similar  groups,  represents  Menelaus  hold- 
ing in  his  arms  the  dead  body  of  Patroclus.  — Germ.  Ed. 

3.  The  wound  in  the  right  thigh,  and  the  consternation  expressed  on 
the  face  and  in  the  whole  figure,  render  it  highly  probable  that  this 
statue  represents  Adonis,  wounded  by  a boar,  as  Visconti  (Mus.  Pio- 
Clem.,  Plate  31)  also  maintains.  — F. 


PREFACE  TO  NOTES  ON  THE  HISTORY  OF  ART. 

1.  Winckelmann  has  made  a mistake  here,  or  rather  a clerical  error. 
It  is  scarcely  possible  that  he  did  not  know  that  the  Marcus  (not  Quin- 
tus) Curtius  in  the  Borghese  villa  is  a modern  figure,  — by 'Bernini,  it  is 
said ; only  the  plunging  horse  on  which  he  sits  is  antique,  and  of  admir- 
able workmanship.  (Sculture  della  Villa  Borghese,  Tom.  I.  Stanza  I. 
No.  18.)  — Germ.  Ed. 

2.  This  work  represents  not  the  death  of  Agamemnon,  but  the  ven- 
geance inflicted  by  Orestes  on  iEgistheus  and  Clytemnestra,  on  account 
of  the  murder  of  Agamemnon.  — Germ.  Ed. 

27 


VOL.  I. 


418 


NOTES . 


BOOK  I. 

CHAPTER  I. 

1.  Gerh.  Voss.  Instil.  Poet.,  lib.  1,  p.  31. 

In  Mesopotamia  there  were  images  of  the  gods  from  the  time  of  Abra- 
ham. (Joshua  xxiv.  14.)  Jacob  commanded  his  family  to  put  away  all 
images  of  the  gods.  (Gen.  xxxv.  2.)  Rachel  stole  the  idols  from  Laban, 
her  fatner.  (Gen.  xxxi.  19.)  — F. 

2.  Not  all  the  obelisks  in  Rome  were  erected  in  Egypt  by  Sesostris. 
Pliny  (lib.  36,  cap.  9,  sect.  14,  n.  5),  at  least,  mentions  only  a single  obe- 
lisk set  up  by  Sesostris,  which  was  afterwards  erected  in  the  Campus 
Martius,  whether  by  Augustus,  as  Fea  maintains,  or  not,  we  are  un- 
able to  determine.  Pliny  certainly  does  not  expressly  assert  it.  — F. 
and  Germ.  Ed. 

3.  Psalm  cxxxv.  16  speaks  only  of  a head ; but  in  Psalm  cxv.  4-7, 
hands  and  feet  of  figures  of  gods  are  mentioned. — F. 

4.  Scylac.  Peripl.,  p.  50,  seq.  Suid.,  v.  eppa.  The  name  Hermes,  Mer- 
cury, to  whom  such  stones,  it  is  pretended,  were  first  erected,  would,  even 
according  to  its  derivation  in  Plato  ( CratyL,  p.  408,  B),  have  no  applica- 
tion to  those.  — W. 

Tzetzes  ( Chiliad . 13,  Hist.  429,  v.  593)  says  that  every  statue  was 
termed  Hermes.  — F. 

’Avdpias  Havdiovos,  in  Aristophanes  ( Pac .,  v.  1183),  was  a Hermes  of 
this  kind,  and  one  of  twelve  at  Athens  on  which  were  suspended  the 
rolls  of  soldiers ; it  cannot,  therefore,  signify  a column,  as  the  translators 
have  rendered  it.  — W. 

The  Hermes  by  which  Mercury  was  originally  represented,  probably 
owes  its  shape  to  some  mystic  allusion,  as  also  Macrobius  ( Saturnal.,  lib. 
1,  c.  19),  Suidas  (v.  eppa),  and  Codinus  (lib.  100,  cap.  29)  maintain.  Or 
its  form  may  depend  on  the  fable  which  relates  that  the  hands  and  feet 
of  the  god  were  cut  off,  whilst  he  was  sleeping,  as  Servius  (Ad  Virgil. 
Hdn.,  lib.  8,  v.  138)  cites,  and  as  he  is  found  represented  on  a marble 
wrought  in  mosaic.  According  to  Pausanias  (lib.  4,  cap.  33),  the  Athe- 
nians were  the  first  to  give  to  the  Hermes  a quadrate  form.  Cicero  (Ad 
Attic.,  lib.  1,  epist.  8)  mentions  some  Hermae  of  which  the  trunk  or  shaft 
was  of  Pentelic  marble,  and  the  heads  of  bronze.  A Hermes  terminat- 
ing in  a lion’s  paw  may  be  seen  among  the  Pictures  of  Herculaneum  (Tom. 
IV  p.  5).— A.  and  F. 

In  the  Notes  on  the  History  of  Art,  Winckelmann  makes  the  following 
remarks  upon  the  Palladium,  as  one  of  the  oldest  figures  known  to  us  : 
“ It  was,  as  Suidas  and  others  relate,  of  wood,  and,  according  to  Apollo- 
dorus  (Bill.,  lib.  3,  p.  20),  four  feet  and  a half  high,  if,  as  Hesychius 
states^  a 7 ttixvs  is  to  be  reckoned  as  a measure  of  a foot  and  a half.  If 
the  said  Palladium  should  have  been,  as  it  seems,  the  figure  upon  whose 
knees  Theano,  wife  of  Antenor,  and  priestess  of  the  same  Pallas,  placed 
a robe  (Homer,  IA..  (.  v.  303),  then,  if  we  take  the  verbal  meaning  of  the 
passage,  it  must  have  been  represented,  not  in  a standing,  but  in  a sitting 
position.  But  the  more  ancient  Greeks,  and  their  artists  of  the  best 


NOTES. 


419 


periods,  have  either  distinguished  this  latter  Pallas  from  the  Palladium, 
or  they  have  understood  the  phrase  ini  y ovvaaiv  not  verbally,  as  a placing 
on  the  knees , but  to  mean  that  Theano  placed  her  peplon  at  the  feet  of  the 
goddess,  — as  it  certainly  can  be  explained.  The  Pallas  on  a fragment 
of  one  of  the  most  beautiful  of  the  ancient  rilievi,  in  the  museum  of  the 
author,  in  which  Ajax  is  striving  to  engage  the  love  of  Cassandra,  is 
represented  standing,  like  the  Palladium,  on  engraved  gems,  in  the  hand 
of  Diomedes.  On  another  beautiful  work  in  the  arches  under  the  palace 
of  the  Borghese  villa,  exhibiting  not  the  love,  but  rather  the  violence  of 
Ajax  towards  Cassandra,  we  see  this  Pallas,  similar  to  the  Palladium  on 
engraved  gems,  in  form  of  a Hermes  or  Terminus,  and,  like  that  figure 
and  all  others  prior  to  the  time  of  Daedalus,  standing  with  closed  feet, 
noal  (rvgfiifiriKos,  as  low  as  which  a garment  is  signified.  She  holds  her 
right  hand  before  her  breast,  upon  her  aegis,  and  a spear  in  her  left,  dif- 
fering in  this  respect  from  the  Palladium,  in  whose  right  hand  authors 
place  a spear,  and  in  the  left  a spindle  (Apoll.,  lib.  100 ; Tzetzes  in  Lycoph., 
v.  363) ; so,  too,  another  very  ancient  statue  of  this  goddess  at  Erythrae, 
in  Achaia,  likewise  holds  a spindle,  and  bears  on  its  head  a ball.  (Pau- 
san.,  lib.  7,  p.  534.)  ” — Germ.  Ed. 

5.  Clemens  Alexandrinus  ( Cohortat.  ad  Gent.,  no.  2,  p.  13),  whom 
Eusebius  quotes,  makes  no  mention  whatever  of  this  triangle.  That  it 
was  a figure  of  mysterious  import  among  the  Egyptians,  Plutarch  (De 
Is.  et  Os.,  p.  373)  testifies,  and  Caylus  also  ( Recueil  d’ Antiquit.,  Tom.  II., 
Antiq.  Egypt.,  p.  11)  remarks.  Of  the  Hernias,  or  rather  of  the  simple, 
somewhat  regular  or  four-sided  stones  which  Sesostris  caused  to  be 
placed  as  boundary  stones  in  the  countries  conquered  by  him  during  his 
campaign  in  Asia,  Diodorus  Siculus  (lib.  1,  § 55)  relates,  that  male  sex- 
ual parts  were  given  to  some  of  them,  in  order  to  indicate  the  warlike 
and  brave  of  the  nations  subdued  by  him ; and,  on  the  contrary,  female 
parts  to  others,  to  denote  the  cowardly  and  contemptible.  Herodo- 
tus (lib.  2,  cap.  102)  testifies  to  the  latter,  and  says  (lib.  2,  cap.  106) 
that  Hennas  with  female  sexual  parts  were  found  in  Syria  even  in  his 
time.  — F. 

6.  Saturn  and  Serapis  were  not  divinities  of  Greek  origin.  Tacitus 
(Hist.,  lib.  4,  cap.  81),  Plutarch  (De  Is.  et  Os.,  p.  361),  Clemens  Alexan- 
drinus (Cohort,  ad  Gent.,  no.  4, p.  42),  Macrobius  (lib.  100),  Origen  ( Contra 
Cels.,  lib.  5,  no.  28,  p.  607),  and  others,  assert  unanimously  that  the  Egyp- 
tians were  adverse  to  the  divinities  introduced  by  the  Ptolemies,  and  did 
not  in  any  way  blend  their  own  deities  and  sacred  usages  with  those  of 
the  Greeks.  — F. 

7.  I here  term  Egyptian,  not  those  works  executed  by  their  ancient 
artists,  but  those  which  were  wrought  in  later  times,  perhaps  in  the  third 
or  fourth  century  of  the  Christian  era,  and  mostly  in  greenish  basalt, 
and  those  which  are  marked  with  symbolic  signs,  and  divinities,  of  the 
Egyptians.  — W. 

8.  Inscriptions  are  also  found  on  the  figure  itself.  A small  statue  of 
Isis,  of  wood,  in  Caylus  ( Rec . d’ Antiq.,  Tom.  V.,  Antiq.  Egypt.,  PI.  II.,  no. 
1,  2),  has  writing  over  the  whole  robe,  from  the  middle  of  the  body  to 
the  feet.  In  the  museum  of  the  Borgia  family,  in  Yelletri,  several  very 
ancient  Egyptian  images  of  deities  are  found  in  hard  stones,  porcelain, 
and  sycamore,  which  show  hieroglyphs  graven  into  or  painted  on  the 


420 


NOTES. 


figure.  Mention  is  made  by  Guasco  [Be  [’Usage  des  Stat.,  ch.  10,  p.  296, 
ch.  12,  p.  323)  of  similar  statues.  There  is  writing  on  the  body  of  the 
very  ancient  Sphinx,  of  bronze.  (Cayl.,  Tom.  I.  PI.  XIII.  p.  44.  Fea, 
Tom.  I.  p.  60.)  — F. 

9.  Needham  even  published  an  explanation  of  these  signs,  which  had 
been  palmed  off  on  him  by  a Chinese  in  Rome,  who  had  no  more  knowl- 
edge of  his  own  language  than  other  young  persons  of  that  country  who 
are  educated  at  Naples,  in  a college  founded  for  them ; and  not  one  of 
them  knows  the  writing  which  is  seen  on  Chinese  utensils,  fabrics,  &c., 
because,  as  they  say,  it  is  the  language  of  the  learned.  For  as  these  are 
children  whom  their  parents  have  exposed,  and  whom  the  missionaries 
have  sought  out,  rescued  from  death,  brought  up,  and  sent  out  to  this 
country  as  soon  as  they  were  sufficiently  old,  they  of  course  acquire  only 
a moderate  knowledge  of  their  own  language.  — W. 

The  Chinaman  of  whom  Needham  made  inquiries  was  the  predecessor 
of  Winckelmann  in  the  Vatican  library,  and  knew  many  Chinese  words ; 
but  in  the  present  case  he  was  manifestly  a deceiver.  Having,  probably, 
been  informed  of  the  hot  dispute  which  had  arisen  among  the  learned  in 
regard  to  the  age  and  originality  of  the  Chinese  and  Egyptian  people,  he 
wrote  — in  order  to  favor  his  own  nation,  and  to  show  that  the  Chinese 
language  was  one  and  the  same  with  the  ancient  Egyptian  — on  some 
Chinese  manuscripts  in  the  Vatican  library  the  signs  and  characters 
which,  as  he  knew,  are  found  on  the  Turin  head.  — F. 

10.  Lib.  14,  p.  948.  Tyrwhitt  wishes  to  read  2 vS-ra  epya  or  2/f07ra8eta 
epya,  and  Favorinus  explains  tncoAm  by  avlaa,  SvaKoAa,  dvaxeP'n>  unequal , 
disagreeable,  harsh.  — S. 

11.  Casaubon  did  not  translate  Strabo;  he  occupied  himself  solely 
with  a critical  examination  of  the  text,  without  giving  any  heed  to  the 
faults  of  translation.  — F. 


CHAPTER  II. 

1 The  most  ancient  artists  wrought  also  in  pitch.  Hercules,  having 
given  burial  to  Icarus,  the  son  of  Daedalus,  the  artist,  from  gratitude, 
made  a statue  in  pitch  of  the  hero.  ( Apollod.,  lib.  2,  cap.  6,  n.  4. ) Yet 
Pausanias  (lib.  9,  cap.  11)  says  of  this  same  statue,  that  it  was  made  of 
wood.  Junius  also  forgets  pitch  (lib.  3,  cap.  9)  when  he  enumerates  the 
several  materials  of  ancient  statues.  — L. 

2.  Pausan.,  lib.  1,  cap.  3.  Ceramicus  was  the  name  of  a street  in 
Athens,  in  which  this  porch  and  others  were  situated.  The  particular 
porch  so  called  took  its  name,  not  from  the  works  in  clay  Avith  which  it 
was  adorned,  but  from  Ceramicus,  son  of  Bacchus  and  Ariadne.  Pliny 
(lib.  35,  cap.  12,  sect.  45)  derives  the  name  from  the  workshop  of  Chal- 
kosthenes,  a worker  in  clay,  which  was  located  there.  Yet  another  place 
of  the  same  name,  on  the  outside  of  Athens  (Cic.,  De  Leg.,  lib.  2,  cap. 
36),  was  devoted  as  a burial-spot  for  those  who  had  fallen  in  battle. 
(Meurs.,  Ceramicus  Geminus,  Oper.,  Tom.  I.  cap.  1,  p.  466.)  F. 


NOTES. 


421 


It  should  read,  “On  the  roof  of  the  royal  porch  in  the  Cerami- 
cus.” — S. 

3.  Vermilion  was  used  (Plin.,  lib.  33,  cap.  7,  sect.  36),  because  it  was  a 
lively  and  very  favorite  color.  — F. 

4.  Della  Valle,  Viagg .,  Parte  III.  Lett.  1,  § 7,  p.  37 ; § 13,  p.  72. 

Among  the  Ethiopians,  not  only  the  deities  were  painted  with  ver- 
milion, but  also  the  chief  men  of  the  nation  painted  themselves  with  it. 
(Plin.,  lib.  33,  cap.  7,  sect.  36.)  The  Egyptians,  likewise,  occasionally 
painted  the  images  of  their  divinities  with  such  a color,  as  we  see  by  a 
painting  in  the  Museo  Herculaneo  (Tom.  IV.  tav.  52),  and  find  confirmed 
in  the  Museo  Borgiano.  In  Rome,  the  practice  of  painting  the  statues  of 
the  divinities  continued  even  to  the  time  of  Arnobius.  ( Contra  Gent.,  lib. 
6,  p.  196.)  — F. 

5.  In  one  of  these  frieze  ornaments,  which  represents  a woman  hold- 
ing a cista  mystica,  “ a mystic  box,”  and  which  belonged  to  the  Abbe  Vis- 
conti, we  see  three  holes ; the  fourth  is  wanting,  because  the  fragment  is 
somewhat  mutilated.  The  number  of  the  holes,  as  well  as  their  form, 
shows  clearly  that  they  were  intended  for  the  nails  by  which  the  bas- 
reliefs  were  fastened  to  the  wall.  Besides,  these  heavy  models,  wrought 
from  clay,  could  not  have  been  supported  by  a cord  in  the  workshop  of 
the  artist.  — F. 

6.  Pausan.,  lib.  6,  cap.  18.  Praxidamas,  of  JEgina,  who  conquered  in 
boxing,  in  the  fifty-ninth  Olympiad,  and  Rhexibius,  an  Opuntian,  who, 
in  the  sixty-first,  obtained  the  victory  among  the  Pancratiasts,  caused 
statues  to  be  erected  to  themselves  in  Olympia,  as  the  prize  combatants. 
They  were  made  of  wood,  — that  of  Praxidamas  being  of  cypress,  and 
that  of  Rhexibius  of  fig-wood.  — Germ.  Ed. 

7.  For  this  reason,  Clement  of  Alexandria*  includes  Diagoras  among 
the  wisest  men  of  antiquity,  because  he  showed  by  such  an  act  the  sound- 
ness of  his  judgment  in  regard  to  the  images  and  deities  of  antiquity ; 
and  he  is  very  much  astonished  that  any  one  should  number  him  among 
atheists.  According  to  this  writer,  the  image  must  have  been  small,  as 
Diagoras  took  it  in  his  hands,  with  the  words  that  he  would  do  with  it  as 
Euristheus  did  with  one  of  the  same  kind.  — F. 

Pausanias,  especially  in  his  second  book,  speaks  of  many  other  statues 
and  images  of  wood  which  were  still  in  existence  in  his  day,  and  among 
them  of  a very  ancient  figure  of  Apollo  Lycius,  which  was  made  by 
Attalus,  the  Athenian,  and  which,  with  a temple,  was  dedicated  by 
Danaus  to  the  god  at  Argos,  at  the  same  time.  (Cap.  19.)  He  is,  more- 
over, of  the  opinion,  that  all  images  of  the  earliest  periods,  and  particu- 
larly the  Egyptian,  were  of  wood.  In  Rome  as  well  as  throughout  Italy, 
artists  continued  to  make  statues  of  the  gods  in  wood,  even  after  marble 
and  bronze  had  come  into  use,  — until  after  the  conquest  of  Asia.  (Plin., 
lib.  34,  cap.  7,  sect.  16.)  — Germ.  Ed. 

8.  Herod.,  lib.  2,  cap.  129.  In  the  time  of  Pausanias  there  stood  at 
Corinth  two  wooden  images  of  Bacchus,  entirely  gilded  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  face,  which  was  painted  red  with  vermilion.  (Pausan.,  lib. 
2,  cap.  2.)  — F. 

9.  The  most  usual  practice  was  to  make  the  face,  hands,  and  feet  of 
ivory,  like  the  statue  of  Pallas  in  A£gira,  the  other  parts  being  of  wood, 
partly  gilded  and  partly  painted.  (Pausan.,  lib.  7,  cap.  26.)  A naked 


422 


NOTES . 


Venus,  of  which  Pygmalion  became  enamored,  was  entirely  of  ivory 
(Clem.  Alex.,  Cohort,  ad  Gent.,  n.  4,  p.  51),  as  was  in  Rome  the  statue  of 
Minerva  in  the  Forum  of  Augustus,  and  that  of  Jupiter  in  the  temple  of 
Metellus.  (Plin.,  lib.  36,  cap.  5,  sect.  4,  n.  12.)  The  Olympian  Jupiter 
was  of  ivory  and  gold.  (Pausan.,  lib.  5,  cap.  11.)  — F. 

10.  Some  one  in  Rome  has  a wolf’s  tooth,  on  which  the  twelve  deities 
are  wrought.  — W. 

The  author  is  not  correct  in  his  belief  that  wolf’s  teeth  do  not  decom- 
pose, because  he  had  seen  one  of  the  kind  which  had  been  preserved 
until  his  time.  But  this  is  not  sufficient  proof,  since  pieces  of  ivory  also 
have  been  preserved,  which,  according  to  Winckelmann  and  others, 
decomposes,  like  the  still  harder  teeth  of  other  animals.  (Buffon,  Hist. 
Natur.,  Tom.  VII.,  Des  Loups,  p.  46.) 

It  was  also  customary  to  cover  books  with  ivory  tablets,  and  especially 
those  called  Diptycha,  which  the  consuls  and  other  magistrates  were 
wont,  at  the  festivities  and  public  games  occasioned  by  their  induction 
into  office,  to  give  to  their  friends.  (Gothofred.,  Ad.  Cod.  Theod.,  lib.  15, 
tit.  9, 1.  1.)  — F. 

11.  Statues  of  wood  and  of  bronze  were  also  clothed.  (Pausan.,  lib. 
2,  cap.  11.)  Dionysius  the  Younger  caused  a statue  of  Jupiter,  which  he 
had  despoiled  of  its  golden  garment,  to  be  dressed,  in  mockery,  in  a 
woollen  garment.  (Clem.  Alex.,  Cohort,  ad  Gent.,  n.  4,  p.  46.)  From 
Tertullian  ( De  Idolatr.,  cap.  3,  n.  3)  it  seems  to  have  been  the  custom  to 
provide  the  images  of  the  deities  with  embroidered  garments.  — F. 

12.  Lib.  8,  cap.  14 ; lib.  9,  cap.  ult. ; lib.  10,  cap.  38. 

Pausanias  says  expressly,  that  there  were  brazen  statues  before  the 
age  of  Rhaecus  and  Theodorus  (Tom.  III.  cap.  17,  1.  6) ; but  they  were 
not  of  one  piece,  but  in  several  pieces,  fastened  together  by  nails.  — S. 

13.  He  engraved  a lyre  on  the  gem  of  Polycrates.  (Clem.  Alex., 
Pcedagog.,  lib.  3,  cap.  11,  p.  289.)  — F. 

14.  The  death  of  Pisistratus  is  placed,  without  dissent,  in  the  sixty- 
third  Olympiad,  live  hundred  and  twenty-eight  years  before  Christ.  — 
Germ.  Ed. 

15.  Columns,  also,  were  made  from  glass.  (Clem.  Alex.,  Recognit.,  lib. 
7,  cap.  12,  13,  and  26.)  Goguet  (De  VOrigine  des  Lois,  liv.  2,  ch.  2,  art.  3) 
maintains  that  the  columns  in  the  theatre  of  Scaurus  were  of  glass, 
according  to  Pliny  (lib.  36,  cap.  15,  sect.  24,  n.  7).  The  reader  desirous 
of  information  concerning  the  works  in  glass  of  the  ancients  is  referred 
to  Buonarroti  (Osservazioni  sopra  Alcuni  Frammenti di  Vast  Antichi  di  Vetro, 
Ornati  di  Figure,  Trovati  nei  Cimeterei  di  Roma).  — F. 

16.  Lib.  35,  cap.  6,  sect.  30.  Pliny  states  in  many  passages,  that  all 
kinds  of  gems  were  so  skilfully  imitated,  as  to  render  it  difficult  to  dis- 
tinguish the  artificial  from  the  natural;  as,  for  example,  the  opal  (lib. 
32,  cap.  6,  sect.  22),  the  carbuncle  (lib.  37,  cap.  7,  sect.  26),  the  jasper 
(cap.  8,  sect.  37),  the  sapphire,  the  hyacinth,  and  so  of  all  colors  (lib.  36, 
cap.  26,  sect.  67).  On  this  point  the  reader  is  referred  to  Galeotti  ( Mu- 
seum, Prcefat.,  § 20,  p.  22)  and  Buonarroti  ( Osservaz . Istoric.,  sopra  Alcuni 
Medagl.,  Prefaz.,  p.  16).  — F. 

17.  It  is  several  years  since  this  vase  was  in  the  Barberini  palace,  it 
having  been  sent  to  England,  where  it  is  known  under  the  name  of  the 
Portland  vase.  It  was  found  in  one  of  the  largest  marble  sepulchral 


NOTES. 


423 


urns,  still  preserved  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  which,  for  a long  time, 
was  supposed  to  be  the  tomb  of  the  Emperor  Alexander  Severus  and  his 
mother,  Mammaea.  Copies,  as  well  of  the  vase  as  of  the  sepulchral  urn, 
may  be  found  in  the  fourth  part  of  the  Museo  Capitolino  (tav.  1,  2,  3,  4, 
p.  1) ; also  in  Piranesi’s  Antichita  Romana  (Tom.  II.  tav.  33-35) ; of  the 
vase  alone,  in  La  Chausse  ( Mus . Rom.,  Tom.  I.  sect.  1,  tab.  60-62,  p.  42). 
— F.  and  Germ.  Ed. 

18.  This  is  the  case  with  the  famous,  admirably  wrought  head  of 
Tiberius  in  the  Gem-cabinet  of  the  Florentine  gallery.  (Mus.  Flor.,  Tom. 

I.  tav.  3.)  This  head  is  as  large  as  a hen’s  egg;  and  hence  it  was  be- 
lieved to  be  cut  out  of  an  unusually  large  turquoise.  But  it  clearly 
appears,  on  closer  and  more  careful  examination,  that  the  supposed  tur- 
quoise is  not  a natural  product,  but  a glass  paste. 

Statues  were  also  prepared  from  amber,  electrum,  — a name  which  was 
afterwards  given  to  a certain  compound  of  gold  and  silver.  In  regard  to 
statues  of  glass,  the  reader  is  referred  to  Pliny ; of  iron,  to  Pausanias 
and  Pliny ; of  bone,  to  Arnobius  ; of  lead,  to  Publius  Victor ; of  wax,  to 
Appian,  Ovid,  Statius ; and,  finally,  of  gypsum,  to  Pliny,  Pausanias,  and 
Tertullian.  — F.,  from  Junius  ( De  Piet.  Vet.). 


CHAPTER  III. 

1.  The  heads  only  of  these  figures  are  given,  as  the  remarks  of 
Winckelmann  apply  specially  to  them,  the  remainder  being  principally 
modern.  — Germ.  Ed. 

2.  Burmann,  Prcef.  ad  Inscript.  Gruter.,  p.  3.  — Germ.  Ed. 


BOOK  II. 

CHAPTER  I. 

1.  This  observation  should  have  been  used  by  those  who  have  of  late 
written  much  on  the  similarity  between  the  Chinese  and  the  ancient 
Egyptians.  — W. 

2.  No  idea  can  be  formed  of  the  shape  of  Egyptian  heads  from  en- 
gravings, as  of  a mummy  in  Beger  ( Thes . Brand.,  Tom.  III.  p.  402),  and 
another,  described  by  Gordon  ( Essay  towards  explaining  the  Hieroglyphical 
Figures  on  the  Coffin  of  an  Ancient  Mummy,  London,  1737,  fol.).  — W. 

The  figure  in  Beger  is  not  that  of  a mummy.  — L. 

3.  Herodot.  lib.  2,  cap.  30.  Diodorus  (lib.  1,  § 67)  sets  the  number  at 
more  than  two  hundred  thousand  men.  He  also  says  (lib.  3,  § 3)  that 
the  Egyptians,  as  a colony  of  the  Ethiopians,  adopted  from  the  latter 
the  custom  of  taking  great  care  of  the  dead  body.  — F. 


424 


NOTES. 


4.  Herodot.,  lib.  3,  cap.  24.  A mummy  of  this  kind  was  presented  by 
the  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani  to  the  Institute  at  Bologna ; another  is  in 
London;  and  each  has  its  ancient  case  of  preserved  sycamore,  which, 
like  the  bodies,  is  painted.  The  third  painted  mummy  is  at  Dresden, 
among  the  royal  antiquities.  Now,  as  the  faces  of  all  these  mummies 
have  the  same  color,  it  cannot  be  maintained,  as  Gordon  wishes,  that  the 
London  mummy  was  a person  from  Nubia.  — W. 

5.  Juvenal,  Sat.  XV.  v.  45.  Quintil.,  lib.  1,  cap.  2.  Juvenal  is  speak- 
ing, not  of  Alexandria,  but  of  Canopus,  a city  lying  in  the  vicinity  of 
Alexandria,  of  which  the  licentiousness  was  extreme.  (Juvenal,  Sat.  VI. 
v.  84.  Strab.,  lib.  17,  p.  1153,  Princ.  Stat.  Sylv.,  lib.  3,  cap.  2,  v.  111. 
Senec.  Epist.,  51.) — F. 

6.  Chrysostom  (Orat.  II.  p.  162)  says  that  only  the  art  of  poetry  was 
forbidden,  on  account  of  its  seductive  influence.  This  statement  must, 
however,  be  understood  with  some  limitation,  since  he  also  says  ( Homil . 
VIII.  in  Matth.y  no.  4)  that  “ Egypt  had  been  for  a long  time  the  land  of 
poets.”  — F. 

7.  Compare  Martini,  Storia  della  Musica,  Tom.  I.  cap.  11. 

Plato  [De  Legib.,  lib.  2,  p.  656)  says  that,  from  the  earliest  ages,  music 
had  not  only  been  practised  in  Egypt,  but  even  been  defined  and  regu- 
lated by  immutable  public  laws ; he  had  found  musical  compositions 
here  of  so  great  beauty,  that  they  must  necessarily  have  been  created 
by  a god,  or  by  a god-inspired  man. 

It  may  be  maintained  that  the  Egyptians  used  musical  instruments 
and  sang  hymns  at  all  their  festivals,  even  the  smallest,  as  happened, 
according  to  Philostratus  ( Vita  Apollon.,  lib.  5,  cap.  42,  in  fine),  when  the 
priests  accompanied  to  Upper  Egypt  the  lion,  in  which,  as  Apollonius 
said,  was  the  soul  of  King  Amasis.  — F. 

8.  The  monastic  mode  of  life  probably  originated,  not  in  Egypt,  but  in 
Palestine.  At  least  there  were  monks  here  earlier  than  in  Egypt,  accord- 
ing to  the  unanimous  testimony  of  ancient  authors.  — F. 

9.  Fleury  [Hist.  Eccles.,  Tom.  VII.  lib.  70,  cap.  9)  does  not  speak,  as 
Winckelmann  thinks,  of  Lower  Egypt  alone,  but  rather  of  all  Egypt ; 
and  he  puts  the  number  of  eremites  at  seventy-six  thousand.  Many  of 
them,  probably,  were  not  Egyptians.  Persons  from  all  parts  resorted 
to  this  land,  where  the  religious  sentiment  was  held  in  respect,  and  where 
they  found  more  suitable  places,  partly  for  leading  a recluse  life,  and 
partly  for  escaping  the  persecutions  of  the  heathen.— F. 

10.  Among  the  Greeks  in  Egypt  the  Greek  Tau  had  the  form  of  a 
cross,  as  it  is  seen  in  a very  valuable  ancient  manuscript  of  the  Syrian 
New  Testament,  on  parchment,  in  the  library  of  the  Augustines  in  Rome. 
This  manuscript,  in  folio,  was  executed  in  616,  and  has  marginal  notes 
in  Greek.  Among  others  I notice  here  the  word  I+JITG  instead  of 
HTAIRE.  — W. 

11.  The  Egyptians  and  most  of  the  important  cities  of  Greece  and 
Asia,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  favor  of  Adrian,  and,  through  it, 
benefits  and  privileges,  voluntarily  erected  temples  to  Antinoiis,  dedi- 
cated to  him  sacred  groves,  oracles,  and  priests,  stamped  coins  in  his 
honor,  and  represented  him,  in  images,  under  the  form  and  with  the 
attributes  of  their  divinities.  (Buonarroti,  Osservaz.  Istor.  sopra  Alcuni 
Medagli,  cap.  2,  p.  25.  Bottari,  Mus.  Capit.,  Tom.  III.  tav.  56.)  — F. 


NOTES. 


425 


12.  There  is  no  ground  for  the  assertion  of  a Greek  writer  of  the 
Middle  Ages  (Codin.,  Orig.  Constant.,  p.  48),  that  human  figures  were 
wrought  only  in  a part  of  Egypt,  and  that,  on  this  account,  the  inhabi- 
tants were  termed  Men-makers , avdpwir6p.op(j)oi.  — W. 


CHAPTER  II. 

1.  Among  the  ancient  Egyptian  works  yet  extant,  the  two  Lions  on 
the  ascent  to  the  Campidoglio  are  indisputably  the  most  satisfactory  in 
an  artistic  point  of  view.  The  shape  of  the  beasts  is,  on  the  one  hand, 
well  conceived,  and,  on  the  other,  well  represented  also  in  compact  and 
very  powerful  proportions.  These  qualities,  in  connection  with  the 
quiet  position,  and  extreme  simplicity  of  the  outlines,  give  to  the  whole 
a truly  grand  character.  The  Lion  on  the  left  has  been  broken  into  sev- 
eral pieces,  and  again  put  together ; the  other  has  suffered  less.  The 
two  Egyptian  Lions  at  the  Fontana  Felice,  on  the  square  in  front  of  the 
Baths  of  Diocletian,  have  just  as  much  repose  of  attitude  and  simplicity 
of  outline,  but  less  of  grandeur  in  the  whole.  Of  the  great  Sphinx  in 
the  Borghese  villa,  it  is  to  be  remarked  that  the  head  is  modern.  Two 
smaller,  better-preserved  Sphinxes,  — the  one  of  green,  the  other  of 
blackish  basalt,  — in  the  park  of  the  villa  above  mentioned,  belong  to 
the  best  and  most  beautiful  monuments  of  ancient  Egyptian  art. — 
Germ.  Ed. 

2.  The  ears  are  not  too  high  on  the  heads  of  the  figures  on  the  Obe- 
lisk of  the  Sun,  in  the  Campus  Martius,  nor  on  a small  figure  of  an 
Egyptian  priest,  of  yellow  breccia,  in  the  Museo  Pio-Clementino.  In  the 
latter,  however,  they  seem  to  be  set  a little  too  far  backward.  — F. 

3.  Winekelmann  was  undoubtedly  wrong  when  he  believed  that  the 
feet  of  the  figure  of  Laocoon  were  of  unequal  length.  The  right  leg  of 
the  larger  boy,  from  the  knee  to  the  foot,  is  censured  as  being  somewhat 
longer  than  the  other.  It  is  usual  to  excuse  this,  as  well  as  the  too 
great  length  of  the  left  foot  of  the  Apollo  Belvedere,  by  saying  that 
the  artist  may  have  intentionally  added  so  much  to  these  somewhat  re- 
treating parts  as  they  would  possibly  lose  to  the  eye  of  the  spectator  by 
being  withdrawn.  But  we  are  very  much  afraid  that  an  arrangement  of 
this  kind  is  a still  greater  fault  than  those  which  it  is  intended  to  excuse. 
For  a plastic  work  in  which  such  a system  of  enlargement  of  the  more 
distant  parts,  and  also  a consequent  proportionate  diminution  of  nearer 
parts,  was  introduced,  would  necessarily,  from  the  derangement  of  all 
proportions,  present  profiles  offensive  both  to  the  sight  and  the  taste. 
However,  the  antique  masterpieces  in  question  need  no  such  elaborate 
exculpation,  because  the  inequality  in  the  length  of  the  legs  of  the  son 
of  Laocoon,  as  well  as  in  the  feet  of  Apollo,  is  far  more  trifling, 
especially  in  the  latter,  than  it  is  usually  stated  to  be.  Moreover,  in 
regard  to  the  unequal  length  of  the  feet  of  a few  Egyptian  statues, 
the  excuse,  founded  on  reasons  of  perspective,  is  still  less  applicable  — 
because  art  in  them  is  simpler  and  ruder  — than  to  Greek  statues,  and 


426 


NOTES. 


it  is  therefore  best  to  hold  the  thing  for  precisely  what  it  is,  an  error 

Germ.  Ed. 

4.  Raffei  ( Osservazion.  sopra  Alcun.  Mon.  Antic.,  tav.  4,  fig.  1 p.  49)  holds 
this  kneeling  figure  (Plate  VI.)  to  be  a priest  or  priestess’  showing  to 
the  initiated  three  gold  mysterious  images  in  a little  box  termed  by 
Clemens  of  Alexandria  (Strom.,  lib.  5,  not.  7)  Kvpaaia  and  by  Synesius 
(6 alvitu  Encorn.,  p.  73)  Koopaarripiov. 

Fea,  also,  supposes  these  and  similar  statues  to  be  priests  and  initiated 
women,  who  carried  about  in  processions  the  statues  of  the  gods  wor- 
shipped by  them,  and  who  were,  on  this  account,  named  iraaTicpopoi, 
shrine-bearers,  or  baXaprjcpopoi,  bed-bearers.  (Apulej.,  Metam.,  lib.  11,  pp. 
369-371 ; Id.,  De  Abstinen.,  lib.  4,  p.  363.)  It  was  usual  for  such  proces- 
sions to  stand  still  from  time  to  time  (Philostr.,  De  Vila  Soph.,  lib.  2 cap 
20;  Meurs.,  E/eusin.,  Tom.  II.  cap.  27,  p.  534),  when  the  priests,  kneeling, 
probably  presented  to  the  people  the  images  of  the  deities,  either  to  be 
worshipped  or  kissed.  In  this  way  the  Emperor  Commodus,  who  was  so 
enthusiastic  in  the  worship  of  Isis,  was  accustomed  to  carry  around  the 
image  of  Anubis.  (Spartian.  in  Anton.  Carac.,  cap.  9.  Apulei  loc  cit 
p.  377.)  ™ 

The  engraving  of  the  figure  mentioned  in  the  text  may  be  found  in 
Fea.  (Tom.  I.  tav,  6.)  — Germ.  Ed. 

5.  This  statue  is  neither  an  Anubis  nor  an  Osiris,  but  a female  figure, 
probably  representing  Isis.  (See  engraving  in  Fea’s  translation,  Tom.  I. 
tav.  8.)  The  sex  would  be  more  easily  recognized,  if  those  who  had  the 
charge  of  restoring  the  hands,  arms,  and  legs  had  given  to  them  more 
pleasing  forms.  She  has,  like  the  figure  on  the  Isiac  Tablet  (Jablonsky, 
Conject.  in  Tab.  Bemb.,  § 7 ; Miscell.  Berolin,  Tom.  VII.  p.  380),  a cat  kind 
of  head,  resembling  the  lion  tribe.  — F. 

6.  Two  heads  of  Isis  with  horns  are  found  on  engraved  gems  in  the 
Stosch  Cabinet  (Nos.  40,  41),  but  they  are  of  a later  date,  and  of  Roman 
workmanship.  — W. 

7.  In  the  Florentine  gallery,  there  is  a round  pedestal,  of  grayish 
granite,  wrought  smooth  only  on  one  side,  with  a sacrificial  procession 
on  it,  one  of  the  figures  in  which  actually  holds  a sistrum.  This  monu- 
ment, seemingly  very  ancient,  was  probably  carried  from  Rome  to  Flor- 
ence, but  Winckelmann  could  not  have  known  it.  — Germ.  Ed. 

8.  Salmasius  ( Exercit . in  Solinum,  p.  998)  infers  from  a passage  in  the 
poet  Gratius,  that  the  linen  in  Egypt  could  hardly  be  sufficient  to  clothe 
the  priests.  Pliny,  however,  enumerates  four  kinds  of  Egyptian  linen ; 
and  the  poet  seems  to  have  intended  merely  to  denote  the  great  number 
of  priests. — W. 

9.  Men  and  women  wore  a loosely  hanging  dress,  without  a girdle,  as 
even  their  statues  show,  except  on  occasions  of  mourning,  at  which  time 
the  custom  among  them  was  altogether  opposite  to  that  of  the  Greeks. 
(Herodot.  lib.  2,  cap.  85.)  In  order  to  be  able  to  gird  themselves  in  such 
cases,  they  sewed,  according  to  Herodotus  (lib.  2,  cap.  36),  a loop  or  band 
under  the  garment,  deviating  from  the  practice  of  other  nations.  Girded 
garments  were  also  used  at  religious  celebrations  and  processions  by  the 
numerous  priests  and  initiated  women  engaged  in  them,  as  may  be  seen 
in  the  Tsiac  Procession  in  the  Mattei  palace.  (Lens,  Du  Costume,  liv.  1, 
chap.  2.)  — F. 


NOTES. 


427 


10.  Egyptian  male  figures  also  have  very  frequently  a neck-band 
hanging  down  upon  the  breast;  others  have  a sort  of  stola ; and  others 
still  are  wholly  draped.  — F. 

The  stola  was  a loose  dress  which  reached  from  the  neck  to  the 
ankles ; over  this  was  worn  the  pallium,  the  blanket  or  cloak  of  the 
Romans.  — Tr. 

11.  According  to  Visconti  ( Mus . Pio-Clem.),  the  liip-cloth  or  apron,  as 
well  as  the  usual  hood,  of  male  Egyptian  figures,  is  not  a cloth  arranged 
in  folds,  but  a striped  stuff.  In  proof  of  this,  he  quotes  a passage  from 
Plutarch  ( De  Is.  et  Os.),  which  says  : “ The  priestly  and  sacred  garments 
of  the  Egyptians  are  striped  alternately  with  black  and  white,  in  order 
to  signify  that,  in  man’s  conceptions  of  the  deities,  there  are  many  things 
clear  and  certain,  but  many  obscure  and  doubtful.  ” — Germ.  Ed. 

12.  In  Egypt  the  royal  dignity  was  hereditary.  If  there  was  no 
successor  in  the  royal  family,  then  one  was  selected  from  the  priests  or 
warriors.  In  the  latter  case,  the  elected  must  join  himself  to  the  class 
of  priests,  in  order  to  be  instructed  in  Egyptian  wisdom,  but  not  for  the 
purpose  of  exercising  the  priestly  functions.  (Platon.  Politic.,  p.  150. 
Plutarch.,  De  Is.  et  Os.,  Princ.,  p.  354.) — F. 

13.  This  figure,  which  has  gone  into  the  Pio-Clement  museum,  is  not 
a female,  but  a male  figure,  as  the  shoulders,  breast,  and  hands  show 
It  is  probably  a Pastophor,  who  holds  in  a small  box  the  image  of  a 
seated  Cercopithecus,  a long-tailed  ape.  The  feet  are  not  visible,  because 
there  are  none ; part  of  the  head  is  a restoration. 

14.  Now  in  the  Pio-Clement  museum.  This  sparrowhawk  is  of  gray 
basalt.  — F. 

15.  This  figure,  wrought  from  imperfect  basalt,  or  basaltic  granite, 
which  on  being  struck  emits  a sound,  as  do  all  figures  executed  from  a 
similar  stone,  passed  afterwards  into  the  Pio-Clement  museum,  and  found 
in  Visconti  a learned  interpreter.  According  to  him,  it  represents  an 
Egyptian  priest  of  Horus.  The  bands  which  go  from  the  cap  down  be- 
neath the  chin  — but  which  are  not  given  in  the  engravings  from  the 
monument  — were  intended,  not  to  fasten  it,  but  to  represent  a portion 
of  the  false  beard  tied  on,  though  the  beard  is  no  longer  clearly  to  be 
seen,  because  the  statue  has  been  damaged  and  restored  in  this  very 
place.  Other  grounds  corroborative  of  his  opinion,  together  with  the 
explanation  of  this  remarkable  monument,  may  be  read  in  the  Pio- 
Clement  Museum  (Tom.  II.  pp.  31-39),  in  which  there  is  also  a copy  of  it 
(tav.  16).  In  Caylus  (Tom.  II.  pi.  7,  no.  4)  there  are  two  similar  figures, 
confirming  Visconti’s  opinion,  one  of  which  has  a cap,  like  that  of  Aldus 
Manutius ; the  other  (Tom.  IV.  pi.  1,  no.  5)  has  a simple  cap,  very 
slightly  raised,  resembling  that  usually  worn  by  the  priesthood  in  Italy. 
— F.  and  Germ.  Ed. 

16.  Jacob  Gronovius  ( Prcef  \ ad  T/ies.  Antiq.  Grcec.,  Tom.  VI.  p.  9)  has, 
in  this  place,  given  scope  to  his  imagination,  and  represented  to  himself 
figures  seeming  to  have  their  heads  covered  by  the  skins  of  small  Mal- 
tese dogs,  the  tails  of  which  stand  upwards  over  the  forehead ; and  he 
believes  that  he  sees  here  the  true  derivation  of  the  word  kwt},  the  helmet, 
as  being  in  the  most  ancient  times  made  of  the  skin  of  a dog’s  head. 
On  other  Egyptian  heads  we  see  a lizard  instead  of  a serpent.  (Beger, 
Thes.  Brand.,  Tom.  III.  p.  301.)  The  above-mentioned  conceit  of  this 


428 


NOTES. 


learned  man  appears  still  more  groundless,  when  we  examine  two  male 
youthful  Hermse  (Fea,  Tom.  I.  tav.  11,  12)  in  the  Albani  villa,  which  are 
covered  with  the  skins  of  dogs’  heads,  as  Hercules  is  with  the  lion’s  hide  ; 
two  paws  of  the  skin  are  tied  around  the  neck.  They  probably  represent 
Lares  or  Penates,  the  household  gods  of  the  Romans,  which,  as  Plutarch 
relates  (Qucest.  Rom.,  p.  176),  were  imaged  with  the  head  thus  covered. 
That  most  ancient  kind  and  shape  of  helmet  are  seen  still  more  plainly 
on  a beautiful  Pallas,  of  life-size  (Fea,  Tom.  I.  tav.  13),  in  the  same  villa, 
which  wears  the  skin  of  a dog’s  head  instead  of  the  usual  helmet,  in  such 
a manner  that  the  upper  jaw  together  with  the  teeth  lies  below  the  fore- 
head of  the  goddess.  — W. 

We  are  not  willing  to  believe  that  the  skin  on  the  heads  of  this  Pallas 
and  the  two  Hermae  is  that  of  a dog.  It  resembles,  in  all  respects,  the 
skin  of  a lion,  as  seen  on  innumerable  heads  of  Hercules,  in  every  kind 
of  monument.  And  we  are  authorized  to  believe  that  the  two  Hermae 
actually  represent  this  hero  in  a beardless  state,  as  there  is  great  simi- 
larity, even  in  the  features,  to  those  of  Hercules  on  other  monuments. 
— F. 

17.  In  connection  with  Egyptian  dress,  a doubt  has  occurred  to  me  in 
regard  to  the  antiquity  of  an  ode  of  Anacreon,  in  which  the  Parthians  are 
mentioned,  and  the  tiara  or  cap  as  their  distinctive  mark  (Brunck.,  Ana- 
led.,  Tom.  I.  p.  112;  Anacr.  Carm.,  n.  55) : — 

Kai  TlapOiovs  tls  avbpas 
’E yucopiaeu  riapcus  ; 

And  some  one  recognized  the  Parthian  men  by  their  tiaras.  How  did  the 
Greeks  become  acquainted  with  the  name  of  Parthians  in  Anacreon’s 
time  1 — W. 

18.  Pococke’s  Descript,  of  the  East,  Yol.  I.  pi.  61.  In  Caylus  ( Recueil 
d’Antiq.,  Tom.  IV.,  Antiq.  Egypt.,  pi.  4,  no.  4)  is  a Horus  with  ear-rings. 

Bracelets  are  seen  both  on  male  and  female  figures.  They  are  placed 
about  the  wrist  of  a male  statue  which  was  transferred  from  the  Rolandi 
museum  to  the  Pio-Clement  museum,  and  mentioned  at  page  268  (see 
Plate  VII.)  ; also  on  the  Isis  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  already  cited, 
and  on  the  figure  published  by  Pococke.  The  Pastopliora  of  green  ba- 
salt, in  the  Pio-Clement  museum,  has  arm-bands  in  form  of  a serpent. 
Other  figures  in  Caylus  and  Montfaucon  have  them  about  the  upper  part 
of  the  arm,  even  indeed  about  the  ankles.  Herodotus  (lib.  4,  cap  168) 
also  says  that  the  women  of  the  Adyrmachidse  wore  iron  rings  on  the 
legs.  Pharaoh  gave  to  Joseph  a golden  neck-band. 

The  Egyptians  wore  rings  also  on  the  fingers,  as  is  shown  by  JElian  (De 
Nat.  Animal.,  lib.  10,  cap.  15),  Plutarch  (De  Is.  et  Os.),  and  Aulius  Gellius 
lib.  10,  cap.  10),  and  by  several  mummies.  — F. 


NOTES. 


429 


CHAPTER  III. 

1.  When  the  author  wrote  this  passage,  he  had  not  observed  that  the 
two  statues  of  Isis,  of  basalt,  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  of  which  he  had 
just  before  spoken,  actually  have  hieroglyphs,  engraved  as  well  on  the 
base  as  on  the  column  against  which  they  stand.  He  afterwards  informed 
himself  better  on  this  point  also,  and  in  the  Preliminary  Treatise  to  the  Monu- 
ments, § 22,  he  mentioned  the  hieroglyphs  on  the  statues  named,  and  from 
this  circumstance  appears  to  have  changed  his  opinion  in  regard  to  the 
time  when  such  a mode  of  writing  went  out  of  use.  In  the  paragraph 
referred  to,  he  disputes  not  only  the  Father  Kircher,  who  ( (Edip.  AEgypt., 
Tom.  III.  p.  515)  maintains  that  the  practice  and  knowledge  of  hiero- 
glyphs were  lost  from  the  time  of  the  conquest  by  Cambyses,  but  also 
others,  not  named,  who  conjecture  that  this  happened  at  the  commence- 
ment of  Greek  rule  in  Egypt.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  knowl- 
edge and  use  of  hieroglyphic  writing  may  have  still  continued  at  that 
time,  gradually  diminishing  as  the  religion  and  mythology  of  the  Greeks 
extended  more  and  more  widely  in  Egypt,  and  at  length  entirely  ceased. 
This  opinion  continues,  not  only  to  be  admissible  in  regard  to  the  discov- 
eries which  have  since  been  made,  but  also  to  receive  from  them  addi- 
tional confirmation.  — F. 

2.  The  obelisk  from  the  Circus  of  Caius,  which  stands  in  front  of  St. 
Peter’s  church,  and  was  erected  by  the  son  of  Sesostri-s,  who  performed 
no  deeds  that  made  him  celebrated,  appears,  for  this  reason,  to  be  with- 
out hieroglyphs,  for  Herodotus  and  Diodorus  state  that  the  erection  of 
such  monuments  was  a privilege  of  those  kings  who  had  immortalized 
their  names  by  action.  — W. 

3.  In  the  first  edition,  of  1764,  page  54,  may  be  seen  the  following  pas- 
sage : “ Of  the  two  former  of  these  statues,  the  under-garment  is  visible 
only  by  the  sleeves,  which  are  denoted  by  means  of  a raised  edge  or  promi- 
nence; the  breasts  seem  to  be  entirely  bare,  so  transparent  and  fine  must 
the  texture  be  imagined.”  In  order  not  to  throw  over  this  passage  any 
more  obscurity,  which  could  be  cleared  only  by  a view  of  the  statues  in 
question,  the  editors  have  thought  themselves  obliged  to  retain  un- 
changed the  reading  of  the  text  in  the  Vienna  edition.  — Germ.  Ed. 

4.  Maffei,  Raccolta  di  Stat.,  fol.  148.  Now  in  the  Pio-Clement  muse- 
um. — D. 

5.  Visconti,  who  has  given  a copy  of  one  of  these  statues  in  the  Pio- 
Clement  Museum  (Tom.  II.  tav.  18),  and  an  explanation  of  it  (pp.  41-43), 
maintains,  on  the  other  hand,  that  these  statues  did  not  have,  in  the 
least,  the  features  of  Antinoiis.  They  were,  originally,  an  architech- 
tonic  ornament  on  the  temple  of  Canopus,  at  Adrian’s  villa  (Raffei, 
Osserv.  sopra  Alcun.  Ant.  Mon.,  tav.  6,  p.  60),  probably  as  an  imitation  of 
those  colossal  figures,  twelve  cubits  high,  at  the  entrance  of  the  temple 
of  Apis,  in  Egypt,  — Bearers,  Telamons,  or  Caryatides,  so  called  ; a sup- 
position which  is  also  rendered  very  probable  by  a sort  of  base  on  their 
heads  that  supplied  the  place  of  a capital.  For  ourselves,  we  are  un- 
able, in  this  case,  to  decide  either  for  or  against  Winckelmann,  because 
the  height  at  which  these  two  figures  have  been  placed,  near  a door  of 


430 


NOTES. 


the  Pio-Clement  museum,  makes  it  very  difficult  to  examine  the  features 
of  the  face.  This  much,  indeed,  is  certain,  that  the  character  of  the 
forms  of  all  parts  of  the  body  resembles  that  of  the  figure  of  Antinoiis. 
The  resemblance,  however,  might  be  viewed  less  as  a portrait-resem- 
blance than  as  a peculiarity  of  the  predominating  style  of  art  in  the  time 
of  Adrian.  — Germ.  Ed. 

6.  Warburton’s  Essay  on  Hieroglyphics,  Vol.  I p.  294.  The  same  may 
be  said  of  Pauw  ( Recherch . Philosoph.  sur  les  Egypt,  et  les  Chin.,  Tom.  I., 
lib.  1,  p.  45),  who,  following  Jablonsky’s  opinion  ( iSpecim . Nov.  Interpr. 
Tab.  Bemb.,  no.  1,  § 5 ; MiscelL  Berolin.,  Tom.  VI.,  pp.  141,  142),  holds 
this  tablet  to  be  a calendar,  made  in  Italy  after  the  Egyptian  mode,  in 
the  second  or  third  century.  Caylus  (Rec.  d’Antiq.,  Tom.  V.  pi.  14,  p.  44) 
looks  upon  it  as  an  Egyptian  work,  though  of  an  antiquity  not  earlier 
than  the  Christian  era.  — F. 

7.  The  term  Canopus  is  applied  to  vases  made  of  fine  clay,  which 
served  to  filtrate  the  water  of  the  Nile,  and  render  it  clear  and  fit  for 
drinking,  and  having  on  the  cover  the  head  of  a person  or  animal.  This 
is  the  form  under  which  Egyptian  mythology  seems  to  have  represent- 
ed Canopus,  the  god  of  the  water  of  the  Nile.  The  name  is  derived 
from  the  city  of  Canopus,  near  which  was  found  the  clay  whereof  these 
vessels  were  made.  It  is  said  by  the  Greeks,  that  Menelaus,  on  his  re- 
turn from  Troy,  stopped  at  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Nile  to  refit, 
and  that  whilst  there  his  pilot,  named  Canopus,  was  bitten  by  a viper, 
and  died  of  the  wound.  The  city  was  erected  over  his  tomb,  and  de- 
rived its  name  from  him.  The  deity  thus  symbolized  by  the  Egyptians 
was  probably  the  good  Genius  of  the  Nile,  the  Serapis  of  the  temple  of 
Canopus.  — Tr. 

8.  This  is  the  most  appropriate  place  to  remark,  that,  in  the  Pio-Cle- 
ment museum,  there  is  a large  Canopus  of  valuable  white  alabaster,  the 
belly  of  which  is  covered,  however,  not  with  figures  wrought  in  bas-relief, 
but  with  spiral  grooves.  A small  one  of  terra-cotta,  with  a belly  quite 
smooth,  together  with  the  head  or  cover  of  another,  also  of  terra-cotta, 
is  in  the  collection  of  Campanian,  Etruscan,  and  other  vases  in  the  Flor- 
entine Gallery.  — Germ.  Ed. 

9.  The  word  Abraxas  or  Abrasax  is  applied  by  antiquarians  to  a cer- 
tain kind  of  engraved  gems  on  which  the  word  Abraxas  is  sometimes 
found.  The  term  is  intended  to  signify  Mithras  or  the  Sun,  who  is,  in 
the  language  of  the  Gnostics,  the  lord  of  the  365  days : the  Greek  letters 
in  the  word  Abrasax  are  supposed  to  signify  three  hundred  and  sixty- 
five.  These  gems  were  much  worn  by  the  heathen,  and  also  by  many  of 
the  early  converts  to  Christianity,  as  amulets  or  protectors  against  dis- 
ease. The  reason  of  the  practice  is  apparent,  if  we  reflect  that  the  Sun 
and  Apollo  were  the  same,  and  that  Apollo  was  the  god  of  healing. 

These  gems  are  of  different  sizes  and  figures ; sometimes  they  are  in 
the  shape  of  finger-rings. 

The  emblems  borne  by  them  are  very  numerous.  On  some  may  be 
seen  the  names  of  saints,  of  angels,  and  even  of  Jehovah ; on  others, 
Mithras  or  the  Sun,  Isis,  Osiris,  Serapis,  the  cock,  the  dog,  the  lion,  the 
ape,  — in  fact,  every  kind  of  object  which  the  Egyptians  placed  among 
their  deities ; on  others,  monstrous  compositions  of  animals,  and  obscene 
images,  Phalli  and  Ithyphalli. 


NOTES. 


431 


The  engraving  on  these  gems  is  rarely  good.  The  reverse,  on  which 
is  the  word  Abraxas,  is  said  to  be  sometimes  of  a lower  and  more  modern 
taste  than  the  obverse.  The  characters  are  usually  Greek,  but  some- 
times Hebrew  or  Coptic.  The  date  of  them  is  chiefly  of  the  third  cen- 
tury. — Tr. 

10.  Many  specimens  of  Abraxas  may  be  seen  in  Montfaucon.  (Antij. 
Expl. , Tom.  II.,  part  2,  pi.  144,  seq.)  — F. 

11.  The  statue  of  Memnon  also  is  quite  naked,  and  without  a hip- 
cloth,  like  the  figures  here  mentioned.  (Fea,  Tom.  I , tav.  4.)  In 
Caylus  (Recueil,  &c.)  several  small  figures  of  this  kind  may  be  found. 
— F. 

12.  This  figure  (Fea,  Tom.  I.,  tav.  14)  appears  to  me  to  be  that  of  a 
priest  of  a procession  in  honor  of  Isis,  who,  according  to  Apuleius  (Met- 
am.,  lib.  2,  p.  372),  was  dressed  in  a white,  scant  garment,  descending  from 
the  breast  to  the  feet.  From  the  position  we  might  believe  that  it  is  the 
one  which  bore  a light.  — F. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

1.  Instead  of  Kara  rrjv  opocprjv,  read  Kara  ttjv  oacpvv,  (Aristot.,  De  His - 
tor.  Animal .,  lib.  1,  p.  14,)  ix^fxei/a  tovtwu,  yacrrrip  Kal  6(r<pvs,  Kal  alSoiov, 
Kal  Igx'iov  (Herodot.,  lib.  2,  cap.  40),  and  reflect  that  Kara  is  never  used 
to  signify  motion  towards,  but  relation  and  sequence.  Rhodomann’s 
and  Wesseling’s  conjecture  of  Kopvtp'f] v is  altogether  inadmissible.  The 
ancient  reading  opocprp / comes  nearer  to  the  probable  correct  one.  — W. 

Winckelmann  has  fallen  into  an  error  here,  probably  in  consequence 
of  quoting  from  memory.  The  passage  to  which  he  refers  has  not  the 
slightest  application  to  sculpture.  It  merely  states  the  sequence  of  the 
different  parts  of  the  body  from  the  head  downwards.  The  passage 
Stands  thus  : Mera  8e  rr)V  KecpaA-fiv  icrriv  6 avxyv , e*Ta  (XTTjQos  Kal  vSjtov. 
. . . . Kal  e’x<i/uei >a  tovtwv  yaar^p,  Kal  d(T(l>vs,  Kal  alboiiov,  Kal  lax'i°v • 

“After  the  head  comes  the  neck,  then  the  chest  and  back,  &c.  Following 
these  are  the  belly,  and  hips,  and  pubis,  and  ischium.”  — Tr. 

2.  The  fact,  that  the  Antinoiis  in  the  Capitoline  museum  was  made  in 
two  portions,  must  be  ascribed,  not  to  imitation  of  the  Egyptian  style, 
but  rather  to  the  nature  of  Parian  marble,  which,  according  to  Pliny 
(lib.  36,  cap.  8,  sect.  13)  and  Isidor  ( Etym .,  lib.  16,  cap.  5),  was  not  found 
in  very  large  blocks,  as  Visconti  judges  from  the  Juno  Lanuvina,  thir- 
teen Roman  palms  (9  ft.  6 in.)  high,  which  was  transferred  from  the 
Paganica  palace  to  the  Pio-Clement  museum  ; this  statue  was  originally 
composed  of  several  pieces,  jointed  together,  of  the  finest  Parian  mar- 
ble. — F. 

The  remarks  made  by  Visconti,  in  his  explanation  of  the  upper  half 
of  a beautiful  Bacchus  executed  in  this  way,  may  be  applied  more  ap- 
propriately to  the  Capitoline  Antinoiis,  consisting  of  two  parts.  “ For 
the  sake  of  more  convenient  carriage,  statues  were  prepared  in  several 
pieces,  usually  in  two,  those  statues  especially,  as  I believe,  which  were 


432 


NOTES. 


executed  at  a distance  from  the  place  of  their  destination,  for  the  use  or 
adornment  of  the  palaces  and  villas  of  private  persons,  and  in  order  that 
they  might  even  be  easily  transferred  from  one  place  to  another  at  the 
fancy  of  their  possessors.  Three  female  statues  in  the  Capitoline 
museum,  and  one  which  represents  the  Emperor  Adrian  in  armor,  in 
the  Ruspoli  palace,  are  prepared  in  this  manner ; and  the  lower  half  of 
all  of  them,  as  well  as  of  the  Bacchus  mentioned  above,  is  lost.”  — 
Germ.  Ed. 

3.  Diod.  Sic.,  lib.  1,  § 47.  But  Pococke,  in  his  description  of  this 
statue  ( Yol.  I.,  book  2,  chap.  4,  p.  289),  says  that  it  is  composed  of  five 
pieces,  and  the  engraving  in  Eea  also  shows  this.  — Germ.  Ed. 

4.  Winckelmann’s  conjecture  is  also  acknowledged  by  Fea  as  satisfac- 
tory, from  the  evidence  of  a fragment,  still  remaining  beneath  the  chin 
of  the  statue,  of  the  antique  ground-surface,  which  seems  to  have  been 
concave.  Besides,  the  surrounding  part,  of  modern  workmanship,  con- 
sists, not  of  marble,  but  of  stucco.  — Germ.  Ed. 

5.  It  is  superfluous  to  remark,  that  a great  scholar,  Scaliger  (In  Scali- 
gerian.),  and  a more  modern  traveller,  Motraye  ( Voyage,  Tom.  II.  p.  225), 
have  allowed  themselves  to  dream  that  granite  is  a product  of  art.  In 
Spain  there  is  an  abundance  of  all  kinds  of  granite,  and  it  is  the  com- 
monest rock  there.  It  is  also  found  in  Germany  and  other  lands.  — W. 

6.  Montfaucon  considers  this  statue  of  Isis  to  be  of  black  basalt ; Fea, 
of  basaltic  granite.  — Germ.  Ed. 

7.  The  pavement  of  the  most  ancient  Roman  streets,  prior  to  their 
improvement  by  Trajan,  as  the  Appian  Way,  in  the  direction  of  the 
Pontine  Marshes,  is  of  limestone.  The  Romans  made  use  of  the  stone 
which  was  nearest  at  hand.  — F. 

8.  It  is  not  an  Anubis,  but  an  ape,  and  probably  of  the  kind  described 
by  Aristotle.  ( De  Histor.  Animal.,  lib  2,  cap.  8.)  — F. 

9.  It  has  since  been  repaired.  Mr.  Byres  possesses  a similar  head 
three  inches  high,  well  preserved,  and  far  more  beautiful.  This,  how- 
ever, as  well  as  that  in  the  Albani  villa,  also  lacks  the  Modius.  — A. 
and  F. 

10.  This  statue  was  found,  nearly  forty  years  ago,  in  digging  the 
foundations  of  the  Roman  Seminary  of  Jesuits  in  the  Campus  Martius, 
the  locality  in  which  the  temple  of  Isis  anciently  stood ; and  in  the  same 
section  (Donati,  Rom.  Vet.  ac  Rec.,  lib.  1,  cap.  22,  p.  80),  though  on  land 
belonging  to  the  Dominicans,  was  found  the  above-mentioned  Osiris  with 
a hawk’s  head,  now  in  the  Barberini  palace.  The  alabaster  of  that 
statue  is  purer  and  whiter  than  Oriental  alabaster  generally,  as  Pliny 
(lib.  36,  cap.  8,  sect.  12)  asserts  of  Egyptian  alabaster.  The  author  of  a 
treatise  on  valuable  stones  (Giovanni  da  R.  Lorenzo,  Dissertaz  sopra  le 
Pietre  Preziose  degli  Antichi,  Part  I.  cap.  2,  § 23 ; Saggi  di  Dissertaz  dell 
Acad,  di  Cortona,  Tom.  I.  p.  29)  has  not  got  this  statement,  because  he 
believes  it  impossible  to  find  any  Egyptian  statue  in  alabaster.  More- 
over, his  opinion  — that,  even  if  the  Egyptians  did  make  statues  of  ala- 
baster, they  must  have  been  very  slender,  and  of  the  shape  of  mummies 
— is  restricted  by  this  statue.  For  the  base  of  it  is  four  and  a half 
Roman  palms  (3  ft.  3 in.)  in  length,  and  the  height  of  the  stool  on  which 
the  figure  sits,  including  the  base,  to  the  hips  of  the  figure,  is  as  much. 
Any  one  who  knows  that  alabaster  is  a petrifaction  formed  from  water. 


NOTES. 


433 


and  has  heard  of  the  great  vases  in  the  Albani  villa,  ten  palms  (7  ft.  4 
in.)  in  diameter,  can  imagine  still  larger  pieces.  Alabaster  is  also  formed 
in  the  ancient  aqueducts  of  Rome.  When  repairs  were  making  on  one 
of  them,  leading  to  St.  Peter’s  church,  which  had  been  built  by  a Pope 
some  centuries  before,  a deposit  of  tartar,  a true  alabaster,  was  found 
on  the  inside,  and  the  Cardinal  Girolamo  Colonna  had  table-slabs 
sawed  from  it.  The  formation  of  alabaster  can  also  be  seen  in  the 
vaults  of  the  Baths  of  Titus.  — W. 

Visconti  says,  in  the  Pio-Clement  Museum  (Tom.  II.  p.  39) : “ The  glori- 
ous fragment  of  the  seated  statue,  of  alabaster,  in  the  Albani  villa, 
should  have  been  restored  with  the  symbols  of  Horus,  whose  color, 
according  to  the  traditions  of  the  priests,  was  white.”  — F. 

11.  Lib.  36,  cap.  22,  sect.  43.  — Pliny  names  this  very  stone  (lib.  36, 
cap.  8,  sect.  13)  sienite,  from  the  city  of  Syene,  which  lies  on  the  con- 
fines of  Egypt  and  Ethiopia.  He  adds  (sect.  14),  that  obelisks  were 
made  from  it.  It  is  therefore  probable,  that  the  stone  called  Pyropoekilos 
is  a granite,  and  not  a porphyry.  From  the  small  specks  or  white  points 
with  which  the  red  color  of  the  granite  is  intermixed,  it  is  termed  Lep- 
topsephos.  — F. 

12.  Visconti  ( Mus . Pio-Clem.,  Tom.  VI.  p.  73)  disputes  Winckelmann’s 
statement  in  regard  to  porphyritic  statues  of  the  age  of  the  Ptolemies ; 
he  maintains  the  impossibility  of  referring  to  that  date,  with  probability, 
any  one  of  the  works  of  art  now  extant ; indeed,  it  might  even  seem  as 
if  the  ancients  did  not  begin  to  make  use  of  this  exceedingly  hard  kind 
of  stone  prior  to  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Claudius.  From  the  passages 
quoted  by  him  from  ancient  authors,  this  statement,  however,  is  not 
made  altogether  clear ; and  if  a decision  should  be  formed  from  obvious 
appearances  in  existing  works  of  art,  then  Winckelmann,  who  is  mani- 
festly a better  connoisseur  than  Visconti,  is  right.  For  all  the  charac- 
ters of  the  style  and  taste  of  different  periods,  exhibited  by  the  ancient 
monuments  of  plastic  art,  must  be  unworthy  of  dependence,  and  the 
history  of  art,  in  so  far  as  it  is  based  on  them,  would  have  little  value 
left,  if  the  so-called  Juno  in  the  Borghese  villa,  and  the  torso  of  a draped 
female  statue  on  the  ascent  to  the  Capitol,  should  prove  not  to  have 
been  executed  at  an  earlier  date  than  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Claudius. 

— Germ.  Ed. 

13.  In  the  Florentine  cabinet  of  gems  is  preserved  a mask,  or,  to  speak 
more  plainly,  a face,  seemingly  of  ancient  Egyptian  workmanship.  It  is 
nearly  of  life-size,  and  is  made  of  a very  hard  gem,  almost  like  chryso- 
prase,  though  of  a somewhat  feebler  lustre,  and  of  a dull  color,  border- 
ing on  leek-green.  The  eyes  are  inserted,  and  are  made  of  enamel,  imi- 
tating the  white  and  pupils  of  the  real  eye.  — Germ.  Ed. 

The  celebrated  Peiresc,  in  one  of  his  unpublished  letters  to  Menetrier 
of  1632,  in  the  library  of  the  Cardinal  Albani,  mentions  two  works 
shaped  like  mummies,  one  of  which  was  of  touchstone,  the  other  of  a 
white  stone  somewhat  softer  than  marble.  They  were  excavated  behind, 
so  that  they  seem  to  have  been  the  covers  of  coffins  in  which  embalmed 
bodies  wTere  contained.  Both  pieces  were  covered  with  hieroglyphs. 
They  were  brought  from  Egypt  to  Marseilles,  and  the  trader  to  whom 
they  belonged  asked  fifteen  hundred  pistoles  (nearly  $3,000)  for  them. 

— W. 


VOL.  i. 


28 


434 


NOTES. 


14.  The  mother  of  emerald  is,  according  to  Lessing  ( Briefe  Antiquar. 
Inhalts,  Br.  25),  nothing  else  than  the  Prasius  or  Gemma  Prasina  of  the 
ancients.  Winckelmann’s  assertion,  that  it  is  the  matrix  of  emerald,  is 
refuted  by  experience,  since  emeralds  are  never  found  in  it.  It  is  diffi- 
cult, however,  to  determine  what  Winckelmann  understands  by  plasma 
of  emerald.  — A connoisseur  has  closely  examined  the  table-slabs  men- 
tioned above,  and  has  discovered  that  they  consist  of  two  translucent 
plates  of  gypseous  mica  or  fine  diaphanous  alabaster,  placed  together, 
— a green  mass  or  coating  having  been  put  between  them.  The  edges 
are  so  well  preserved  and  framed,  that  it  is  not  easy  to  discover  the 
deception.  — E. 

15.  It  is  not  probable  that  it  is  white-lead,  because  this  paint  becomes 
blackish  by  animal  or  mineral  vapors,  — as  we  see  by  some  modern 
paintings.  We  may,  therefore,  more  readily  believe  that  the  ground- 
color  on  the  mummies  is  chalk,  mixed  with  glue  or  gum.  — E.  and 
Germ.  Ed. 


CHAPTER  V. 

1.  Probably  the  Phoenicians  never  had  any  statues  or  bas-reliefs  in 
marble ; if  they  had  had  either,  the  Romans  would  not  have  failed,  after 
the  subjugation  of  them,  to  carry  to  Rome  works  of  art  of  this  kind, — 
as  they  did  from  Etruria,  Greece,  and  Egypt.  Even  the  silence  of  histo- 
rians in  recounting  the  plunder  collected  in  Carthage,  and  in  other  Egyp- 
tian cities,  favors  this  assumption  not  less  than  the  fact,  that,  although 
the  number  of  eminent  works  of  art  disinterred  in  Rome  is  so  large,  not 
a single  fragment  of  a statue  or  bas-relief  has  been  found,  relating  to  the 
Phoenician  nation.  The  Romans,  it  is  true,  frequently  made  use  of  the 
Numidian  or  Lybian  marble,  called  at  the  present  day  African  breccia, 
yet  only  in  the  formation  of  columns,  pavements,  and  partition-walls 
(Juvenal,  Sat.  VII.  v.  182),  because  it  was  unsuitable  for  statues  on 
account  of  being  irregularly  spotted,  and  of  different  colors.  M.  Lepidus 
was  the  first  to  carry  such  Numidian  marble  to  Rome  ; he  ornamented 
the  atrium  of  his  house  with  it.  (Plin.,  lib.  36,  cap.  6,  sect.  8.)  The 
Emperor  Adrian  caused  a hundred  pillars  of  Lybian  marble  to  be  carried 
to  Rome,  and  twenty  to  Smyrna,  for  the  purpose  of  decorating  the  Gym- 
nasia erected  by  him  in  those  cities.  (Pausan.,  lib.  1,  cap.  18 ; Marmor. 
Oxon.,  21.)  — F. 

2.  Bochart,  Plial.  et  Can.,  lib.  4,  cap.  35;  Goguet,  lib.  4,  cap.  2,  art.  1, 
p.  236.  — Sidon  was  celebrated  for  its  manufacture  of  linen,  tapestry, 
and  costly  lawns,  for  its  skill  in  working  metals,  in  carving  wood,  and 
the  discovery  of  glass  ; Tyre,  by  the  dyeing  of  cloths,  and  especially  by 
its  discovery  of  purple-color,  and  through  its  works  in  ivory.  — F. 

3.  Passeri  (Piet.  Etrusc.,  Tom.  I.  p.  21)  mentions  that  vases  with 
Phoenician  characters  on  them,  but  without  pictures,  are  found  in 
Sicily.  — F. 

4.  The  Academy  of  Cortona  possesses  several  Carthaginian  coins  of 
bronze,  and  two  of  silver.  — F. 


NOTES. . 


435 


5.  The  Carthaginian  coins  stamped  in  Sicily  are  certainly  very  beauti- 
ful, and  hardly  inferior  to  the  best  Greek  coins.  But  it  would  be  haz- 
ardous to  regard  them  as  specimens  of  art  produced  by  the  Carthaginians 
themselves,  and  to  look  upon  them  as  a standard  of  the  taste  among  this 
people.  For,  in  all  probability,  the  dies  of  these  coins  were  made  in 
Sicily,  and  by  Greeks.  If  this  were  not  the  case,  then  some  peculiarity 
in  taste,  workmanship,  &c.,  could  at  least  be  pointed  out.  But,  as 
Winckelmann  himself  observes,  they  are  distinguishable  from  beautiful 
Greek  coins  merely  by  the  Punic  writing.  Furthermore,  admirable 
monuments  of  another  kind,  of  Carthaginian  origin,  or  at  least  accounts 
of  such  monuments,  must  also  still  be  in  existence ; for  it  is,  if  not  im- 
possible, yet  in  the  highest  degree  improbable,  that  there  should  have 
been  among  the  Carthaginians  die-cutters  of  so  extraordinary  skill,  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  neither  sculptors,  nor  founders,  nor  painters  of  reputa- 
tion. The  Boethus  mentioned  by  Pausanias  cannot  be  brought  into  the 
argument  here,  because  he  had  lived  in  Greece,  had  worked  in  the  taste 
of  the  Greeks,  and  had  acquired  from  them  his  skill.  So,  also,  an  Ice- 
land landscape-painter,  and  a designer  of  Calmuck  descent  (Feodor  in 
Karlsruhe),  have  recently  become  famous  among  us;  yet  art  does  not 
therefore  flourish  in  Iceland  or  among  the  Calmucks.  — Germ.  Ed. 

6.  There  are  none  of  the  latter  kind  in  Golzius  ( Magna  Grcecia) ; these 
were  found  in  the  Grand-Ducal  gallery  at  Florence  and  the  royal  Farnese 
museum  at  Naples.  — W. 

7.  Salmas.,  Ad  Tertull.  de  Pallio,  p.  56.  — Salmasius  rather  shows  that 
the  Carthaginians  were  accustomed  to  wear  mantles,  and  that  they  had 
different  kinds,  double  and  single,  round  and  four-cornered.  He  could 
not,  also,  be  of  a different  opinion  without  contradicting  Tertullian,  on 
whose  book  De  Pallio  he  intended  to  comment.  — A. 

8.  The  Mosaic  Law,  it  is  true,  forbade  the  making  of  images  of  the 
gods  for  worship,  but  did  not  prohibit  images  of  angels,  men,  and  beasts 
for  ornament,  or  in  commemoration.  Even  Moses  himself  prepared 
Cherubim  for  the  ark  of  the  covenant ; and  Solomon  made  others,  of 
gigantic  size,  for  the  temple,  and  also  twelve  oxen  of  bronze  as  a sup- 
port of  the  brazen  sea,  so  called.  (1  Kings  vii.  23.)  In  later  times,  the 
Jews  extended  the  Mosaic  Law  to  every  kind  of  figures.  (Origen,  Contra 
Celsum,  lib.  4,  cap.  37.)  Flavius  Josephus  relates  that  the  Jews  requested 
Vitellius  not  to  allow  the  Roman  standards  to  pass  through  their  country, 
because  they  imitated  the  figures  of  eagles  and  other  animals.  (Antiq. 
Jud.,  lib.  18,  cap.  4,  n.  3.)  — F. 

9.  Bianchini,  Histor.  Univ .,  cap.  31,  p.  537. — In  the  rich  Russian  im- 
perial cabinet  of  engraved  gems  there  are  some  very  admirable  Persian 
pieces,  as  we  know  from  casts  of  them.  — Germ.  Ed. 

10.  The  Persian  women  usually  wore  two  garments,  as  we  may  infer 
from  Diodorus  (lib.  17,  § 35).  Among  the  monuments  of  Persepolis 
communicated  by  Bruyn  ( Voyage  en  Perse,  Tom.  II.  p.  169)  is  found  a 
female  figure,  dressed  in  a tunic  with  sleeves,  which  holds  with  one  hand 
the  hem  of  a garment.  Probably  this  is  the  purple  tunic  called  Sarapis 
by  Pollux  (lib.  7,  cap.  13,  segm.  61)  and  Hesychius.  The  latter  quotes 
under  the  word  Sarapis  a few  words  of  Ktesias,  from  which  he  would 
infer  that  this  garment  was  common  both  to  men  and  women.  The  lat- 
ter girdled  themselves  with  sashes,  which  were  made  with  fringes. 


436 


NOTES. 


( Schol . in  AEschyl.  Pers.,  v.  153.)  Men  and  women  wore  expensive  shoes, 
necklaces  of  jewels,  ear-rings,  bracelets,  and  rings  on  the  fingers  and 
joints.  (Brisson.  loc.  cit.,  lib.  2,  § 196.)  — F. 

11.  Brisson.  (lib.  1,  § 46)  speaks  in  detail  of  the  different  kinds  of  caps 
and  coverings  of  the  head  of  the  Persians,  and  remarks  that  the  kings 
wore  caps  running  to  a point,  and  the  other  Persians  caps  bent  forwards. 
(Lens,  loc.  cit.,  p.  192,  pi.  29.)  — F. 

12.  Herodot.,  lib.  1,  cap.  131.  — Probably,  one  of  the  principal  causes 
why  the  formative  arts  were  unable  to  attain  any  special  degree  of  excel- 
lence among  the  Persians  was  also  the  limited  use  of  them,  as  they  were 
employed  only  in  the  imitation  of  warlike  and  bloody  subjects.  Apud 
Persas,  says  Ammianus  Marcellinus  (lib.  24,  cap.  6),  non  pingilur  vel  Jingi- 
tur  aliud  prceter  varias  ccedes  et  bella,  “ Among  the  Persians,  nothing  is 
painted  or  imaged  but  various  kinds  of  death,  and  wars.”  Compare  Bris- 
sonius,  lib.  3,  § 92.  — L. 

13.  Plutarch,  In  Pompeio,  p.  633.  — The  worship  of  the  god  Mithras,  a 
symbol  of  the  sun  and  fire,  originated  in  Persia,  and  here  he  remained 
the  principal  divinity  until  the  time  of  Zoroaster.  The  horse  was  sacri- 
ficed to  him,  as  the  animal  which  corresponded  most  nearly  to  so  swift- 
footed a deity.  (Herodot.,  lib.  1,  cap.  216.  Ovid,  Fast.,  lib.  1,  v.  383. 
Xenophon,  C groped.,  lib.  8,  p.  215.)  This  deity  was  afterwards  wor- 
shipped also  in  Rome,  and  in  other  cities  of  the  Roman  empire,  and 
especially  in  Milan  (Gruter,  Inscript.,  p.  34,  no.  9),  as  is  likewise  proved 
by  the  bas-reliefs  mentioned  above.  — F. 

14.  Plin.,  lib.  34,  cap.  8,  sect.  19,  § 9.  — The  artists  whom  Cambyses 
brought  from  Egypt  to  Persia  built,  according  to  Diodorus  (lib.  1,  p.  46), 
the  celebrated  palaces  of  Persepolis  and  Susa,  or  embellished  them,  as 
Wesseling  (loc.  cit.,  not.  80)  and  Saint-Croix  ( Journal  des  Savans,  Juin, 
1765,  p.  1277)  explain  this  passage  of  Diodorus.  — F. 

15.  That  the  Egyptians  and  Persians  had  commercial  intercourse 
with  each  other  may  be  inferred  partly  from  the  fact  that  the  latter  held 
rule  over  the  former  for  the  space  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  years 
(Diodor.  Sic.,  lib.  1,  § 44) ; and  partly  from  many  monuments,  in  which 
the  Egyptian  and  Persian  styles  of  art  appear  blended.  (Cayl.  Rec. 
d’Antiq.,  Tom.  I.  pi.  18,  pp.  55,  56 ; Tom.  III.  pi.  12.)  — F. 

16.  Palaephatus  (De  Invent.  Purpurce)  relates  that  the  Phoenician  kings 
and  other  notables  of  this  nation  carried  small  idols  on  their  persons,  in 
order  that  greater  respect  might  be  shown  to  themselves.  — F. 

17.  According  to  Adler  ( Mus . Cujic.  Borqian.,  p.  105),  the  Druses  do 
not  descend  from  the  Franks,  but  are  an  Asiatic  race,  deriving  its  origin 
from  a Persian  of  the  name  of  Drusus,  who  lived  about  1017.  Their 
religion  is  a mixture  of  Mohammedanism,  Christianity,  and  arbitrary 
additions.  Adler  mentions  the  figure  of  an  ox,  covered  with  characters, 
which  was  one  of  their  idols,  and  is  now  in  the  Borgian  museum  at 
Yelletri.  — F. 


NOTES. 


437 


BOOK  III. 

CHAPTER  I. 

1.  In  the  Ancient  Monuments,  No.  79,  the  author  speaks  of  five  such 
representations  of  the  hero  Echetlus  on  Etruscan  burial-urns,  one  of 
which  is  executed  in  alabaster  of  Volterra,  and  one  in  marble.  In  the 
numerous  collection  of  Etruscan  monuments  in  the  Elorentine  gallery, 
there  are  found,  besides,  no  less  than  eighteen  burial-urns  of  terra-cotta, 
painted,  and  all  ornamented  with  this  scene.  (Montfaucon,  Antiq.  Expl., 
Suppl.,  Tom.  V.  pi.  57,  not.  2.  Dempster,  Etrur.  Regal.,  Tom.  I.  tab.  54.) 

— F.  and  Germ.  Ed. 

2.  Plat.  Polit.,  p.  315.  — Plato  says,  that  there  was  a law  among  the 
Etruscans  which  commanded  human  sacrifices ; but  that,  in  his  time,  it 
had  ceased  to  be  obeyed,  and  was  acknowledged  as  wicked.  — F. 

3.  In  reply  to  all  this  may  be  adduced  the  great  love  of  the  Etruscans  for 
music,  insomuch  that  they  were  the  inventors  of  several  musical  instru- 
ments. In  all  their  cities  there  was  a theatre,  in  which  were  exhibited 
not  only  gladiatorial  games  and  tragedies,  but  also  comedies  and  pan- 
tomimic dances.  The  climate  of  Tuscany,  at  the  present  day,  is  not  of 
a kind  which  predisposes  to  melancholy.  — F. 

4.  This  statement,  it  is  true,  is  found  to  be  confirmed  by  many  Etrus- 
can burial-urns  ; yet,  it  must  also  be  remarked,  on  many  others  joyous 
pictures  are  presented,  as  games,  dances,  weddings,  festivals,  and  similar 
subjects,  as  any  one  can  easily  convince  himself  by  reference  to  Gori 
and  others.  — F. 

5.  Fabrett.,  Inscrip .,  cap.  6,  p.  243,  not.  5.  — This  very  scene  is  found 
represented  in  a sort  of  work  composed  of  many-colored  stones,  called 
Commesso  (Ciampini,  Vet.  Monam.,  Tom  I.  tab.  24),  in  the  Albani  villa. 
To  it  alludes,  also,  a Greek  inscription,  not  yet  published,  which  is  on 
the  surface  of  one  half  of  a column,  that  has  been  sawed  in  two,  in  the 
Capponi  mansion  at  Rome,  and  from  which  I will  quote  only  the 
line  which  alludes  to  this  representation : HPnACAN  flC  TEPITNHN 
NAIAAEC  OY  0ANATOC,  The  Nymphs,  not  Death,  carried  away  the  leauti- 
ful  girl.  — W. 

6.  Montfaucon  [Antiq.  Expl.,  Tom.  V.  pi.  71,  p.  123)  has  not  been  more 
successful  than  others  in  discovering  the  true  representation  of  this 
urn.  — W. 

7.  Dionys.  Halic.,  Antiq.  Rom.,  lib.  7,  cap.  72.  — On  a large  rilievo, 
sawed  from  a burial-urn,  in  the  Albani  villa  (copied  in  Zoega’s  Bas- 
reliefs,  No.  27),  are  represented  a woman  seated,  and  a maiden  standing, 
in  a larder,  together  with  gutted  animals,  hanging  up,  and  other  edibles, 

— a picture  similar  to  the  one  of  which  there  is  an  engraving  in  the 
Giustiniani  Gallery ; above  are  the  following  lines  from  Virgil  [xEn.,  lib. 
1,  v.  611)  : — 

“ Dum  montibus  umbrae 
Lustrabunt,  convexa  polus  dum  sidera  pascet, 

Semper  konos,  nomenque  tuum,  laudesque  manebunt.” 


438 


NOTES. 


There  was  formerly  m Rome  a sepulchral  urn  on  which  was  even  rep- 
resented an  indecent  scene,  Spinthrian,  so  called ; and  the  following 
words  of  the  inscription  still  remained  : OT  MEAEI  MOI,  It  does  not 
concern  me.  Something  still  worse,  together  with  the  name  of  the  de- 
ceased, may  be  seen  on  a work  of  this  kind  belonging  to  the  sculptor, 
Cavaceppi.  — W. 


CHAPTER  II. 

1.  Apollodorus,  lib.  1,  cap.  7,  § 9. — If,  therefore,  the  phrase 
TTepo(p6pa)v  axyp-d-Tuv,  in  a passage  of  Euripides  which  has  been  pre- 
served by  Longinus  [De  Sublim.,  p.  66),  is  translated  winged  chariots,  the 
translation  is  not  to  be  censured,  as  a critic  thinks,  and  who  supposes 
that  he  explains  it  more  correctly  by  winged  horses  (Rutgers.,  Var.  Lect., 
lib.  1,  cap.  10)  ; yet  he  is  in  error,  for  the  wings  are  attributed,  not  to 
the  horses,  but  to  the  chariot.  Meanwhile,  the  word  irrepoipopos,  winged , 
is  found  as  an  epithet  of  the  chariot  of  the  son  of  Theseus,  used  by  the 
same  poet  (Iphig.  Aul.,  v.  251)  to  denote  its  swiftness.  — W. 

Since  Winckelmann  wrote  this,  so  many  new  discoveries  of  ancient 
monuments  have  been  made,  that  representations  of  winged  cars  on 
works  of  Greek  art  are  scarcely  to  be  considered  any  longer  as  objects 
of  rarity.  The  reader  is  referred  to  the  New  Collection  of  Hamilton  Vases, 
and  to  Visconti  (Pitture  d'un  Antico  Vaso  Fittile  Appart.  al  Sig.  Principe 
Poniatowskg).  — Germ.  Ed. 

2.  In  the  Ancient  Monuments,  the  author  has  explained  this  figure  in 
the  same  manner  as  he  has  done  here.  Visconti  (Mus.  Pio-Clem.,  Tom. 
VI.  pp.  6 and  85)  has  shown  that  the  figure  with  the  tongs  in  its  hand 
originally  represented  Vulcan,  and  that  only  the  upper  part,  which  was 
lost,  has  become,  by  unskilful  restoration,  of  a female  shape.  In  the 
fourth  volume  of  Visconti  (Mus.  Pio-Clem.,  tav.  agg.)  an  engraving  of 
all  three  sides  of  this  work,  together  with  an  account  of  the  restorations, 
may  be  found.  — Germ.  Ed. 

3.  The  question,  which  figure  on  the  Borghese  three-sided  altar  the 
author  particularly  intended  here,  is  not  without  difficulties.  In  the 
upper  row,  near  Neptune,  stands  a goddess,  who  holds  something  in  her 
hand,  which  at  the  time  when  Winckelmann  wrote,  and  before  the  mon- 
ument had  been  cleaned,  was  probably  indistinct,  and  may  have  looked 
like  flowers.  But  it  is,  as  can  now  be  discerned  without  difficulty,  ears 
of  wheat,  and  the  figure  of  Ceres.  In  the  lower  row,  the  first  of  the 
three  Hours  has  in  her  hand  a flower  with  a long  stem,  unless  it  may, 
perchance,  be  a twig  with  young  fruit.  But  it  is  altogether  improbable 
that  the  author  should  not  have  correctly  known  these  three  figures, 
especially  as  they  are  wrought  on  that  side  of  the  monument  which, 
even  in  his  day,  could  be  conveniently  seen.  — Germ.  Ed. 

4.  This  statement  of  the  author  is  remarkable,  for  it  presents  the 
point  from  which  we  are  to  judge  all  his  opinions  on  Etruscan  and 
ancient  Greek  art ; it  is  also  to  be  viewed  as  the  limit  to  which  he  ad- 
vanced in  his  knowledge  of  these  monuments.  Many  may  have  more 


NOTES. 


439 


knowledge  now  in  regard  to  them,  but  they  must  also  have  the  modesty 
to  remember  that  Winckelmann’s  capital  lias  been  at  interest  for  a long 
time ; and  since  then  some  additional  monuments  of  the  ancient  style 
have  been  discovered,  and  others  have  been  studied  with  more  attention. 
He  has,  indeed,  rendered  to  antiquarian  knowledge  one  of  the  most  val- 
uable of  all  services,  by  removing  one  of  the  greatest  obstructions  ; for 
he  checked  the  previous  extravagant  prejudices  in  favor  of  Etruscan 
art,  and  claimed  for  the  Greeks  the  many  important  monuments  which 
an  antiquated  error  had  adjudged  to  the  Etruscans.  In  consequence  of 
this  view,  any  further  remarks  which  we  may  have  to  make  in  regard  to 
monuments  still  included  by  the  author  among  works  of  Etruscan  art 
must  be  considered,  not  as  a contradiction  of  his  opinion,  but  simply  as 
an  advance  on  the  path  opened  by  him.  — Germ.  Ed. 

5.  Gori,  Mus.  Etrusc.,  Tom.  II.  tab.  155.  — The  Chimgera  of  bronze, 
in  the  gallery  at  Florence,  diminished,  and  with  omission  of  modern  res- 
torations, may  be  seen  in  Plate  XI.  (after  Dempster,  Etrur.  Regal.,  Tom. 
I.  tav.  22).  The  expression  of  this  monster  is  wild  and  ferocious.  The 
bones  and  muscles  are  rendered  with  much  knowledge,  and  very  power- 
fully. About  the  outlines  there  is,  generally,  a certain  degree  of  hard- 
ness, corresponding  well  with  the  character  of  the  whole.  The  tail 
terminates  in  a serpent,  which  is  biting  the  horn  of  the  goat.  A portion 
of  the  horn,  and  the  serpent,  are  modern  restorations.  On  the  right  fore- 
foot are  a few  Etruscan  letters,  which  Buonarroti  (Ad  Dempst.,  p.  93) 
and  Gori  ( Mus.  Etrusc.,  Tom.  II.  p.  293)  read  as  tinmcuil ; but  Passeri 
( Lettr . Roncagl.,  Tom.  XXIII. ; Race.  d’Opusc.,  Lettr.  10)  as  tinmicuil. 
Scholars  have  given  different  opinions  in  regard  to  the  meaning  of  this 
writing.  It  would  be  very  difficult,  taking  into  consideration  our 
deficient  knowledge  of  the  Etruscan  language,  to  determine  who  has 
given  the  true  signification.  — Germ.  Ed.  and  A. 

6.  There  are  cogent  reasons  for  regarding  the  Genius,  of  bronze,  in  the 
Barberini  palace,  as  one  of  the  most  ancient  works  of  Greek  art,  rather 
than  an  Etruscan  monument.  The  following  characters  all  accord  with 
Greek  works  of  the  old  style : the  shoulders  are  very  broad  in  propor- 
tion to  the  whole  figure ; the  chest,  though  fiat,  is  strongly  prominent, 
and  the  nipples  are  not  placed  far  enough  to  the  sides ; the  hair  fits 
about  the  forehead  like  a band  of  single  packthreads  lying  close 
together ; the  thighs  and  other  limbs  give  evidence  of  knowledge  on 
the  part  of  the  artist,  and  of  an  endeavor  after  a beautiful  shape.  The 
higli  antiquity  of  this  figure  seems  to  be  manifest  also  from  the  features 
of  the  face,  which  are  not  handsome ; yet  they  do  not  therefore  denote  a 
portrait,  but  rather  art  still  in  an  ungracious  state.  — Germ.  Ed. 

7.  Dempster,  Etrur.  Regal.,  lib.  1,  tab.  40.  — The  Haruspex,  as  he  is 
called,  is  of  full  size  and  standing,  has  one  arm  and  hand  raised,  and  is 
conceived  as  if  in  act  of  addressing  an  assembled  multitude.  His  hair 
is  cropped,  he  wears  shoes,  or,  if  you  will,  half-boots,  fastened  with 
straps  in  the  usual  way,  as  high  up  as  the  lower  part  of  the  calf  of  the 
leg,  an  under-garment  with  short  sleeves,  and  over  it  the  mantle,  by 
which  the  left  arm,  that  hangs  down  straight,  is  covered  even  to  the 
hand  ; the  fourth  or  ring  finger  is  ornamented  with  a seal.  In  the  whole 
of  the  figure  we  recognize  an  image  prepared  with  the  utmost  fidelity 
after  the  likeness  of  a particular  individual,  and  treated  so  much  in 


440 


NOTES . 


detail,  that  even  the  seams  of  the  under-garment  are  rendered.  We 
therefore  acknowledge  ourselves  to  be  wholly  of  the  author’s  opinion, 
that  this  statue  belongs  to  the  later  period  of  Etruscan  art.  Its  style 
and  taste  give  absolutely  no  probable  ground  for  throwing  its  origin 
farther  back  than  to  an  age  shortly  preceding  the  time  of  the  first 
Roman  emperors,  as  we  believe  we  have  ascertained  by  observation.  — 
Germ.  Ed. 

8.  The  beard  of  Etruscan  figures  is  not  a sure  sign  of  their  high 
antiquity,  since,  as  the  author  himself  afterwards  acknowledges,  Jupiter, 
Vulcan,  and  JEsculapius,  in  the  most  ancient  Etruscan  works,  are  repre- 
sented without  beard.  — A. 

9.  This  Minerva  is  one  of  the  charming  figures  that  were  produced  by 
the  cultivated  taste  of  Greek  art  in  the  later  period  when  earnestness 
and  grandeur  also  had  disappeared,  and  the  pleasing  had  acquired  exclu- 
sive control.  Hence,  she  is  an  uncommonly  lovely  shape  ; her  helmet  is 
very  becoming  to  her;  and  the  robe  is  thrown  with  studied  elegance 
about  the  body  and  the  left  arm,  which  is  resting  on  the  side.  An 
engraving  of  it  may  be  seen  in  the  Florentine  Museum  (Tom.  III.  tab.  7). 
— Germ.  Ed. 

10.  Olivieri,  Marm.  Pisaur.,  p.  4.  Gori,  Mus.  Etrusc.,  tab.  87.  — The 
Genius,  so  called,  of  bronze,  in  the  Florentine  gallery,  of  which  an 
engraving  may  be  found  in  the  Florentine  Museum  (Tom.  III.  tav.  45,  46), 
might  be  regarded  as  an  Iconic  statue,  erected  probably  to  a young  Greek 
as  an  honorary  testimonial  of  a victory  obtained  in  the  Games.  A simple 
attitude,  good  proportions,  a beautiful  shape  on  the  whole,  and  noble 
features,  give  to  it  especial  value.  The  locks  of  hair,  lying  flat  one  on 
another,  are  somewhat  stiff  and  wiry,  and  the  ribs  also  are  rendered  a 
little  thin,  — characters  from  which  we  may  infer  that  this  statue  was 
executed  prior  to  the  introduction  in  art  of  that  style  whose  special  aim 
it  was  to  produce  the  beautiful  and  pleasing.  — Germ.  Ed. 

11.  The  Romans,  under  their  kings,  were  already  in  possession  of  this 
promontory,  for  Tarquinius  Superbus  sent  a colony  thither  (Liv.,  lib.  1, 
cap.  56) ; and  in  the  earliest  alliance  between  Rome  and  Carthage, 
which  was  arranged  under  the  first  Consuls,  Lucius  Junius  Brutus  and 
Marcus  Horatius,  Circeum  is  named  among  the  four  cities  on  the  sea- 
shore, held  by  the  Romans,  which  they  did  not  wish  to  have  harrassed 
by  the  Carthaginians.  The  same  condition  is  repeated  in  the  very  same 
words  in  the  next  following  treaty  between  the  two  parties.  (Polyb., 
lib.  3,  p.  180.)  Cluverius,  Cellarius,  and  others  have  not  touched  upon 
this.  The  first  league  was  concluded  twenty-eight  years  prior  to  the 
expedition  of  Xerxes  against  the  Greeks ; and  the  statue  in  question 
must,  if  it  were  possible  for  it  to  be  Greek,  have  been  made  before  this 
time,  in  conformity  with  the  knowledge  of  Greek  art.  But  the  Volsci, 
who  occupied  the  promontory  of  Circeum  (Liv.,  lib.  2,  cap.  39),  had  no 
intercourse  or  commerce,  especially  at  that  time,  with  the  Greeks,  though 
they  had  with  the  Etruscans,  their  neighbors ; so  that,  if  we  take  into 
consideration  only  the  time  and  the  locality,  this  Apollo  should  be 
regarded  as  an  Etruscan  work.  — W. 

12.  This  statue  was  found  in  a small  temple  on  the  shore  of  a lake, 
called  Lago  di  Soressa.  This  lake,  which  belonged  to  the  house  of  the 
Prince  Gaetani,  formerly  discharged  itself  into  the  sea  through  a canal ; 


NOTES. 


441 


but  the  channel  having  become  obstructed,  the  water  for  a long  time 
stood  very  high  in  the  lake.  In  order  to  make  it  convenient  for  fishing, 
it  was  necessary  to  let  the  water  run  off.  The  ancient  canal  was  cleared 
out.  In  it  were  found  a few  small  skiffs  of  the  ancients,  which  were 
fastened  with  nails  of  metal ; and,  when  the  water  in  the  lake  itself  was 
fallen,  the  temple  came  in  sight ; in  it  the  Apollo  was  found.  Even  now 
is  visible  the  marble  niche,  with  very  finely  executed  ornaments,  in  which 
the  statue  formerly  stood.  — W. 

13.  Galler.  Giustin.,  Tom.  I.  tav.  17.  — The  Giustiniani  statue,  which  is 
known  under  the  name  of  the  Vestal,  has  in  all  its  parts  something  angu- 
lar, very  severe  and  precise,  and  consequently  little  that  is  pleasing.  It 
may  even  be  objected  that  it  is  stiff.  The  folds  of  the  robe  are  in  per- 
pendicular lines ; and,  thus,  the  old  Greek  style  shows  itself  throughout. 
Yet  it  deserves  to  be  remarked  of  this  monument,  that  it  has  been 
finished  with  especial  care,  smoothly  and  accurately. — Germ.  Ed. 

14.  The  described  bas-relief  in  the  Albani  villa,  the  Rearing  of  Bacchus 
by  Leucothea,  is  unquestionably  very  ancient,  and,  in  its  relation  to  the 
history  of  art,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  monuments.  But  it  has  no 
similarity  with  any  Etruscan  work  of  undoubted  genuineness  ; it  is  exe- 
cuted from  a Greek  marble  of  coarse  grain  ; and  it  corresponds  generally 
so  well  with  the  monuments  now  acknowledged  as  ancient  Greek,  that 
we  have  no  scruple  in  holding  it  to  be  the  oldest  known  work  of  the 
kind.  The  nose  and  lips  of  Leucothea  are  restorations,  and  also  some 
of  the  right  hand.  Both  hands  of  the  child  are  new.  — Germ.  Ed. 

15.  Eustathius  ( Comment,  in  Iliad.,  lib.  19,  p.  1249)  remarks,  that  it  was 
customary  among  the  Pelasgians  to  represent  Mercury  with  a beard.  He 
is  seen  imaged  in  this  manner  on  divers  monuments,  even  on  Roman. 
(Foggini,  Mus.  Capitol.,  Tom.  IV.  p.  299.)  Pausanias  (lib.  7,  cap.  22)  re- 
lates that  a Mercury  with  a beard  was  to  be  seen  in  the  middle  of  the 
market-place  at  Pharse,  in  Achaia.  — F. 

16.  Scaliger  [Poet.,  lib.  1,  cap.  14)  explained  it  in  this  way.  Pollux, 
however,  does  not  in  those  passages  ascribe  the  beard  to  Mercury,  but 
to  the  tragic  masks.  The  epithet  (rcpgvoTuo'yuv,  having  a wedge-shaped 
beard,  was  used  in  reference  to  Mercury  in  Artemidor  (II.  42).  — F.  and 
Germ.  Ed. 

17.  The  round  altar  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  with  figures  of  Mercury, 
Apollo,  and  Diana,  is  Greek,  and  not  Etruscan.  And  it  is  by  no  means 
ancient  Greek,  but  a later  imitation  of  the  ancient  Greek  style,  as  we 
have  become  convinced,  by  frequent  opportunities  of  studying  it.  In 
the  features  of  Apollo  we  perceive  the  fully  complete  ideal  of  this  god. 
The  mouth  is  not  drawn  upwards ; the  elongated  eyes  are  not  depressed 
near  the  nose ; the  forms  of  the  body  are  not  meagre,  — marks  which 
uniformly  characterize  works  really  of  a primeval  origin.  The  body 
and  limbs  are,  on  the  contrary,  of  a youthful  plumpness,  and  not  with- 
out size ; and  the  transitions  of  one  part  into  another  are  softly  handled. 
The  ear  is  somewhat  lower  than  it  ought  to  be  according  to  rule  ; where- 
as, in  monuments  of  indisputably  great  antiquity,  the  ear  is  usually 
placed  too  high.  From  the  workmanship  of  the  hair  also,  we  are  author- 
ized to  anticipate  the  later  origin  of  this  work,  for  it  is  not  so  wiry  as  it 
would  have  been  according  to  the  manner  of  the  most  antique  style.  The 
handling  too  of  the  marble  indicates  far  greater  freedom  and  dexterity. 


442 


NOTES. 


We  cannot,  consequently,  assent  to  the  author’s  opinion  in  regard  to  this 
monument  any  further  than  to  admit  that  it  is  in  the  ancient  style,  but 
executed  by  a later  artist,  as  we  have  seen  that,  in  the  times  of  the 
Ptolemies  and  of  Adrian,  works  were  finished  in  the  ancient  Egyptian 
style.  It  might  possibly  be  the  case,  that  the  three  figures  in  question 
were  actually  copied  from  a primeval  work,  with  improvement  in  charac- 
ter and  form.  This  latter  conjecture  derives  additional  probability  from 
the  circumstance  that  there  once  existed  in  the  Albani  villa  an  ancient 
monument  on  which  were  represented  the  figures  of  Minerva,  Apollo, 
Diana,  and  Mercury,  the  latter  three  being  almost  exactly  like  those  on 
the  Capitoline  altar.  Mercury  is  very  deficient  in  the  youthful  grace,  the 
nimbleness,  the  lightness,  the  delicacy  in  shape  and  features,  in  short,  in 
the  characteristics  which  the  beautiful  style  of  art  has  elsewhere  accorded 
to  images  of  this,  deity.  But  Winckelmann  recollects  that,  in  remote 
antiquity,  this  god  must  also  have  been  represented  with  a beard.  Conse- 
quently, it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  if,  in  a work  imitative  of  the  prime- 
val style,  the  beard  should  have  been  adopted.  We  observe,  however, 
not  less  in  Mercury  than  in  Apollo  of  that  ideal  conformation  which  is  a 
departure  from  the  genuine  antique  style.  We  must  not,  also,  overlook 
the  Pancratiast  ear,  partly  because  of  its  introduction  by  the  artist  with 
appropriate  significance,  and  partly  because  it  has  never  before  been 
noticed.  Diana  cannot  be  seen  so  conveniently  as  the  other  figures,  on 
account  of  the  place  in  which  the  monument  now  stands  in  the  Capitoline 
museum.  But  she,  too,  is  shaped  ideally,  having  a grand,  almost  Juno- 
nian  character ; and  the  execution  appears,  generally,  to  be  highly  elabo- 
rated.— Germ.  Ed. 

18.  Description  of  Engraved  Gems,  Class  2,  Div.  16,  No.  1720.  Such  a 
bow  was  probably  called  patulus , “ open  ” : — 

Imposito  patulos  calamo  sinuaverat  arcus. 

“ Having  fitted  the  arrow,  he  had  bent  the  open  bows-” 

(Ovid.  Metam.,  lib  8,  v.  30.) 

But  the  other  was  called  sinuosus,  “ curved  ” ; — 

Lunavitque  genu  sinuosum  fortiter  arcum. 

“ And  with  his  knee  he  forcibly  bent  the  curved  bow  into  a crescent  shape.” 

(Ovid.  Amor.,  lib.  1 Eleg.,  I v.  23.)—  W. 

19.  Mus.  Capitol,,  Tom.  IV.  tab.  22.  In  the  Capitoline  Museum  of 
the  Marquis  Lucatelli  (p.  23),  it  is  erroneously  stated  that  this  work 
was  found  at  Nettuno  on  the  sea-shore.  The  Cardinal  Alexander  Albani 
has  contradicted  the  statement  in  an  autograph  note  to  this  work.  It 
formerly  stood  in  a villa,  outside  of  the  Porta  del  Popolo,  belonging  to 
the  Medici  family ; and  the  Grand-Duke  Cosmos  III.  made  a present  of 
it  to  the  Cardinal,  by  whom  it  was  put  into  the  Campidoglio,  together 
with  his  previously  made  collection  of  antiquities.  — W. 

If  we,  also,  feel  inclined  to  restore  this  monument  to  ancient  Greek 
art,  we  merely  express  more  plainly  the  author’s  conjecture  in  regard  to 
it,  since  he  manifests  very  distinctly  his  doubts  of  its  Etruscan  origin. 
But  he  unquestionably  errs  in  looking  upon  it  as  of  later  workmanship 
than  the  square  and  the  round  altars  — both  in  the  Capitoline  museum  — 
of  which  mention  was  made  shortly  before;  for  the  round  well-curb  in 


NOTES. 


443 


question,  ornamented  with  figures  of  the  twelve  superior  deities,  may  be 
one  of  the  most  ancient  Greek  works.  We  will  present  the  reasons  in 
confirmation  of  our  opinion,  and,  for  the  sake  of  greater  clearness,  will 
illustrate  them  by  an  accurate  copy  of  the  head  and  a portion  of  the 
figure  of  Juno  (Plate  XV.),  one  of  the  best  preserved  figures  on  the 
monument.  In  the  first  place,  much  labor  and  care  have  been  expended 
on  the  working  of  the  marble ; and  it  is  evident  that  the  artist  has  de- 
voted his  utmost  powers  to  it,  although  with  better  success  in  some 
points  than  in  others.  He  had  not  yet  learnt  how  to  handle  easily  his 
material,  and  the  effort  is  visible.  But  this  rude  manipulation  is  in 
exact  correspondence  with  the  equally  uncultivated  taste,  design  of  the 
forms,  &c.  We  may  consequently  presume  that  the  work  is  actually  an 
original  one,  regarded  at  least  as  a whole,  — not  an  imitation,  perhaps,  of 
a more  ancient  work,  — and  the  production  of  a good  master,  and  there- 
fore capable  of  giving  us  some  information  as  to  the  state  of  art  at  the 
time  when  it  originated.  In  the  second  place,  it  is  very  clear,  from  the 
conformation,  features,  and  proportions  of  the  figures,  that  this  monu- 
ment belongs  to  an  earlier  age,  and  to  a less  cultivated  style  of  art,  than 
the  above-mentioned  square  or  round  altar,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  is 
later  than  the  bas-relief  of  Leucothea  in  the  Albani  villa,  and  may  have 
been  executed  about  the  same  time  with  the  three-sided  altar  in  the  Bor- 
ghese  villa.  It  is  well  known,  that,  on  all  antique  Greek  monuments 
which  formerly  passed  for  Etruscan,  the  figures  are  in  stiff  positions, 
that  the  free  hands  are  clasped  together,  that  the  fingers  are  sometimes 
stuck  straight  out,  frequently  somewhat  crooked,  the  garments  ample, 
the  folds  for  the  most  part  straight  and  lying  flat  one  upon  another  &c. 
Enough  has  also  been  said  of  the  rather  large  mouth  and  its  upturned 
corners,  of  the  oblong  and  not  deeply  set  eyes,  the  smallish  chin,  and  of 
the  hairs  lying  near  each  other  like  wires  or  stout  threads  But  the  fact 
has  been  more  rarely  remarked,  and  never  properly  appreciated,  that, 
with  all  the  slimness  and  visibly  superfluous  length  of  the  figures  of  this 
ancient  style,  still  the  heads  are  too  large.  It  was  a necessary  condition 
of  the  progress  of  art  to  a higher  degree  of  cultivation,  that  the  doctrine 
of  proportions,  as  the  basis  of  beauty,  only  gradually  attained  exactness. 
We  may  therefore  infer  the  higher  or  lower  antiquity  of  figures  on  pri- 
meval monuments  from  the  greater  or  less  symmetry  and  good  proportion 
of  the  parts  to  each  other.  For  the  figures  of  better  proportions  will 
naturally  be  nearer  to  the  age  of  more  refined  taste  in  art,  than  those  in 
which  the  ruder  proportions  are  still  exhibited.  But,  in  this  as  in  all 
other  cases,  we  must  beware  of  one-sidedness,  and  not  despise  any  one  of 
the  other  signs  which  may  help  us  to  a better  insight  into  the  different 
ages,  tastes,  and  styles  of  the  ancient  monuments.  If  there  are  distinc- 
tive marks,  then  it  must  be  conceded  that  each  land,  each  age,  has  its 
peculiar  way  of  impressing  itself  on  the  products  of  art,  and  consequently 
there  will  be  a rise  and  decline  in  art.  Let  each  monument,  therefore, 
be  carefully  scrutinized,  and  a judgment  not  be  formed  until  all  the  cir- 
cumstances have  been  weighed  ; but  never  let  the  voice  of  doubt  proclaim 
that  it  is  difficult,  even  impossible,  to  determine  by  the  workmanship  the 
age  of  the  early  monuments. 

It  is  evident  that  the  back  part  of  all  the  heads  of  the  Capitoline  well- 
mouth  is  too  small.  The  ears  are  set  far  back,  but  are  finished,  almost 


444 


NOTES. 


throughout,  in  the  most  diligent  manner,  as  may  be  seen,  for  instance,  on 
the  Jupiter,  Vulcan,  Minerva,  and  especially  Neptune.  The  last  was  the 
favorite  subject  of  the  artist.  With  the  exception  of  the  widely  opened 
mouth,  and  something  which  seems  to  be  teeth,  his  mien  is  good,  the 
forehead  and  eyebrow-bones  tolerably  well  formed,  as  are  also  the  other 
portions  of  the  body  ; however,  neither  he,  nor  Jupiter,  nor  Mars,  nor 
Minerva,  nor  several  others,  although  slim  in  shape,  has  more  than  six 
heads  and  a half  in  height,  — if  the  head  is  assumed  as  a measure.  Vul- 
can, indeed,  has  a little  more  length  than  this  ; but  in  him  the  ribs  are 
deep,  almost  to  an  excess.  Apollo,  who  is  still  taller,  has  very  long 
thighs  ; and  hence  his  figure  contains,  for  a portion  of  it,  seven  lengths 
perhaps ; the  mouth,  somewhat  widely  opened,  is  drawn  upwards  at  the 
corners,  and  shows  the  teeth  a little.  The  artist  probably  made  an 
attempt  to  represent  the  god  as  singing  to  the  accompaniment  of  his 
lyre,  and  failed.  Mercury  has  features  nearly  resembling  the  barbaric, 
and  although,  like  the  other  figures,  lie  is  turned  in  profile,  still  the  whole 
eye  is  visible.  His  legs  look  shrivelled ; on  the  other  hand,  the  goat, 
which  he  draws  after  him,  is  happily  done.  Mars  and  Hercules  are  both 
young  and  beardless,  as  are  Vulcan  and  Mercury.  The  first  is  tolerably 
well  shaped,  as  a whole;  the  second  is  represented  moving  on  tiptoe,  as 
if  dancing ; his  mouth  is  drawn  very  much  upwards,  and  his  eye  is 
almost  like  that  of  Mercury.  His  muscles  and  sinews  are  not  more 
strongly  rendered ; but  the  artist  conceived  the  laudable  idea  of  letting 
the  hair  stick  out  short,  and  in  small,  crisp  curls,  from  beneath  the  lion’s 
hide.  The  forehead  is  high  and  vigorous.  — Among  the  female  figures, 
Juno  appears  the  most  admirable,  and  is  also  in  the  best  preservation. 
The  engraving  is  a satisfactorj-  presentation  of  her.  Cybele,  Venus, 
Diana,  and  Minerva  give  no  occasion  for  special  remarks.  Their  propor- 
tions are  precisely  the  same  as  those  already  pointed  out  in  reference  to 
Minerva. The  whole  work  is  broken  into  many  pieces,  and  has  suf- 

fered much  on  its  lower  as  well  as  upper  edge.  The  right  foot  of  Juno 
may  be  a modern  restoration.  All  the  figures  have  been  more  or  less 
injured.  — Germ.  Ed. 

20.  Pausan.,  lib.  1,  cap.  39.  — Pamphos  is  a poet,  according  to  whom 
Ceres,  after  the  abduction  of  her  daughter  Proserpine,  sat,  in  the  shape 
of  an  old  woman,  by  a well  in  the  vicinity  of  Megara  and  Eleusis.  There 
is  no  mention  in  Pausanias  of  a representation  of  this  subject  in  stone, 
near  a well.  — F. 

21.  This  gem  has  been  described  in  two  treatises  by  Father  Carlo 
Antonelli,  professor  at  Pisa;  that  is,  he  relates  anew  the  entire  history 
of  these  and  other  heroes  of  the  time,  giving  all  the  passages  in  ancient 
authors  except  those  which  I shall  quote  from  Statius.  In  regard  to  art 
he  had  nothing  to  say.  — W. 

22.  Tins  figure  holds  in  its  hand  a scraper,  with  which  it  seems  to  be 
scraping  itself.  The  action  is  rendered  still  more  probable  by  compari- 
son with  the  four  figures  on  an  Etruscan  cup,  also  holding  scrapers,  in 
Caylus  (Rec.  d'Antiq.,  liv.  2,  Antiq.  Etrusc.,  pi.  37.)  Two  of  them  are 
in  a somewhat  constrained  posture,  and  resemble  the  figure  on  the  gem 
in  question  Visconti  (Mus.  Pio-Clem.,  Tom  I tav.  13,  in  fine,  p.  23,  not  a) 
believes,  not  without  reason,  that  Tydeus  is  represented  here  in  the  act 
of  purifying  himself  from  his  involuntary  homicide  of  his  brother  Mena- 
lippus,  as  Ilyginus  relates.  (Fab,,  69.)  — F. 


NOTES. 


445 


23.  It  would  almost  seem  as  if  Statius  had  seen  this  gem  ; or  else  all 
figures  of  Tydeus  must  have  been  drawn  in  just  such  a manner,  that  is, 
with  large  and  visible  bones  and  knotty  muscles  ; for  the  language  of  the 
poet  appears  to  describe  and  explain  the  gem,  just  as  the  gem,  on  the 
other  hand,  may  illustrate  the  poet  • — 

“ Quamquam  ipse  videri 
Exiguus,  gravia  ossa  tamen , nodisque  lacerti 
Difficiles  ; nunquam  hunc  animum  natura  minori 
Corpore,  nec  tantas  ausa  est  includere  vires-5' 

Theb.,  lib.  8,  v.  643.  — W. 

24.  IA.  v.  140.  Pausan.,  lib.  1,  cap.  37.  — We  will  here  state  briefly 
whatever  remarks  we  have  to  make  upon  the  three  engraved  gems 
classed  by  the  author  among  Etruscan  works.  Winckelmann's  own 
assertion  in  regard  to  the  first  gem,  — representing  the  Council  of  the  Five 
Greek  Heroes  against  Thebes,  — that  the  writing  on  it  is  more  like  the 
ancient  Greek  than  that  of  other  Etruscan  works,  gives  rise  to  the  suppo- 
sition that  it  may  actually  be  a primeval  Greek  work,  and  that  probably 
both  the  figures  of  Tydeus  and  Pcleus,  of  which  mention  is  made,  are 
also  of  the  same  origin.  Visconti  (Mas.  Pio-Clem.,  Tom  I.  p.  95)  even 
supposes  that  he  finds  in  the  former  the  copy  of  a celebrated  work  by 
Polycletus  (destringentem  se,  “scraping  himself  v ; Plin.,  lib.  34,  cap.  8, 
sect.  19).  But,  in  opposition  to  this  assumption,  it  should  at  all  events 
be  stated,  that  the  gem  must  be  older  than  the  work  of  art  of  which  it  is 
supposed  to  be  a copy.  We  hold  it,  however,  to  be  difficult,  indeed  quite 
impossible,  to  point  to  figures  of  similar  art  and  kind  in  other  works  of 
unquestionable  Etruscan  origin ; whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  it  could  be 
easily  done  in  regard  to  ancient  Greek  monuments.  We  must  also  add 
here,  as  a remark  of  general  application,  that  engraved  gems  are  truly 
valuable  monuments,  that  we  are  indebted  to  them  for  the  preservation 
of  a great  number  of  admirable  conceptions,  and  that  the  good  and  best 
among  them  have,  besides,  excellent  characteristics  in  regard  to  the  skill 
of  execution  ; but  in  investigations  into  -the  state  of  art,  as  to  the  date, 
style,  and  taste,  it  would  not  be  well  to  assign  to  them  great  weight  in 
proof.  From  the  smallness  of  their  size,  the  characteristics  never  stand 
forth  with  sufficient  distinctness.  Better  deductions  on  these  points  will 
be  obtained  from  coins , but  the  larger  bronzes  and  works  in  marble  are 
always  to  be  preferred  even  to  these.  — Germ.  Ed. 


CHAPTER  III. 

1.  The  Consuls  cited  by  Dio  Cassius  are  Lucius  Caesar,  L.  Marcius, 
and  C.  F.  Figulus,  whose  consulship  happened  in  the  year  690  of  the 
foundation  of  Rome.  The  historian  mentions  that  the  she-wolf  was  in 
the  Capitol ; so  too  Cicero,  in  his  third  Oration  against  Catiline ; and  both 
assert  that  she  was  struck  and  tumbled  over  by  lightning.  Such  a 
thunderbolt  would  necessarily  have  produced  some  other  effect  than  a 
simple  rent  or  injury  to  the  thigh.  Cicero  (De  Divinat.,  lib.  1,  cap.  12  , 


446 


NOTES. 


In  Catihn.  Orat.,  3,  cap.  8),  in  the  words,  Hie  silvestris  erat  Romani  nominis 
altnx,  “ Here  was  the  forest-nurse  of  the  Roman  name,”  leads  us  to  antici- 
pate that  she  was  no  longer  in  existence  in  his  day.  Of  the  child  which 
represented  Romulus  he  says,  in  the  Oration  cited,  fuisse  meministis,  “ you 
remembered  that  it  was.”  Nardini  (Roma  Antica,  lib.  5,  cap.  4,  p.  200) 
and  Ficaronf  (Le  Vestiy.,  lib.  1,  cap.  10,  p.  37)  have  not  given  heed  to 
these  words,  since  they  believed  that  this  she-wolf  was  in  the  Capitol 
even  at  the  time  when  they  wrote. 

The  other  she-wolf,  the  one  mentioned  by  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus, 
was  made,  in  the  year  of  Rome  457  (Liv.,  lib.  10,  cap.  16,  not.  23),  by 
direction  of  the  iEdile  Curules  Cneus  and  Quintus  Ogulinus,  from  fines 
which  had  been  levied  upon  certain  usurers,  and,  as  a memorial  of  the 
two  founders  of  the  city  who  had  been  suckled  by  a she-wolf,  was  set 
up  in  that  temple.  This  was  probably  the  Capitoline  she-wolf,  as  it  is 
called.  Fulvius  Ursinus  (Nardini,  loc.  oil.)  is  also  of  the  same  opinion. 
She  too  was,  perchance,  afterwards  struck  by  lightning,  if  the  injury,  or, 
more  correctly,  the  injuries,  — which  are  found  on  both  thighs,  — are  not 
ascribable  to  another  cause.  — - F. 

We  dare  not,  indeed,  presume  to  decide  upon  the  disputed  point,  which 
of  the  two  she-wolves  mentioned  by  authors  may  be  the  one  now  present 
in  the  Capitol ; but  observation  shows  us  a stiff,  angular  style  of  draw- 
ing in  this  monument.  The  hair  about  the  neck  is,  as  it  is  usual  in  pri- 
meval works,  but  slightly  raised,  and  arranged  in  rows ; the  manner 
throughout  is  rude,  and  somewhat  awkward,  yet  not  without  spirit  and 
stern  expression.  A work  of  art  of  such  a character,  even  though  of 
Etruscan  workmanship,  can  hardly  have  originated  in  the  year  457  of  the 
building  of  Rome,  coinciding  nearly  with  the  one  hundred  and  twentieth 
Olympiad.  The  injuries  on  the  hind  legs  of  the  animal  are  plainly  to 
be  seen,  and  certainly  render  it  probable  that  it  is  the  very  same  one 
which  was  once  struck  by  lightning.  — Germ.  Ed. 


CHAPTER  IY. 

1.  Bas-reliefs,  or  rather  fragments  of  bas-reliefs,  in  terra-cotta,  and 
painted  with  different  colors,  were  found  in  the  year  1774  at  Yelletri; 
and  they  were  considered  to  be  Yolscian  works.  The  drawing  of  the 
figures  is  stiff*  their  shape  is  slender ; and  the  faces  have  barbarously 
rude  features.  These  monuments  represent  chariot-races  and  other  sub- 
jects, and  seem  in  reality  very  ancient.  The  manner  or  style  resembles 
the  most  nearly  the  black  profile-kind  of  figures  on  the  oldest  painted 
vessels  of  terra-cotta.  Fea,  who  has  had  one  of  these  fragments  en- 
graved (Tom.  III.  p.  5),  likewise  recognizes  their  similarity  to  the 
paintings  on  the  most  ancient  Greek  vases,  and  conjectures  that  they 
might  possibly  be  copies  from  better  originals,  — a point  which  we  are 
not  willing  to  decide.  I have  also  to  notice,  that  a small  work,  under 
the  title,  Bassi  Rtlievi  Volsei  in  Terra  Cotta  (1785,  fol  ),  has  been  pub- 
lished, with  colored  engravings,  for  the  purpose  of  explaining  the  monu- 
ments, looked  upon  as  Volscian  works,  which  are  at  present  in  the 
Borgia  museum  at  Yelletri. — Germ.  Ed. 


NOTES. 


447 


2.  Not  the  whole  camp,  but  a space  set  apart,  in  the  middle  of  the 
camp,  was,  not  surrounded,  but  covered,  like  a tent,  with  linen  cloths, 
over  the  dimensions  stated.  One  legion,  consisting  of  sixteen  thousand 
men,  was  termed  linteata,  not  because  they  were  dressed  in  linen,  but  be- 
cause each  individual  of  it  was  required  to  take  a solemn  oath  of  fidelity 
in  this  place  covered  with  linen  cloths.  — F. 

3.  I will  remark  here,  that  five  Greek  inscriptions  were  afterwards 
discovered  on  a beautiful  vase  in  the  Grand-Ducal  cabinet  at  Florence, 
— an  engraving  of  which  was  published  by  Dempster  (Eirur.  Regal.,  tab. 
62,  63),  and  also  by  Passen  [Piet.  Etrusc.,  Tom.  I.  tab.  58,  59), — after  it 
had  been  cleansed  by  washing. 

Of  these  inscriptions,  or  rather  superscriptions,  of  some  figures  painted 
around  the  upper  part  of  the  vase,  Visconti  (Mus.  Pio-Clem.,  Tom.  II.  p. 
62,  not.  b)  has  given  a learned  explanation,  and  has  also  introduced  into 
a supplementary  plate  a copy  of  the  vase  itself  and  of  its  pictures.  We 
must  however  remark,  that,  at  the  time  when  there  was  still  a strong 
belief  in  the  Etruscan  origin  of  the  painted  vases,  they  seem  to  have 
been  studied  only  in  a hasty  manner.  But  since  they  have  come  into 
increased  esteem  as  works  of  art,  — and  great  numbers  of  them  have 
been  recently  discovered,  and  more  interest  generally  has  been  awakened 
in  regard  to  such  monuments,  — so  many  of  them  with  Greek  inscrip- 
tions have  also  become  known,  that  they  are  hardly  to  be  classed  any 
longer  among  antiquarian  rarities.  Indeed,  it  would  hardly  be  possible 
to  find  a considerable  collection  of  vases  which  could  not  show  one  or 
more  with  a Greek  inscription.  — Germ.  Ed. 

4.  Fea,  who  does  not  willingly  let  an  opportunity  pass  of  defending 
against  Winckelmann  the  Etruscans  and  those  who  have  written  in  their 
favor,  here  again  quotes  Guarnacci  ( Orig . Ital.,  Tom.  II.  lib.  7,  cap.  1, 
p.  305),  who  says : “ A part  of  these  vases  were  collected  by  Cardinal 
Gualtieri  himself,  but  the  larger  portion  were  a gift  to  him  from  Signore 
Bargagli,  at  that  time  Bishop  of  Chiusi,  the  place  in  which  they  were 
found.”  We  are  unable,  indeed,  to  determine  how  much  credit  may  or 
may  not  be  given  to  the  statement  of  Guarnacci  in  regard  to  the  Gual- 
tieri vases,  — which  afterwards  went  into  the  Vatican  Library, — to  the 
prejudice  of  what  Winckelmann  asserts  concerning  them.  We  must, 
however,  admit  that  the  ocular  evidence  is  very  much  in  Winckelmann’s 
favor.  For  in  the  Vatican  collection  just  mentioned  there  are  found, 
with  the  exception  of  the  vase  to  be  seen  in  Passeri  ( Piet.  Etrusc.,  Tom. 
III.  not.  297),  on  which  is  a hovering,  black,  winged  Genius,  only  a very 
few  painted  vases  which  could  really  pass  for  Etruscan,  or  which  visibly 
differ  from  those  which  are  brought  from  Naples  and  are  of  Greek  work- 
manship. — Germ.  Ed. 

5.  As  the  author  has  made  mention  of  all  large  collections  which  were 
in  existence  at  his  time,  or  were  known  to  him,  it  seems  proper  that  we 
should  present  a brief  notice  of  the  collections,  known  to  us  which  were 
either  formed  in  his  time,  but  had  escaped  his  observation,  or  which  have 
been  brought  together  since.  We  will,  however,  make  the  preliminary 
remark,  that  the  Hamilton  Collection  mentioned  by  Winckelmann,  and 
published  by  DTIancarville,  was  transferred  by  its  owner  to  the  British 
Museum,  for  the  sum  of  eight  thousand  pounds. 

Mr.  Hamilton  afterwards  made  at  Naples  a new  and  still  more  con- 


448 


NOTES . 


siderable  collection  of  painted  vases,  of  which  drawings  were  executed 
under  W.  Tischbein’s  supervision,  and  explanations  furnished  by  the 
Chevalier  Italinsky.  The  work  was  published  in  four  folio  volumes. 
This  collection  also  was  destined  for  England ; but  a portion  of  it  was 
lost  by  shipwreck ; the  remainder  was  sold  in  London,  for  forty-five  hun- 
dred guineas,  to  Mr.  Hope,  who  is  said  to  be  the  possessor  of  more  than 
fifteen  hundred  such  vases. 

In  Naples  there  were  formerly  two  collections,  which  probably  still 
exist.  One  of  them  is  the  royal  collection,  quite  considerable  both  for 
the  number  and  size  of  the  vases.  It  was,  at  one  time,  arranged  in  a 
special  room  in  the  Gallery  at  Capo  di  Monte.  The  other  belongs  to  the 
Yivengio  family,  at  Nola,  and  may  amount  to  about  three  hundred  good 
pieces,  all  of  which  were  found  about  the  city  named. 

The  Museum  of  the  Institute  at  Bologna  possesses  a number  of  painted 
vases,  several  of  which  are  good. 

According  to  Millin’s  account  in  the  Musee  ties  Arts,  there,  are  in 
France  fifty  very  admirable  vases,  and  an  equal  number  in  the  manufac- 
tory of  porcelain  at  Sevres.  The  same  antiquarian  gives,  in  the  work 
cited,  a more  circumstantial  account  of  a collection  belonging  to  M.  de 
Parois,  which  contains  more  than  five  hundred  pieces ; he  has  also  fur- 
nished engravings  and  explanations  of  several  remarkable  pieces  in  it. 
( Monumens  Antiq.  Lied.)  Frequent  mention  is  made  of  a collection, 
probably  of  considerable  size,  which  was  formed  at  Malmaison  by  the 
Empress  Josephine;  and  in  Millin’s  Peintures  de  Vases  Antiques  are  copies 
of  several  beautiful  vases  which  it  contained. 

Germany  cannot  boast  of  any  great  wealth  in  painted  ancient  vases. 
The  sole  large  collection  is  that  of  Count  Lamberg,  in  Vienna,  which 
he  formed  when  he  was  Austrian  Ambassador  at  Naples,  in  1780.  In 
the  Museum  of  Antiques  at  Dresden  a few  of  such  painted  vases  are  to 
be  found,  and  among  them  three  or  four  with  remarkable  represen- 
tations. A few,  also,  are  preserved  in  the  ducal  library  at  Weimar, 
which  were  brought  from  Italy  by  the  late  Duchess  Amelia.  Among 
them,  however,  there  is  only  one  deserving  of  notice,  on  which  is  a pic- 
ture of  the  rape  of  Cassandra.  — Germ.  Ed. 

6.  D’Hancarville,  on  the  contrary,  believes  that  the  small  vases  were 
not  playthings  merely,  but  that  they  were  sacred  utensils  in  the  Lararia 
nr  house-chapels  of  the  ancients,  as  the  larger  vases  were  in  the  public 
temples.  — F. 

7.  In  a hall  of  the  Studii  at  Naples  is  found  the  vase  of  Vivengio, 
as  it  is  called,  which  represents  the  misfortunes  of  the  family  of  Priam. 
It  is  of  extraordinary  beauty  of  form,  ornament,  and  painting.  It 
was  found  enclosed  in  another  earthen  vessel  of  coarser  quality.  — 
Germ.  Ed. 

8.  Nem.  10,  Epod.  /3,  v.  68,  ’E v a77eW  epKcatv  ir afj.tr oikI\o is,  In  eases, 
painted  of  various  colors,  for  containing  vases,  to  which  the  Scholiast  adds, 
in  an  explanatory  manner,  i^wypacpgyTo  yap  at  vdptat,for  the  water-pitchers 
were  painted  with  figures.  — W. 

These  Greek  words  are  very  much  distorted  in  the  Vienna  edition 
and  in  the  French  translation  of  1802.  The  passage  itself  has  been 
misunderstood  even  by  the  Scholiast.  The  poet  is  speaking  of  a vessel 
of  baked  clay,  filled  with  oil,  in  an  artistically-wrought  brazen  case.  — S. 


NOTES. 


449 


9.  D’Hancarville  maintains  that  the  large,  beautiful,  and  painted 
vases  were  votive  offerings,  hung  up  in  the  temples,  and  there  serving 
as  ornaments.  The  objection  to  this  is,  that  all  the  vases,  without  any 
exception,  have  been  taken  from  tombs ; and  it  is  difficult  to  conceive 
how  they  could  come  there  from  the  temples.  The  conjecture  proposed 
by  more  modern  inquirers  is,  that  they  were  given  to  youths  as  memo- 
rials, when  they  put  on  the  manly  robe  and  were  initiated  into  the  mys- 
teries of  Bacchus,  and  were  afterwards  deposited  in  their  tombs.  This 
supposition  is  certainly  a more  acceptable  one.  — Germ.  Ed. 

10.  Many  trials  have  been  made,  and  many  mixtures  proposed,  to  imi- 
tate the  blackish-brown  color  with  which  the  ancient  vases  are  painted. 
The  arts  of  fabrication,  however,  are  precisely  the  point  in  which  we 
are  superior  to  the  ancients.  But  their  whole  life  was  penetrated  by  art 
and  taste ; and  in  the  most  trifling  monuments,  beauty  and  grace  unite 
in  the  most  pleasing  manner  with  appropriateness.  In  short,  an  ani- 
mating breath  has  been  breathed  by  art  into  everything  which  originates 
from  refined  antiquity.  Herein  is  the  deficiency  of  our  time ; let  us  seek 
to  supply  it.  — Germ.  Ed. 

11.  To  vases  painted  with  several  colors,  the  delicate,  variegated 
colors  were  not  applied  until  the  vase  had  Been  once  baked.  This  is  the 
reason  why  they  have  not  usually  united  firmly  with  the  clay,  for  they 
fall  off  easily  in  scales,  or  can  be  scratched  off.  — A. 

12.  A rogue  named  Pietro  Fondi  succeeded  in  counterfeiting  these 
vessels.  He  resided  generally  at  Venice  and  Corfu;  many  pieces  of  his 
workmanship  remain  in  Ital}r,  but  most  of  them  have  gone  to  foreign 
countries.  This  is  the  same  man  of  whom  Apostolo  Zeno  speaks  in  one 
of  his  letters.  ( Letlere , Vol.  III.  p.  199.)  The  deception  is,  however, 
easily  discovered,  even  by  those  who  have  no  great  knowledge  of  draw- 
ing; the  clay  used  in  them  is  coarse,  and  the  vases  are  consequently 
heavy.  On  the  other  hand,  the  vases  of  the  ancients  are  made  of  an  un- 
commonly pure  clay,  and  their  smoothness  seems  as  if  it  were  blown 
upon  them  ; in  the  others,  the  contrary  is  the  case.  — W. 

In  the  Notes  to  the  History  of  Art,  the  following  memorandum  oc- 
curs • — 

“ I have  seen  some  few  of  the  modern  counterfeits  of  this  kind  among 
the  genuine  vases  of  Count  Simonetti  in  Home,  which  were  likewise  col- 
lected in  Nola.  The  vases  are  either  ancient  in  themselves,  the  decep- 
tion being  confined  solely  to  the  figures  on  them,  which  are  produced  by 
rubbing  off  the  antique  black  polish,  in  which  case  they  have  a yel- 
lowish color,  the  color  of  the  baked  clay  itself  ; or  they  are  entirely  new 
and  painted  with  oil-colors ; the  latter  kind  is  also  distinguishable  by  its 
weight  in  comparison  with  the  lightness  of  the  antique.  If  a person  has 
no  chance  to  make  the  comparison,  then  the  drawing  of  the  figures 
affords  in  each  case  an  accurate  means  of  distinction.  On  one  of  the 
vases  mentioned  is  introduced  a Chinese  figure  with  a halberd  in  its 
hand ; and  on  another,  a narrow  cloth  is  thrown  about  the  belly  of  a 
male  figure,  after  the  manner  of  more  modern  pictures.  — W. 

The  Vasari  family  at  Arezzo,  and  other  manufacturers  in  Italy  and 
England,  had  counterfeited  such  vases.  In  the  Grand  Ducal  collection 
of  painted  vases,  in  Florence,  some  imitations  by  the  former  may  be 
found.  (Lanzi,  Giornale  de ’ Letterati,  Tom.  XL VII.  Art.  1,  p.  166.)  — F. 
vol.  i.  29 


450 


NOTES. 


13.  Plaut.  Pan.,  Act  5,  Sc.  5,  v.  34.  Quintil.,  lib.  1,  cap.  5.  — It  was 
a shaggy  garment,  worn  by  the  ancient  Etruscans,  Sardinians,  and  other 
nations.  (Dempster,  De  Etruria  Reg  ah,  Tom.  I.  lib.  3,  cap.  54.)  — F. 

14.  The  marble  of  Luna,  also  called  the  Ligustie  (Serv.  ad  sEn.,  lib. 
8,  v.  720),  surpassed  the  most  beautiful  kinds  of  white  Greek  marble  in 
whiteness  at  least,  if  not  in  hardness.  (Plin.,  lib.  30,  cap.  5,  sect.  4.) 
Nevertheless,  no  Etruscan  work  of  the  more  ancient  style  has  been 
found,  made  of  this  marble;  hence  it  might  be  inferred  with  probability, 
that  it  was  unknown  to  the  ancient  Etruscans,  whatever  Fea  may  object 
to  the  inference,  and  however  little  his  explanation  may  agree  with 
Pliny’s  use  of  language  (loc.  cit.).  Mention  is  made  by  Pliny  (lib.  36, 
cap.  6,  sect.  7)  and  by  Strabo  (lib.  5,  p.  349)  of  this  same  marble. 

Among  the  many  buildings  in  Rome  constructed  of  this  marble, 
the  temple  of  Apollo,  erected  by  Augustus  on  the  Palatine  Hill,  was 
specially  pre-eminent.  (Serv.  ad  sEn.,  lib.  8,  v.  720.)  — Germ.  Ed. 


BOOK  IV. 

CHAPTER  I. 

1.  The  priest  of  a youthful  Jupiter  at  iEgag,  the  priest  of  the  Ismenian 
Apollo,  and  he  who  led  the  procession  in  honor  of  Mercury,  at  Tana- 
gra,  with  a lamb  on  his  shoulder,  were  all  young  men  who  had  gained 
the  prize  of  beauty.  The  city  of  Egesta,  in  Sicily,  erected  to  a certain 
Philip,  — who  was  a citizen,  not  of  that  place,  but  of  Crotona,  — merely 
on  account  of  his  exceeding  beauty,  a tomb,  as  to  a deified  hero,  on  which 
sacrifices  were  offered  to  him.  — W. 

The  enthusiasm  with  which  the  youth  and  beauty  of  the  bloom  of  life 
were  extolled  by  the  Greeks  might  be  shown  from  many  passages  of  the 
ancient  writers,  especially  Plato.  Instead  of  all  of  them,  we  w ill  quote 
only  a single  passage  from  Xenophon  (Sympos.,  cap.  4,  § 11),  which  he 
puts  into  the  mouth  of  Critobulus  : — "Ogi >vya  irduras  Oeovs,  /htj  e\eo9cu 
dv  tt)v  /3a(Ti\eu)S  apxvv  “,'T‘  T°v  Ka\bs  elvcu,  “ I swear,  by  all  the  gods,  that 
I would  not  choose  the  power  of  the  [Persian]  king  in  preference  to 
beauty.”  — Germ.  Ed. 

2.  Called  KaWicrreia.  — W. 

3.  The  inhabitants  of  the  Lipari  islands  erected,  at  Delplios,  as  many 
statues  to  Apollo  as  they  had  taken  vessels  from  the  Etruscans.  (Pausan  , 
lib.  10,  cap.  16.)  — W. 

4.  Pausanias  (lib.  6,  cap.  8)  relates  this  of  Eubotas  of  Cyrene,  to  whom 
the  oracle  of  Jupiter  Ammon  had  predicted  victory  — F. 

5.  Only  occasional  mention  is  made  of  slingers.  (Thucyd  , lib.  4,  cap. 
32  ; Euripides,  Phcenissce,  v.  2149.)  — W. 

6.  Gedoyn,  in  this  opinion,  thinks  he  has  distinguished  himself  above 
the  common  crowrd  of  writers.  (Histoire  de  Phidias,  Acad,  des  Inscrip., 
Tom.  IX.,  Me'm.,  p.  199.)  A superficial  English  writer  (Nixon,  Essay  on 


NOTES. 


451 


Sleeping  Cupids ),  notwithstanding  he  had  visited  Rome,  follows  him  in 
it.  — W. 

7.  Namely,  the  Lesche,  “ a place  in  Sparta,  as  in  most  Greek  cities,  ap- 
propriated to  social  meetings  for  the  purpose  of  conversation/’  (Pausan., 
lib.  10,  cap.  25.)  — The  painting  at  Delphos  represented  the  taking  of 
Troy,  as  I find  in  an  ancient  manuscript  scholium  upon  the  Gorgias  of 
Plato,  which  has  preserved  the  inscription  on  it,  as  follows  : — 

rpaij/e  no\vyvu}Tos,  Qaaios  yevos,  ’Ay\a ocpuvTOS 
T Ids,  irepdopevriv  ’IAtov  uup6Tro\iv. 

“ Polygnotus,  a Thasian  by  birth,  son  of  Aglaophon,  painted  the  de- 
struction of  the  citadel  of  Troy.”  — W. . 

8.  Winckelmann  can  have  read  the  words  of  Juvenal,  lances  Parthenio 
factas,  only  in  the  catalogue  of  Junius.  For,  if  he  had  looked  into  Juve- 
nal, he  would  not  have  allowed  himself  to  be  misled  by  the  ambiguity  of 
the  word  lanx ; but  would  have  immediately  perceived,  from  the  connec- 
tion, that  the  poet  did  not  mean  the  basins  or  scales  of  a balance,  but 
plates  and  bowls.  Juvenal  commends  Catullus,  because,  in  a dangerous 
storm  at  sea,  he  had  imitated  the  beaver,  by  throwing  into  the  sea  his 
most  valuable  articles,  that  he  and  the  ship  might  not  sink  together.  He 
says  that,  among  these  silver  dishes  for  the  table,  there  were  also  plates 
with  embossed  work,  executed  by  Parthenius.  Parthenius,  says  the 
ancient  scholiast,  ccelatoris  nomen,  is  the  name  of  a carver  in  relief.  — L. 

9.  Polybius,  lib.  4.  Lessing  censures  Winckelmann,  as  if  there  were 
nothing  in  this  passage  to  confirm  his  assertions.  But  the  densure  is  un- 
just ; fbr  the  testimony  of  the  historian  verifies  Winckelmann’s  quota- 
tion.— Thespise,  Olympia,  Cos,  and  Cnidos,  also,  together  with  many  cities 
and  islands,  were  especially  famed  for  their  statues.  — Germ.  Ed. 

10.  He  was  called  “the  Shadow-painter,”  o-Kiaypdcpos  (Hesychius, 

< TKioypacpos ).  The  reason  of  the  appellation  is  therefore  obvious.  Hesy- 
chius, who  has  taken  a tcioypacpos  for  crKguoypdcpos,  that  is,  “ the  Tent- 
painter,”  is  to  be  emended.  (Hesycli.,  ex  edit.  Alberti,  Tom.  II.  p.  1209.) 
— W. 

It  should  be  remarked  that  the  term  aKgvoypdpos,  here  rendered 
“Tent-painter,”  (Germ.  Zelt-Maler ,)  signifies  more  properly  “Scene- 
painter.”  By  the  epithet  “ Shadow-painter,”  aKioypd(pos,  applied  to 
Apollodorus,  is  to  be  understood  a painter  in  chiaroscuro,  or  light  and 
shade.  — Tr. 

11.  MjjSei'  iv  Trpocrevxcus  Inrep  aurov  [ Kalaapos ],  p^  aya\pa,  pr)  £ oavov , 
P b ypap^v  Idpvo-apevot,  “ Placing  nothing  in  honor  of  him  [the  emperor] 
in  the  oratories,  — neither  polished  statue,  nor  rude  image,  nor  picture.” 
(Philo,  de  Virt.  et  Legat.  ad  Caium.)  — Germ.  Ed. 

12.  An  entertainment  to  the  gods,  in  which  their  images  were  laid  upon 
couches,  and  meats  served  to  them  in  public.  — Tr. 


452 


NOTES. 


CHAPTER  II. 

1.  When  many  statues  were  collected  together,  they  were  distin- 
guished by  numbers,  probably  in  reference  to  the  place  which  they 
occupied  in  the  row.  This  at  least  may  be  inferred  from  the  Greek 
letter  H,  engraved  on  the  socle  of  the  statue  of  a Faun,  in  the  palace 
Altieri.  It  was,  therefore,  the  seventh  in  the  range.  As  the  same  letter 
was  cut  on  a bust  of  which  a Greek  inscription  makes  mention,  it  is 
to  be  inferred  that  this  bust  was  the  seventh  of  those  formerly  set  up 
in  the  temple  of  Serapis.  For  the  same  reason,  the  letter  N,  engraved 
on  the  shaft  that  serves  as  a support  to  the  Amazon  of  Sosicles,  in  the 
Capitoline  museum,  denotes  that  it  was  the  thirteenth  in  some  former 
collection.  — F. 

2.  To  many  of  our  readers  the  remarks  of  Winckelmann  upon  Michael 
Angelo  and  Bernini  may  seem  harsh,  perhaps  unjust.  He  was  not,  in 
fact,  particularly  partial  to  either,  as  it  appears  from  other  passages ; we 
must,  however,  take  into  consideration  the  stand  from  which  he  contem- 
plated the  style  of  these  masters.  He  does  not  judge  these  celebrated 
artists,  in  the  least  degree,  according  to  the  standard  of  modern  art,  — 
much  less  does  he  wish  to  decide  what  rank  they  are  to  take  in  the  list 
of  modern  artists,  — but  he  compares  what  they  have  done  with  the 
highest  idea  of  beautiful  form  derived  from  the  masterpieces  of  antiq- 
uity ; and  in  this  respect,  he  is  right  beyond  dispute.  Wholly  in  the 
same  sense,  and  with  precisely  such  a special  reference  to  beauty  of  form, 
is  also  to  be  understood  a well-known  bon-mot  of  Nicholas  Poussin,  who  is 
said  to  have  remarked  of  Raphael,  — “ Compared  with  the  moderns,  he  is 
an  angel ; but  with  the  ancients,  an  ass.”  — Germ.  Ed. 

3.  There  were,  at  one  time,  two  well-executed  heads,  of  basalt,  in  the 
villa  Albani.  The  more  beautiful  one,  of  which  Winckelmann  speaks, 
was  formerly  named  Cleopatra,  and  afterwards  Berenice.  It  possesses 
noble  and  very  regular  features,  and  is,  in  every  respect,  an  exquisite 
work  of  art.  The  nose  is  a modern  restoration.  — The  second  head  is 
not  equal  to  the  first,  either  in  beauty  of  features  or  in  skilful  execution. 
At  first,  it  was  called  Berenice,  but  afterwards  Lucilla.  The  nose  and 
chin  are  repaired.  — Germ.  Ed. 

4.  Let  no  one  be  induced  by  the  passage  in  the  text  to  think  of  portrait- 
likeness,  — of  which  Winckelmann  certainly  did  not  intend  to  speak  (see 
section  33  of  this  chapter),  — since  he  would,  in  such  case,  entirely  mis- 
take the  genius  of  ancient  art.  When  the  ancient  authors,  in  speaking 
of  Phryne,  Lais,  and  other  celebrated  women  whose  favors  were  venal, 
mention  that  great  artists  modelled  their  masterpieces  after  them,  they 
did  not,  by  any  means,  intend  to  be  understood  that  portraits  of  them 
were  actually  made,  that  is  to  say,  that  the  individual  parts  of  their 
shape  and  features  were  copied,  but  — even  though  the  passages  should 
express  ever  so  clearly  another  meaning  — that  these  beautiful  persons 
supplied  the  great  artists,  in  the  conception  of  their  ideal  conformations, 
as  of  Venus,  for  example,  with  an  outward  occasion,  and  probably,  in 
the  execution  of  their  figures,  served  them  as  models.  If  the  abso- 


NOTES. 


453 


lute  ideal  invented  by  each  artist,  and  standing  in  a perfect  state 
before  his  mental  vision,  had  not  always  predominated  over  every 
thing  external,  then  would  the  works  of  art  neither  have  deserved,  nor 
attained,  the  high  celebrity  which  has  fallen  to  their  lot.  Even  though 
Phryne  may  have  been  faultlessly  beautiful,  and  have  shown  herself 
ever  so  complaisant  to  Praxiteles,  still  the  Venus  of  Cnidos  was  no  por- 
trait of  her,  because  a likeness  requires  an  imitation  of  the  features  of 
the  individual,  whereas  ideal  images  exclude  it.  If,  from  the  analogy  of 
all  ancient  works  of  art  still  extant,  we  may,  as  we  must,  believe  that 
the  celebrated  Venus  of  Cnidos,  by  Praxiteles,  is  an  ideal  image  of  the 
goddess,  a general  type  of  the  highest  feminine  grace  and  beauty  of 
form,  we  shall  also  be  able  to  maintain,  on  indisputable  grounds,  that 
this  image  may,  in  some  respect,  have  resembled  every  very  beautiful 
woman ; the  most  beautiful  woman,  indeed,  who  has  ever  lived,  or  will 
live,  may  have  the  greatest  resemblance  to  that  image  ; and,  in  so  far  as 
Phryne  may  have  been  extraordinarily  beautiful,  the  ancients  might  be- 
lieve, and  say  with  truth,  that  the  masterpiece  of  Praxiteles  resembled  her. 
But  the  intelligent,  and  connoisseurs,  at  least,  did  not  understand  by  this 
expression  a common  portrait-likeness,  as  we  clearly  perceive  from  the 
circumstance,  that  Arellius,  who  lived  shortly  before  Augustus  (Plin., 
lib.  35,  cap.  10,  § 37),  incurred  the  reproach  of  scandalous  and  blasphe- 
mous conduct,  because  the  goddesses  painted  by  him  always  resembled 
the  courtesans  in  whom  he  happened,  at  the  time,  to  be  interested.  — 
Germ.  Ed. 

5.  Translators  render  the  word  avuocppvs  by  junctis  superciliis,  “ joined 
eyebrows,”  as  the  connection  in  the  text  requires ; but  it  might  be  trans- 
lated “ proud,”  according  to  the  explanation  of  Hesychius.  It  is  said, 
however  (La  Roque,  Mceurs  et  Cout.  des  Arabes,  p.  217),  that  the  Arabians 
think  eyebrows  which  meet  beautiful.  — W. 

6.  Not  merely  two,  but  four,  such  recumbent  Hermaphrodites  are  in 
existence,  or  at  least  known.  One,  at  Paris,  which  has  been  for  a long 
time  in  France ; a second,  in  the  Florentine  gallery,  is  the  one  men- 
tioned by  the  author ; a third,  and  the  most  celebrated,  is  that  in  the 
villa  Borgliese,  near  Rome,  likewise  noticed  by  the  author ; a fourth, 
and,  as  it  seems  to  us,  the  best  in  execution,  is  in  the  palace  Borghese,  in 
Rome.  Whether,  as  Visconti  supposes,  the  celebrated  Hermaphrodite  of 
Polycletus,  in  bronze,  mentioned  by  Pliny  (lib.  34,  cap.  8,  § 19),  may 
have  been  the  original  from  which  the  four  figures  just  named  were 
copied  in  ancient  times,  we  do  not  pretend  to  decide.  It  is  possible,  but 
still  not  capable  of  proof.  On  the  contrary,  we  do  not  venture  even  to 
assert  that  either  of  the  marbles  in  question  may  be  an  original  work, 
although  the  two  Borghese  figures  possess  indisputably  very  many 
admirable  qualities.  If  we  consider  them  in  respect  of  invention,  and 
the  predominating  idea,  there  is  scarcely  one  among  all  the  antiques 
which  could  be  named  as  possessing  more  excellences.  The  equivocal, 
undecided  nature  of  the  forms,  wavering  between  male  and  female, 
between  boy  and  maiden,  is  rendered  with  wonderful  delicacy,  and 
weighed,  as  it  were,  in  the  nicest  balance. 

It  was  the  intention  of  the  artist  to  represent  this  Hermaphrodite  as 
sleeping,  it  is  true,  yet  sleeping  unquietly,  and  excited  by  voluptuous 
dreams.  He  is  turned  almost  entirely  over,  and  the  undulating  line  of 


454 


NOTES. 


the  body,  occasioned  by  its  position,  lends  to  him  an  extraordinary 
charm,  and  denotes  a style  in  art  that  had  not  only  advanced  to  the 
extreme  of  refinement  in  search  of  the  pleasing,  but  had,  indeed,  already 
strayed  beyond  it  into  the  realms  of  voluptuousness.  In  so  far  as  we 
may  presume  to  draw  an  inference  from  these  characteristics,  as  to  the 
age  when  the  work  in  question  was  executed,  it  could  not  well  be  earlier 
than  after  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  when  Greek  rule,  manners, 
and  art  prevailed  in  Asia. 

Among  the  four  repetitions,  still  extant,  of  this  recumbent  Hermaph- 
rodite, the  one  first  mentioned,  which  is  said  to  have  been  retouched  by 
a modern  artist,  has  the  least  value  as  a work  of  art.  It  was  disinterred 
at  Velletri,  and  has  been  known  a longer  time  than  the  others. 

The  forms  of  the  Florentine  Hermaphrodite  are  elegant,  the  contour 
soft  and  flowing,  the  flesh  tender.  Some  few  slight  inaccuracies,  how- 
ever, are  visible ; and  the  handling,  especially  of  the  hair,  also  allows 
room  for  conjecture  that  it  is  a copy,  executed  in  the  time  of  the  Roman 
emperors.  He  lies  on  the  spread  skin  of  a lion  or  tiger,  the  end  of  which 
is  also  wrapped  about  the  left  arm.  This  latter  particular  distinguishes 
the  Florentine  in  some  degree  from  the  three  other  repetitions.  — The 
nose  is  new  ; probably,  also,  both  legs,  the  whole  of  the  right  thigh  and 
half  of  the  left,  the  socle,  and  the  skin  spread  underneath.  Accurate 
observers  will  probably  find  that  the  characteristics  of  the  male  sex  are, 
in  this  figure,  somewhat  more  modest,  short,  and  quiet,  than  in  the  two 
Borghese  statues  ; this  is  not,  however,  an  original  ancient  variation,  but 
merely  an  effect  of  the  delicate  scrupulousness  of  the  artist  by  whom 
the  restorations  were  made. 

The  celebrated  figure  in  the  villa  Borghese  deserves  to  be  ranked  be- 
fore the  Florentine,  partly  on  account  of  its  better  preservation,  and 
partly  because  the  forms  are,  generally,  even  more  flowing  and  elegant. 
Notwithstanding  these  admirable  qualities  in  the  execution,  still  there  is 
observable  about  the  mouth,  eyes,  and  in  other  important  points,  a cer- 
tain want  of  spirit,  of  living  expression,  which  cannot  be  lacking  in  any 
truly  original  work,  or  at  least  not  in  one  so  perfect  in  conception  as 
this.  Although  the  Florentine  Hermaphrodite  is  wrought  from  Greek 
marble,  and  this  from  Italian,  still  we  should  be  inclined  to  regard  the 
latter  as  the  more  ancient,  judging  from  the  indications  of  the  handling. 
— The  tip  of  the  nose,  four  fingers  of  the  left  hand,  the  left  foot  as  high 
as  the  small  of  the  leg,  a trifling  portion  of  the  drapery,  and  the  mat- 
tress, — which  passes  for  a masterpiece  of  its  kind,  — are  new,  and  from 
the  hand  of  the  celebrated  Lorenzo  Bernini. 

The  fourth  Hermaphrodite,  in  the  gallery  of  the  palace  Borghese  at 
Rome,  appeared  to  us,  after  repeated  examination,  always  more  tender 
and  fleshlike  in  execution,  and  the  forms  more  lovely,  and  to  melt  more 
softly  into  one  another,  than  is  the  case  with  the  figure  at  the  villa. 

Besides  these  monuments,  in  which  the  idea  of  the  Hermaphrodite  is 
conceived  in  the  finest  poetical  sense,  and  realized  in  a style  of  art  that 
cannot  be  surpassed,  there  are  several  others,  differing  in  position  and 
action,  yet  representing  the  same  subject.  Of  these,  Winekelmann 
mentions  a small  upright  figure  in  the  villa  Albani.  We  will  notice 
only  one  other,  exceedingly  beautiful  in  its  execution,  which  is  kept 
locked  up  in  a closet,  in  the  villa  Borghese,  because  the  posture  is  some- 


NOTES. 


455 


what  bold.  It  is  nearly  of  the  size  of  life,  stands  bent  a little  back- 
wards, and  is  covered  with  female  drapery,  the  front  part  of  which  is 
lifted  up  by  both  hands.  Nothing  can  be  seen  lovelier,  smoother, 
rounder,  and  especially  softer,  than  these  features,  these  limbs.  The 
face,  it  is  true,  has  not  a high  character,  — this  would  not  be  consistent 
with  the  rest,  — but  it  is  very  pleasing,  round,  and  lovely,  full  of  passion 
and  delight.  The  skill  of  the  artist  has  enabled  him  to  introduce  about 
the  cheeks  and  mouth  a something  which  is  not  exactly  vulgar,  but  yet 
has  a touch  of  common  humanity,  — a trace  of  sensuality,  — and  even 
by  this  very  means  to  enhance  the  fascination  of  his  work.  — The  end 
of  the  nose,  the  greater  portion  of  the  head  and  hair,  the  right  leg,  the 
left  foot,  and  the  characteristics  of  the  male  sex,  are  modern. 

This  figure  was  originally  intended  for  a niche,  since  the  reverse  side 
is  very  carelessly  handled,  or  rather  is  only  sketched.  It  is  said  to  have 
been  found  not  fax  from  Mount  Portio,  on  the  place  where  one  of  the 
villas  of  Lucius  Verus  was  probably  situated ; we  do  not  intend,  how- 
ever, to  intimate,  by  this  remark,  that  we  believe  it  to  have  been  exe- 
cuted during  the  reign  of  this  emperor.  On  the  contrary,  it  has  all  the 
characteristics  of  a purely  Grecian  work  of  the  later,  effeminate  style, 
and,  moreover,  the  marble  is  Greek.  — Germ.  Ed. 

7.  In  the  heads  of  Jupiter,  the  eyes  are  large  and  well  opened,  but  not 
round  ; so  that,  in  this  respect,  they  resemble  less  closely  the  conforma- 
tion of  the  lion  than  one  might  probably  suppose  from  Winckelmann’s 
words.  (See  Plates  I.  and  II.,  two  of  the  finest  heads  of  Jupiter,  in  which 
the  eyes,  forehead,  and  frontal  hair  are  represented.)  — Germ.  Ed. 


BOOK  Y. 

CHAPTER  I. 

1.  It  would  be  a fault  in  female  figures  with  bared  breasts,  if  the 
nipples,  as  an  essential  part  of  them,  were  not  visible,  that  is  to  say,  were 
not  indicated  at  all.  They  are,  however,  always  signified,  and  even 
made  visible  through  the  dress,  in  all  antique  figures,  even  those  repre- 
senting virgins.  Yet,  as  in  beautiful  women,  so  also  in  beautiful  youth- 
ful statues,  they  are  neither  large  nor  prominent,  but,  as  it  were,  still 
immature  for  fulfilling  the  offices  of  maternity.  — Germ.  Ed. 

2.  It  is  now  in  the  Pio-Clement  museum.  Visconti  believes  either  that 
the  child  in  the  arms  of  the  goddess  represents  Mars,  or  that  the  monu- 
ment, taken  as  a whole,  is  a symbol  of  Juno  Lucina.  — F. 

3.  Ancient  art  has  transmitted  to  us  Fauns  of  different  characters,  or, 
in  other  words,  it  has  thought  proper  to  present  the  ideal  of  them  in 
different  modes,  and  under  forms  more  or  less  noble.  The  remark  of 
Winckelmann  is  well  grounded,  that  several  statues  and  heads  of  young 
Fauns  are  of  uncommon  beauty,  and  apparently  conceived  and  repre- 
sented as  though  of  divine  origin,  and  relatives  of  Bacchus ; for  example, 


456 


NOTES. 


the  many  similar  young  Fauns,  noticed  by  him,  standing  at  rest  against 
the  trunk  of  a tree,  which  pass  for  copies  of  the  (so  called)  irepL^ogros, 

“ The  Celebrated,”  of  Praxiteles. 

The  beautiful  young  Faun,  also,  which,  together  with  three  antique 
repetitions  of  it,  stands  in  the  museum  at  Dresden,  is  equally  pleasing, 
yet  still  more  noble  and  divine,  in  its  conception.  (A  profile  of  the  head 
alone  may  be  seen  in  Plate  III.,  fig.  A.)  A fifth  figure,  resembling  the 
Dresden  statues,  is  in  the  villa  Ludovisi,  at  Rome.  The  head  in  particu- 
lar is  extremely  lovely,  and  well  preserved.  The  young  Faun  blowing 
a flute — of  which  there  are,  likewise,  numerous  copies  — is  charmingly 
graceful,  although  the  shape  generally  is  somewhat  less  noble.  There 
are  two  such  figures  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  and  several  in  the  villa 
Borghese,  one  of  which  is  of  surpassing  excellence.  Unsatisfactory  en- 
gravings of  this  most  beautiful  figure  may  be  found  in  Perrier  (Statue, 
No  48),  and  in  the  Sculture  del  Palazzo  della  Villa  Borghese.  In  the  latter 
of  these  works  the  conjecture  is  offered,  whether  the  celebrated  Faun, 
painted  by  Protogenes,  and  bearing  the  epithet  avaira.v6p.evos,  “ The  Re- 
posing,” might  not  have  been  the  original  of  this  monument  in  marble. 
Indeed,  the  many  repetitions  of  it,  and  the  skill  and  wisdom  which  pre- 
vail in  the  disposition  of  its  parts,  as  well  as  the  elegance  and  tenderness 
of  the  forms,  place  it  beyond  all  doubt  that  it  must  have  had  for  its 
original  a work  highly  celebrated  in  antiquity.  But  we  should  not  con- 
jecture that  original  to  have  been  a painting,  unless  the  probability  of 
this  were  based  upon  very  peculiar  circumstances. 

The  celebrated  Silenus  carrying  the  young  Bacchus  in  his  arms,  in  the 
villa  Borghese,  is  also  to  be  enumerated  among  the  estimable,  noble  fig- 
ures of  the  Bacchus  family.  — Note  9 will  give  further  information  in 
regard  to  this  beautiful  monument. 

The  Fauns  which  Winckelmann  appears  to  designate  properly  by  the 
epithet  Simi,  that  is,  flat-nosed,  are  conceived  after  a different  and  lower 
ideal.  They  have  a broader  and  flatter  face,  eyes  not  deeply  set,  and, 
for  the  most  part,  a somewhat  sunken  nose  with  a thick  tip ; the  mouth 
is  proportionately  wide,  and  the  face  usually  distorted  with  laughter. 
Warts,  like  those  which  goats  have,  are  often  put  under  the  jaw,  near 
the  neck.  In  other  respects,  their  conformation  is  always  vigorous  and 
agile,  though  occasionally  slender;  and  pervaded  by  strongly  marked 
muscles  and  sinews,  as  required  by  their  occupation  of  roaming  through 
woods  and  fields.  The  first  place  among  figures  of  this  kind  and  char- 
acter properly  belongs  to  the  celebrated  sleeping  Faun  of  the  Barberini 
collection.  The  sleep  in  which  he  lies  sunk  after  fatigue,  and  the  relaxa- 
tion of  all  the  muscles  of  the  limbs,  are  expressed  in  a manner  which 
cannot  be  improved  ; it  is,  indeed,  inimitable.  We  can  almost  hear  the 
deep  respiration,  see  how  the  wine  swells  the  veins,  how  the  excited 
pulses  beat. 

The  second  place  belongs  to  the  Faun  playing  the  Scabellum,1  in  the 
Tribune  at  Florence.  Not  only  do  the  faultless  harmony  throughout, 
and  the  highly  naive  simplicity  in  the  gesture,  and  in  the  keeping  of  all 
the  parts,  challenge  our  admiration,  satisfy  the  requirements  of  the 
understanding,  and  perfectly  accomplish  the  object  in  view,  but  this 

1 A kind  of  musical  instrument  which,  was  played  by  the  pressure  of  the  foot  ; it 
always  gave  the  same  tone.  — Ta. 


NOTES. 


457 


figure,  like  the  Barberini  sleeping  Faun,  just  mentioned,  delights  also  the 
feelings  themselves,  as  a bright,  glorious  image  of  nature  unrestrained. 
It  is,  moreover,  one  of  the  most  learned  figures,  or,  to  speak  more  cor- 
rectly, one  of  those  in  which  we  see  a masterly  display  of  anatomical 
skill,  profound  knowledge  of  the  action  of  the  muscles,  and  of  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  will  affects  them  previously  to  the  moment  of  action. 
The  foot,  which  is  about  to  press  the  Scabellum,  with  the  sole  attached, 
is  raised ; the  tendons  which  move  the  toes  are  in  a state  of  the  most 
forcible  contraction  ; but  he  is  impatient  to  hear  the  sound ; hence  the 
calf  of  the  leg  already  begins  to  swell,  and  the  great  back  cord  of  the 
leg  is  becoming  tense  for  a downward  blow.  — The  head  is  modern,  yet 
very  good,  full  of  expression,  and  in  harmony  with  the  whole  ; also  both 
arms,  a considerable  piece  of  the  left  heel,  and  all  the  toes  of  the  right 
foot.  These  restorations  are  all  from  the  hand  of  one  artist,  said  to  be 
Michael  Angelo. 

An  excellent  figure,  almost  as  large  as  life,  in  the  Capitoline  museum, 
also  belongs  from  its  character  to  this  same  lower  class  of  the  Faun- 
ideal.  It  is  carrying  fruits  in  a skin  by  which  it  is  girt.  (A  profile- 
likeness  of  the  head  may  be  seen  in  Plate  III.,  fig.  B.)  The  naive 
expression  of  joyousness,  which  gives  life,  as  it  were,  to  this  admirable 
work  of  art,  delights  the  spectator.  It  is,  besides,  one  of  the  best-pre- 
served figures ; for  even  the  right  hand,  which  is  raised  and  holding 
fortli  an  apple,  is  antique,  with  the  exception  of  the  fingers.  On  the 
head,  only  the  tip  of  the  nose  is  somewhat  injured.  A couple  of  toes  on 
each  foot,  and  other  trifling  parts  are  modern  restorations. 

In  this  second  class,  or  inferior  Faun-ideal,  are  to  be  included  the  bald, 
flat-nosed  Sileni,  with  large,  and  occasionally  hairy,  belly  and  thighs, 
and  also  somewhat  short  proportions.  Good  standing  figures  of  this 
kind  are  to  be  found  in  the  Pio-Clement  museum,  at  the  entrance  of 
the  palace  Lanti,  in  the  gallery  Giustiniani,  and  in  the  museum  at 
Dresden.1 

The  sinking  Silenus,  supported  by  a Faun,  on  the  great  Borghese 
vase,  and  another,  which  might  be  named  “ The  Reeling,”  upheld  by  two 
Fauns,  on  the  beautiful  bas-relief  in  the  Pio-Clement  museum,  belong 
here,  although  they  seem  to  be  more  noble  in  form,  and  to  constitute  a 
class  intermediate  between  those  just  mentioned  and  the  beautiful  Bor- 
ghese Silenus  holding  the  young  Bacchus  in  his  arms,  to  which  reference 
lias  already  been  made. 

Finally,  there  remains  to  be  considered  still  a third  class,  and  this  the 
lowest  of  such  ideal  conformations,  — namely,  the  long-liorned  and  goat- 
footed, to  which,  in  the  language  of  art  of  the  present  day,  the  name 
of  Satyr  is  usually  and  exclusively  applied,  although,  anciently,  the 
Greeks  comprehended  under  this  term  all  the  kinds  above  named,  with- 
out exception. 

If  we  see  the  Fauns,  so  called,  of  the  second  class  almost  always  rep- 
resented m a state  of  mind  excited  by  wine  even  to  waggishness,  exces- 
sive gayety,  jumping,  and  dancing,  so  the  ancient  artist  made  use  of  the 
Goat-footed  as  the  true  Merry-Andrew.  For  this  reason,  we  find  on 
engraved  gems,  as  well  as  in  a Herculaneum  painting,  one  of  these  mon- 

1 An  engraving  from  a statue  in  the  Pio-Clement  museum  may  be  seen  in  Plate 
Y.  - Tr. 


458 


NOTES . 


grels  engaged  in  a butting  contest  with  a real  male  goat.  In  the  villa 
Borghese  there  is  another,  who  is  sitting  down,  and  occupied  with  comic 
gravity  in  extracting  a thorn  from  the  foot  of  a robust  Faun,  who  be- 
haves himself  in  a manner  quite  unseemly.  In  the  Pio-Clement  Museum 
(Vol.  I.,  Plate  50)  may  be  found  a group  of  a still  lower  character, 
though  superior  in  execution,  in  which  a Satyr,  with  lustful  impatience, 
is  striving  to  strip  the  dress  from  a struggling  Nymph.  When  ancient 
art  deviates  still  farther,  into  the  representation  of  dubious  or  shameless 
subjects,  it  does,  indeed,  occasionally  make  use  of  the  lower  kind  of 
Fauns,  but  more  frequently  of  the  Goat-figures.  — Germ.  Ed. 

4.  This  Satyr  or  Faun  of  Praxiteles  was  termed  6 7repi06r)Tos,  The 
Praised.  According  to  Pausanias  (lib.  1,  cap.  20)  and  Athenseus  (Deip- 
nosoph.,  lib.  13,  cap.  6),  it  was  of  bronze,  aud  was  standing  even  in  their 
time,  that  is,  about  A.  D.  174,  in  the  Tripod  street,  at  Athens.  Among 
the  figures  which  pass  for  probable  copies  of  this  masterpiece,  so  cele- 
brated in  antiquity,  the  one  which  was  carried  from  the  Capitoline  mu- 
seum to  Pans  is,  in  respect  to  execution,  the  most  valued.  But,  however 
beautiful  it  may  be,  still  there  are  observable  about  it,  as  in  most  ancient 
copies,  certain  indications  of  haste  and  negligent  handling.  The  drill 
has  been  much  used,  and,  on  more  careful  examination,  errors  are  discov- 
erable ; for  example,  the  retracted  right  foot  is  much  shorter  than  it 
ought  to  be.  — The  nose,  the  back  part  of  the  head,  and  both  fore-arms 
and  hands  are  modern.  — Germ.  Ed. 

5.  Winckelmann  has  given  a wrong  interpretation  to  the  passage  in 
Pausanias  (lib.  2.  cap.  13)  from  which  he  probably  derived  this  state- 
ment. Pratinas  and  Aristias  were  not  artists  in  marble  and  bronze,  as 
Heyne  first  remarked,  but  two  dramatic  poets,  who,  like  iEsehylus,  wrote 
satirical  dramas  also,  adrupoi,  the  chorus  of  which  was  composed  of 
Satyrs.  — Germ.  Ed. 

6.  Lacinice  a cervice  bince  dependentes  (Plin.,  lib.  8,  cap.  50,  sect.  76), 
“ Two  flaps  pendent  from  the  neck.”  They  are  visible  on  a beautiful 
young  Faun  sleeping  on  a rock,  among  the  Herculaneum  bronzes  (An- 
tich.  d’  Ercolano,  Vol.  VI.,  Plate  40),  and  in  another  plate  (No.  42),  which 
represents  an  elder  Faun,  or  a Silenus,  stretched  out  upon  a skin.  These 
pendants  are  still  more  clearly  visible  on  a beautiful  Faun  of  red  marble, 
m the  Pio-Clement  Museum  (Vol.  I.,  Plate  47).  — F. 

7.  It  was  found  near  the  celebrated  tomb  of  Csecilia  Metella,  and  be- 
longed to  the  Institute  at  Bologna,  where  it  was  seen  by  Breval  and 
Keissler,  who  make  mention  of  it.  — W. 

The  bust,  not  the  head  alone,  of  the  Faun  mentioned  here,  which  be- 
longs to  the  second  class  designated  in  Note  3,  could  hardly  be  equalled 
in  regard  to  the  industry  bestowed  upon  the  execution  of  it.  All  the 
parts  are  finished  with  the  greatest  accuracy ; but,  as  the  whole  has  been 
very  smoothly  polished,  the  reflected  light  from  the  surface  produces  a 
certain  appearance  of  hardness,  which  is  not  favorable  to  the  really  ad- 
mirable monument.  It  is,  besides,  in  perfect  preservation ; only  the 
right  side  of  the  face  is  a little  stained  with  something  green,  probably 
from  lying,  whilst  in  the  ground,  in  contact  with  bronze.  For  this  reason 
the  French  term  it  le  Faune  a la  tache.  — Germ.  Ed. 

8.  Watelet,  Reflex,  sur  la  Peinture,  p.  60.  — Germ.  Ed. 

9.  The  Borghese  Silenus  is,  beyond  question,  the  noblest  of  all  the  im- 


NOTES. 


459 


ages  of  the  instructor  of  Bacchus  which  have  come  down  to  us.  It  is 
one  of  those  glorious,  purely  human  representations  which  perfectly  con- 
tent the  eye,  the  understanding,  and  the  feelings.  The  invention,  arrange- 
ment, purity  of  the  outlines,  and  consummate  elegance  of  the  forms, 
equally  demand  praise  and  excite  astonishment.  From  the  workmanship 
generally,  and  from  the  hair  in  particular,  we  may  infer  that  this  work 
belongs  to  the  most  flourishing  period  of  art.  It  may  also  be  reckoned 
among  those  which  have  been  admirably  well  preserved.  — According  to 
our  observation,  the  left  hand,  and  the  fingers  of  the  right  hand,  of  Sile- 
nus,  and  several  parts  of  the  figure  of  the  child,  are  modern.  — It  was 
found  amid  the  ruins  of  the  gardens  of  Sallust,  at  the  same  time  with  the 
large  Borghese  vase.  — Germ.  Ed. 

10.  In  regard  to  the  statue  from  which  this  engraving  is  copied,  Vis- 
conti (Chiaramonti  Mus.,  Vol.  II.,  p.  29)  remarks  as  follows  : — “ The  an- 
cient monuments  still  remaining  which  relate  to  Dionysius  or  Bacchus, 
and  his  numerous  followers,  usually  divided  into  the  various  families  of 
Satyrs,  Fauns,  Sileni,  Pans,  Msenades,  &c.,  are  so  frequent,  that  they  are 
to  be  found  everywhere  in  museums,  and  as  the  ornaments  of  dwelling- 
houses,  of  gardens,  and  of  villas.  But  images  which  represent  the  primi- 
tive Silenus,  the  instructor  of  Bacchus,  are  rare.  Although  the  poets 
and  writers  of  satires  travesty  him  as  old,  very  fat,  and  pot-bellied,  re- 
sembling a wine-skin,  deformed,  as  Lucian  caricatures  him,  and  as  he  is 
often  represented  on  bas-reliefs,  in  the  Bacchic  scenes  upon  sarcophagi  so 
common  in  museums,  still  the  original  character  of  Silenus  is  much  more 
noble,  since  he  is  understood  to  have  bred  and  educated  Bacchus  or 
Dionysius,  in  whom  is  personified  the  uncivilized  state  of  the  world,  and 
its  passsage  from  a rude  to  a more  cultivated  condition.  He  was  the 
head,  the  leader,  of  that  troop  of  old  Satyrs  who  were  called  Sileni  after 
him,  and  who  accompanied  Bacchus  in  his  Indian  campaign,  which  was 
undertaken  for  the  purpose  of  civilizing  the  barbarians.  The  Orphic 
Hymns  invoke  him  under  the  name  of  the  bravest  and  best  of  the  Sileni ; 
the  titles  which  they  give  him  denote  veneration ; they  pronounce  him 

to  be  honored  alike  by  gods  and  men In  the  more  ancient 

Theogony,  Silenus  was  regarded  as  the  depositary  of  science,  which,  in 
his  capacity  of  instructor,  he  communicated  to  Bacchus,  who  made  use 
of  it  to  civilize  mankind,  still  in  a rude  and  savage  state. 

“ This  figure,  which  falsifies  all  the  erroneous  notions  entertained  of 
Silenus,  shows  him  in  his  original  character,  as  the  foster-father  and  in- 
structor of  Bacchus.  Now  this  latter,  taken  in  a moral  sense,  is  nothing 
more  than  a symbol  of  the  refinement  of  the  world  from  a state  of  bar- 
barism, and  the  former  is  a symbol  of  the  knowledge  which  had  nurtured, 
guided,  and  assisted  him. 

“Like  his  foster-child,  he  is  naked;  his  aspect  is  noble  and  affection- 
ate, as  suitable  to  the  educator  of  a god,  whom  he  holds  in  his  arms  and 
presses  to  his  bosom.  The  child  is  caressing  him  in  turn,  and  gracefully 
extends  his  hands  to  the  other’s  cheeks.  His  head  is  bald  ; the  goat-ears, 
— denoting  an  origin  in  common  with  the  Satyrs  and  Panisci,  and  par- 
taking of  the  bestial  and  the  human,  — and  the  Panther’s  skin,  upon  the 
left  arm,  are  attributes  which  show  that  Silenus  possesses  two  natures,  a 
mortal  and  a divine,  a material  and  an  intellectual.  His  nose  is  flat,  his 
face  broad,  and  the  expression  composed  of  hilarity,  benevolence,  and 


460 


NOTES. 


sagacity.  The  wreath  of  ivy-leaves  and  ivy-berries  around  the  head  of 
each  tells  of  the  perpetual  youth  of  Bacchus,  and  the  strength  and 
sweetness  of  the  bonds  with  which  barbarism  binds  the  minds  of  men. 
— Tr. 

11.  Of  this  statue  ( Pio-Clem . Mus.,  Yol.  I.,  Plate  46)  Yisconti  remarks 
as  follows  : — “A  distinction  is  commonly  received  among  antiquarians 
which  assists  them  greatly  in  classifying  the  so  much  varied  images  of 
the  rustic  deities  who  are  the  followers  and  companions  of  Bacchus. 
Having  observed  them  sometimes  with  the  lower  limbs  goat-like,  at  other 
times  only  with  capriform  ears,  and  again  with  tail  and  horns,  now  in 
advanced  life,  and  now  in  youth,  they  gave  the  name  of  Satyrs  to  those 
which,  in  the  expression  of  the  countenance,  in  the  hair,  and  the  goat- 
like haunches  and  legs,  resembled  the  antique  representations  of  the 
god  Pan.  The  term  Faun  they  applied  to  those  which  are  seen  with 
ears  and  tail  alone,  and  sometimes  with  the  rudiments  of  horns,  but  of 
which  the  legs  and  thighs  are  wholly  human  ; if,  however,  they  were  not 
of  youthful  or  manly  age,  but  in  advanced  or  mature  life,  then  they  were 
no  longer  termed  Fauns,  but  Sileni.  Some,  with  greater  exactness, 
have  wished,  indeed,  to  distinguish  by  different  names  the  different 
kinds  of  Fauns,  — confining  this  appellation  to  those  which,  with  a 
human  form,  have  the  ears,  horns,  and  tail  of  a goat,  and  calling  by  the 
name  of  Tityri  those  rare  figures  of  Bacchanals  which  have  nothing  of 
the  goat  shape. 

“ The  exactness  of  such  authors  certainly  deserves  some  praise,  since  it 
attempts  to  make  different  ideas  correspond  to  different  names,  — which 
does  much  to  promote  clearness  ; but  they  seem  to  go  too  far,  in  seeking 
to  derive  such  a division  — which  can  have  no  other  object  than  the  con- 
venience of  artists  and  antiquarian  nomenclature  — from  the  ideas  of  the 
ancients,  and  in  censuring,  for  want  of  precision,  those  classic  writers 
who  have  not  observed  it.  In  refutation  of  such  an  opinion,  it  is  suffi- 
cient to  reflect,  that  images  are  found,  of  Greek  workmanship  and  of 
remote  antiquity,  of  all  the  diversified  kinds  of  Bacchanals,  although  we 
are  certain  that  the  Greeks  never  knew  Fauns  except  by  the  name  of 
Satyrs  or  Sileni,  which  was  applied  indifferently  to  all  the  followers  of 
Bacchus.  Still,  however,  even  the  Greeks  sometimes  distinguished  the 
individual  characters  of  various  deities  of  a similar  kind,  and  perhaps 
they  knew  no  distinction  more  usual  than  that  of  Pan  and  Silenus.  The 
former  was  commonly  figured  in  semi-capriform  resemblance;  to  the 
latter  were  given  a bald  forehead,  a flat  nose,  a long  beard,  a hairy  breast, 
and  a short  and  corpulent  person.  In  Pan  they  recognized  one  of  the 
most  ancient  divinities  of  Arcadia  and  of  shepherds  ; in  Silenus,  the 
instructor,  the  companion,  the  general  of  Bacchus.  All  classic  writers 
agree  in  the  characteristics  noticed  above,  and  no  description  is  more 
lively  than  that  given  of  the  two  by  Lucian,  who  refers  to  them,  at  the 
head  of  the  conquering  army  of  India,  in  these  words : — ‘ Under  the 
god,  there  were  two  generals ; one  of  them  was  a short,  very  fat,  pot- 
bellied, tremulous  old  man,  with  flat  nose,  and  large,  upright  ears ; the 
other,  a monster  man,  from  the  middle  downwards  resembling  a goat, 
with  hairy  legs,  horns,  long  beard,  choleric,’  &c.  By  these  two  por- 
traits of  Pan  and  Silenus,  we  can  recognize  them  in  the  monuments ; 
but  in  the  sculptured  images  of  the  latter  we  find  the  very  same  variety 


NOTES. 


461 


which  we  perceive  in  the  authors  who  speak  of  him.  Whilst  some 
of  them  present  him  to  us  as  a drinking,  ridiculous  old  man,  others 
describe  him  as  a wise  man,  so  far  removed  from  hypocrisy,  that  he 
allows  himself  to  be  confounded  with  the  class  of  voluptuaries,  — who 
knows,  however,  the  causes  and  ends  of  things,  and  whose  breast  is 
filled  with  a pure  philosophy.  This  is  the  idea  in  regard  to  Silenus 
given  in  the  sixth  Eclogue  of  Virgil ; and  such  must  have  been  the  idea 
of  the  Greek  artist  of  the  beautiful  statue  of  the  Pincian  villa,  in  which 
this  demigod  is  represented  holding  the  infant  Bacchus  in  his  arms,  and 
with  features  and  limbs  so  noble  in  form,  as  to  denote  him  to  be  a wise 
person,  one  to  whom  the  education  of  a god  might  be  intrusted.  The 
sculptor  of  the  marble  before  us  has  taken  another  view  of  Silenus, 
and  represented  him  as  the  allegorical  personage  of  intoxication.  In 
the  features  of  the  face,  and  the  shape  of  the  limbs,  he  has  adhered 
to  the  comic  description  by  Lucian,  with  the  exception  of  the  ears, 
which  in  the  image  are  not  capriform.  Though  what  the  figure 
holds  in  its  hand  is  a modern  restoration,  still  there  is  no  doubt  as  to 
the  action  of  squeezing  a bunch  of  grapes  into  a cup.  — The  perfection 
with  which  the  skilful  artist  has  expressed  his  conceit  cannot  be  suffi- 
ciently comprehended  by  one  who  has  not  the  marble  itself  before 
him.  The  head,  which  is  crowned  with  the  leaves  and  berries  of  the 
ivy,  is  of  an  admirable  character,  and  the  naturalness  and  fleshiness 
of  the  fat,  hairy  trunk  is  the  utmost  to  which  sculpture  can  attain.” 
— Tr. 

12.  As  Winckelmann  does  not  particularly  designate  the  head  of  Pan 
in  the  Capitoline  museum,  of  which  he  makes  mention  here,  it  is  doubtful 
whether  he  means  a Hermes  in  the  miscellaneous  room,  which  formerly 
bore  the  name  of  Jupiter  Ammon,  or  the  Satyr-Mask,  that  is,  merely 
the  face  without  any  back  part,  which  probably  still  stands  in  the  Capi- 
toline museum,  in  the  room  of  the  great  Vase.  The  latter  is  uncom- 
monly beautiful,  and  executed  with  exquisite  expression  of  character ; 
it  is,  however,  very  much  injured.  The  head  of  the  (so  called)  Jupiter 
Ammon  in  the  miscellaneous  room  is,  indeed,  also  good,  yet  the  execution 
of  it  is  far  from  being  so  admirable.  It  has  a noble  character,  approxi- 
mating even  to  the  majestic ; together  with  the  horns  of  a ram,  and 
pointed  ears.  Winckelmann  was  probably  induced  to  regard  this  monu- 
ment as  an  image  of  Pan  particularly  by  the  hair,  because  it  is  curled 
over  the  forehead  quite  differently  from  that  on  the  heads  of  Jupiter.  — 
The  nose  is  a restoration. 

A statue  of  Pan  of  the  size  of  life,  in  a sitting  posture,  and  of  pretty 
good  workmanship,  may  be  found  in  the  villa  Borghese.  But  the  most 
admirable  head  of  Pan  is  in  the  mansion  Rondinini ; it  may  even  dispute 
superiority  with  the  Capitoline  Mask,  just  mentioned. — The  nose  and 
mouth,  and  also  some  locks  of  the  beard  and  hair,  are  neAv. 

Furthermore,  there  is  a Pan’s  head,  but  little  observed,  in  the  garden 
of  the  villa  Medici ; it  stands  on  a Hermes,  in  front  of  the  pavilion  in 
which  formerly  stood  the  Cleopatra,  or  properly  Ariadne,  now  in  Flor- 
ence. The  ideal  character,  that  is,  the  mixture  of  human  with  goatish 
features,  is  clearly  and  admirably  expressed.  — Germ.  Ed. 

13.  The  knee,  and  also  the  legs  towards  the  ankle,  of  the  Apollino,  so 
called,  formerly  in  the  villa  Medici,  but  now  in  the  Tribune  at  Florence, 


462 


NOTES. 


are  usually  considered  less  beautiful  than  the  rest  of  the  figure.  There 
may,  perhaps,  be  some  truth  in  the  criticism,  if  it  be  viewed  in  detail,  and 
not  according  to  its  general  signification  and  effect  as  a whole.  For  our 
own  part,  however,  we  think  very  favorably  of  it,  and,  after  repeated 
attentive  examination,  have  never  been  able  to  detect  those  strikingly 
neglected  portions  by  which  the  harmony  of  the  whole  is  disturbed. 
Even  if  the  legs  near  the  ankle-joint  do  appear  too  much  developed  and 
too  little  youthful,  it  proceeds  from  the  circumstance,  that  the  figure 
was  broken  precisely  in  this  place,  and  probably  has  been  retouched,  as 
the  uneven  outline  leads  one  to  infer. 

In  judging  of  this  work,  we  must  reflect  that  it  is  in  the  highest  degree 
probable  that  it  was  executed  in  the  time  of  Alexander’s  successors,  and 
therefore  in  the  later  periods  of  Greek  art,  when  artists  began  to  aim  at 
a general  pleasing  effect,  rather  than  to  produce  the  exact  shape  and 
perfect  finish  of  each  particular  part.  Hence,  the  idea  of  the  head  of 
this  figure  is  certainly  very  beautiful,  indeed  lofty,  in  general ; but  still 
we  are  not  always  willing  in  this  case,  as  we  are,  for  example,  in  that  of  the 
Niobe  and  her  two  loveliest  daughters,  to  follow  closely  the  drawing  of 
the  forms  into  its  details.  It  was  neither  the  artist’s  intention  to  render 
every  particular  accurately,  nor  did  so  severe  and  punctilious  treatment 
comport  with  the  flowing  softness  of  this  later  style.  If  such  points  are 
taken  into  consideration,  each  fresh  view  of  the  Apollino  will  reveal  new 
beauties  to  every  person  competent  to  judge  of  art.  The  flow  and  soft 
undulation  of  the  outlines  is  wonderful ; the  principal  or  middle  line  of 
the  figure  cannot  possibly  have  more  sweep,  more  that  is  elegant,  noble, 
and  fascinating.  The  leaning  attitude,  the  position  of  one  hand  upon 
the  head,  as  well  as  the  supporting  of  the  other,  denote  repose ; but  the 
spirit  of  the  godlike  youth  is  in  action;  lofty  feelings  are  swelling  his  ten- 
der breast,  and  animating  his  beautiful  countenance ; he  seems  to  be  lis- 
tening to  the  song  of  the  Muses.  — The  hands,  nose,  and  that  part  of  the 
hair  which  is  gathered  in  a net  on  the  crown  of  the  head,  are  modern. 
— The  execution  is  masterly,  although  extremely  delicate ; on  the  feet 
we  see  the  indications  of  a boldly  handled  chisel.  Originally  this  figure 
was  polished  smoothly,  and  it  still  retains  some  lustre.  — Germ.  Ed. 

14.  The  idea  of  this  Genius,  especially  of  the  head,  really  seems  to 
have  come  from  heaven.  Nevertheless,  even  this  head,  although  the  most 
successful  portion  of  the  figure,  shows  very  evident  marks  of  being  an 
antique  copy.  With  all  the  beauty  and  pure  proportion  of  the  parts, 
still  we  discover,  in  the  arrangement  of  the  hair,  a few  sections  of  it  which 
are  quite  stiff ; and  the  use  of  the  drill  is  visible  about  the  mouth.  Yet 
the  gracefulness  of  the  turn,  the  elegant  sweep  of  the  middle  line,  the 
nobleness  and  dignity  of  the  whole  shape,  and  the  soft  and  flowing  char- 
acter of  the  forms,  point  to  an  original  produced  in  the  most  flourish- 
ing period  of  Greek  art.  That  this  figure,  however,  is  not  itself  an 
original,  but  a copy,  is  evident  partly  from  the  remarks  already  made  in 
regard  to  the  head,  and  partly  from  the  fact  that  the  other  members  also 
evince  no  really  accurate  knowledge  flowing  from  the  artist’s  own  mind, 
but  — if  we  may  permit  ourselves  a harsh  expression  — they  are  executed 
with  a superficial  mechanical  skill  wholly  inadequate  to  the  lofty  sub- 
ject for  which  it  was  required. 

A slight  sketch  of  this  monument  is  to  be  found  in  the  second  volume 


NOTES. 


463 


of  the  Sculture  del  Palazzo  della  Villa  Borghese,  Stanza  IX.,  No.  11.  In 
the  explanation,  (p.  94  of  the  same  volume,)  it  is,  moreover,  asserted 
that  the  appellation  of  Genius  is  probably  not  correct,  and  that  the  work 
might  very  well  be  an  imitation  of  the  celebrated  Thespian  Cupid  of 
Praxiteles,  which,  there  is  good  reason  to  suppose,  carried  neither  bow 
nor  arrow. 

It  is  our  belief  that  there  are  modern  additions  to  this  figure, — 
namely,  the  left  leg  as  far  as  the  foot,  both  fore-arms,  the  tip  of  the 
nose,  the  larger  portion  of  the  wings,  and  also  the  upper  part  of  the 
drapery,  which  is  thrown  over  the  trunk  of  a tree,  against  which  the  fig- 
ure leans.  The  lower  antique  fragment  of  this  drapery  falls  in  very 
admirable  folds.  — Germ.  Ed. 

15.  This  is  the  figure  of  which  Flaminio  Yacca  (Montfauc.,  Diario 
Ital.,  p.  193)  speaks  ; he  believes  it  to  be  an  Apollo,  but  with  wings. 
Montfaucon  has  had  it  engraved  from  a frightful  drawing.  (Montfauc., 
Antiq.  Expl. , Tom.  I.,  Plate  115,  No.  6.)  — W. 

16.  The  Apollo  in  the  rooms  of  the  Conservatori  is  a beautifully  exe- 
cuted half-figure  without  arms,  which  appears  to  represent  the  god  in 
boyhood,  and  not  larger  than  life.  The  hair  is  confined  very  elegantly 
on  the  crown  of  the  head,  and  the  eyeballs  are  denoted  by  a cavity.  — 
Germ.  Ed. 

17.  Winckelmann’s  Works,  Yol.  III.,  p.  195,  § 14.  — Germ.  Ed. 

18.  This  Group  has  been  carried  to  Naples.  — Germ.  Ed. 

19.  The  Mercury  with  a well-preserved  antique  purse  in  the  hand  was 
set  up  in  the  palace  of  the  villa  Borghese  after  Winckelmann’s  time.  It 
is  a large,  well-executed  statue,  and  in  a remarkable  state  of  preserva- 
tion ; it  does  not,  however,  belong  to  the  best  class  of  images  representing 
Mercury.  To  say  nothing  of  the  (so  called)  Belvedere  Antinoiis,  which 
Yisconti  has  shown  to  be  probably  a Mercury,  it  is  excelled  by  the 
seated  Mercury,  in  bronze,  from  Herculaneum,  and  also  by  an  erect 
statue,  in  marble,  of  the  size  of  life,  in  the  Florentine  gallery.  In  the 
latter,  the  right  leg  is  crossed  over  the  left,  one  hand  is  placed  on  the 
side,  and  the  other  rests  on  the  trunk  of  a tree.  Although  it  has  been 
broken  into  many  fragments,  still  only  the  hands  and  fore-arms,  and  a 
piece  of  the  right  foot,  appear  to  be  modern.  The  features  are  pleasing 
and  delicate,  and  the  outlines  of  the  whole  figure  very  flowing. 

The  beautiful  little  statue  in  the  Pio-Clement  Museum  (Vol.  I.,  Plate  5) 
also  merits  mention  in  this  place.  It  represents  Mercury  as  a child,  with 
the  finger  placed  upon  the  mouth  cunningly,  as  though  he  had  just  com- 
mitted some  little  bit  of  roguery,  and  was  begging  the  spectator  to  keep 
silence.  There  are  several  antique  copies  of  this  charming  monument, 
one  of  which  is  in  the  villa  Borghese,  and  still  another  is  mentioned  by 
Winckelmann  in  the  second  volume  (p.  312)  of  the  present  edition. 

But  a head  of  Mercury,  covered  with  the  Petasus,  or  little  hat,  far 
excels  in  point  of  artistic  merit  all  the  monuments  just  enumerated.  It 
is  said  to  be  no  longer  in  Rome,  but  to  have  been  sent  to  England. 
Casts  and  numerous  copies  have  made  it  known  in  almost  all  cultivated 
countries.  ( See  an  outline  in  Plate  YI. ) — Germ.  Ed. 

20.  The  celebrated  seated  statue  of  Mars  in  the  villa  Ludovisi  is 
executed  in  a soft  and  pleasing  manner  in  Greek  marble.  The  position 
announces  careless  repose ; the  forms  of  the  limbs  are  beautiful,  yet 


464 


NOTES. 


their  beauty  does  not  in  the  least  detract  from  the  expression  of  heroic 
strength.  The  head  has  a glorious,  noble,  appropriate  character.  On 
the  left  shoulder  marks  are  visible,  as  if  something  had  been  broken  off, 
— an  appearance  which  suggests  the  inference,  that  originally  another 
figure  stood  close  to  it.  — The  nose,  and  the  right  hand  and  foot,  are 
modern  restorations.  Of  the  Cupid  which  sits  at  the  feet  of  the  god,  the 
head,  and  also  the  arms  and  right  foot,  are  new.  — Germ.  Ed. 

21.  The  candelabra  here  mentioned  passed  afterwards  from  the  Bar- 
berini  palace  into  the  Pio-Clement  museum.  Drawings  of  them  have 
frequently  been  made,  but  the  best  and  most  correct  is  to  be  found  in  the 
Pio-Clement  Museum , Vol.  IV.,  Plates  1-8.  — Germ.  Ed. 

22.  Several  modern  antiquarians  believe  that  they  have  discovered  an 
image  of  the  bearded  Mars  in  the  admirably  executed  colossal  figure  in 
the  Capitoline  museum,  known  under  the  name  of  Pyrrhus.  Winckel- 
mann,  in  the  tenth  book,  eleventh  chapter,  conjectures  that  it  may  repre- 
sent Agamemnon  ; and,  in  the  same  place,  he  also  denies  that  a beard 
has  been  given  to  Mars,  in  any  one  instance,  in  works  of  ancient  art. 

In  the  villa  Borghese  stands  a figure  similar  to  the  Capitoline,  but 
smaller,  the  head  of  which,  being  lost,  was  restored  by  a copy  from  the 
latter.  On  the  other  hand,  the  antique  legs  of  the  former,  with  their 
armor,  have  been  preserved,  which  in  the  Capitoline  figure  were  want- 
ing, and  have  been  badly  restored.  On  coins  of  the  Bruttii  and  Mamer- 
tini  are  to  be  seen  bearded  heads,  which  also  pass  for  images  of  Mars.  — 
Germ.  Ed. 

23.  Visconti  ( Pio-Clement  Museum , Vol.  I.,  p.  62)  considers  the  statue 
in  the  villa  Pamfili,  which  is  known  by  the  name  of  Clodius,  to  be  a 
young  Hercules  of  this  description  in  female  garb.  We,  however,  be- 
lieve that  this  'beautiful  and  rare  monument  represents  the  young 
Theseus  or  Achilles.  But  our  object  at  present  is  not  disputation,  but 
to  mention  a few  works  of  distinguished  merit,  which  are  veritable 
images  of  the  youthful  Hercules.  We  commence,  as  we  ought,  with  a 
marble  statue  in  the  Florentine  gallery,  in  which  the  hero,  still  as  a child, 
is  strangling  the  serpents  that  were  about  to  wrap  him  in  their  folds. 
This  work  is  somewhat  larger  than  life,  and,  according  to  our  feeling, 
there  is  no  one  which  displays  the  wonderful  art  of  the  ancients  in  the 
conformation  of  ideal,  or,  to  speak  more  correctly,  of  idealized  shapes, 
more  strikingly,  gloriously,  and  grandly  than  this. 

In  this  child,  who,  resting  upon  his  knees,  seems  to  be  merely  sporting 
with  the  serpents,  we  already  see  the  germ  of  the  future  hero,  the  power- 
ful, indefatigable,  invincible  hero.  The  whole  figure  is  so  excellent, 
that  every  thing  in  it  deserves  praise  and  high  esteem,  and  no  one  part 
goes  beyond  or  falls  behind  the  others  in  congruity  or  fineness  of  shape. 
Still,  however,  the  Herculean  forehead,  chest,  and  ribs,  the  powerful 
hips,  and  also  the  left  knee,  seem  to  be  positively  exquisite,  indeed,  won- 
derfully successful.  — The  right  leg  and  half  of  the  thigh,  the  tip  of  the 
nose,  and  the  right  ear,  are  modern  restorations. 

Another  serpent-throttling  little  Hercules,  differing,  however,  in  atti- 
tude from  the  Florentine  Hercules  just  described,  and  undoubtedly  of 
later  workmanship,  exists  among  the  antiquities  of  the  villa  Borghese. 
— Another  figure,  in  this  same  collection,  which  is  pronounced  a young 
Hercules,  we  should  be  inclined  to  regard  as  a restored  Cupid,  with  the 


NOTES. 


465 


spoils  of  Hercules.  — On  the  celebrated  beryl,  engraved  in  intaglio  by 
Cneius  (TNAIOC),  in  the  Strozzi  collection  of  gems,  the  hero  is  repre- 
sented at  the  age  of  adolescence.  — A few  years  ago,  there  was  found  in 
the  villa  Aldobrandini,  near  Rome,  the  head  of  a young  Hercules,  beau- 
tifully wrought  in  marble,  of  the  size  of  life,  and  crowned  with  grape- 
leaves.  The  eyes  and  mouth  have  an  expression  of  joyousness ; the 
cheeks  are  of  moderate  fulness ; and  the  ears  approximate  in  shape  to 
those  which  are  considered  characteristic  of  the  Pancratiasts ; and  yet  — 
which  seems  to  us  remarkable  — they  have  not  wholly  the  character  of 
such  an  ear,  but  merely  the  commencement  of  it,  or  a tendency  to  it.  — 
The  artist  by  whom  the  nose  was  awkwardly  restored  may  also  have 
worked  oft  something  from  the  damaged  chin,  and  from  the  under  lip  ; 
hence  these  parts,  although  properly  not  new,  contrast  ill  with  the 
others.  — Germ.  Ed. 

24.  Among  the  monuments  of  ancient  art,  there  have  been  preserved 
not  only  many  images  of  Bacchus,  but  also  some  few  of  high  perfec- 
tion. In  our  judgment,  the  upright  figure  of  him,  in  the  garden-building 
at  the  entrance  of  the  villa  Ludovisi,  near  Rome,  is  one  of  the  most 
beautiful.  The  noble  forms  of  the  body  flow  into  one  another  with  in- 
comparable softness  and  grace,  like  gentle  waves  of  bland  oil,  and  the 
eye  of  the  beholder  glides  over  them,  back  and  forth,  with  insatiable 
delight.  — The  head,  which  may  not,  indeed,  be  the  original  head  belong- 
ing to  the  statue,  has  a frightful  modern  nose,  and  in  other  respects  is 
by  no  means  excellent.  The  left  knee  is  modern,  and  so  also  appear  to 
be  both  arms.  — Visconti  {Mus.  Pio-  Clement,  Vol.  IV.,  p.  99)  believes 
that  the  little  winged  heads,  which,  as  buckles  or  latchets,  adorn  the 
shoe-straps  on  the  feet  of  this  statue,  denote  Acratus. 

Of  equal  beauty  with  this  monument  is  the  glorious  torso  of  another 
statue  of  the  god,  which  may  be  found  engraved  and  explained  in  the 
Mus.  Pio-Clement.,  Vol.  II.,  Plate  28,  with  the  accompanying  remark,  that 
it  was  valued  very  highly  by  Mengs. 

The  gallery  of  antiques  at  Paris  contains  a statue  corresponding  to 
the  torso  just  mentioned,  which,  it  is  said,  is  admirably  executed,  and 
also  well  preserved. 

Omitting  other  beautiful  images  of  Bacchus  which  adorn  different 
museums,  we  will  mention  further  only  a torso  of  a seated  figure,  larger 
than  life,  and  of  exceeding  beauty  and  art,  which  was  formerly  an  ad- 
mired object  among  the  Farnese  antiquities,  but  will  now  be  found  in 
Naples.  — Germ.  Ed. 

25.  Among  the  most  exquisite  detached  heads  of  Bacchus,  we  do  not 
hesitate  to  assign  the  first  place  to  that  wonderful  work  of  art,  known 
by  the  name  of  the  Capitoline  Ariadne.  Winckelmann  was  the  first  to 
relinquish  this  appellation,  thinking  that  he  recognized  in  it  a Leucothea, 
from  the  band  on  the  forehead.  His  reasons  for  this  supposition  were 
properly  disputed  by  Visconti.  The  monument  then  passed  among 
antiquarians,  almost  universally,  for  the  most  beautiful  of  the  heads  of 
Bacchus,  and  as  such  it  was  removed  to  Paris.  The  original  name, 
however,  appears  to  have  again  become  gradually  the  favorite.  Modern 
French  works  which  treat  of  antiquities  refer  to  it  anew  as  Ariadne. 
We  acknowledge  ourselves,  however,  particularly  inclined  to  the  opinion 
that  it  is  a head  of  Bacchus  ; for,  as  our  readers  will  have  learned  from 

vol.  i.  30 


466 


NOTES. 


the  text,  the  equivocal  character  of  the  conformation,  wavering  between 
male  and  female,  is  in  part  conformable  to  the  ideal  character  of  Bac- 
chus, and  in  part  belongs  to  the  modern  restorations,  — namely,  a con- 
siderable piece  of  the  nose,  the  under  lip,  and  the  upper  part  of  the 
breast,  — which  were  made  under  the  conviction  that  the  head  was 
female.  In  regard,  however,  to  this  truly  wonderful  monument,  we  may 
still  be  permitted  to  remark,  that  there  are  few  others  in  which  the 
extreme  subtilty  with  which  the  idea  is  conceived  is  carried  out  so  con- 
summately in  execution.  Although  the  forms  are  uncommonly  deli- 
cate, they  are  not,  on  this  account,  any  the  less  large ; and  the  execution 
with  extraordinary  softness,  is  still  very  decided.  In  a word,  if  we  were 
to  choose  among  all  the  collected  works  of  Greek  sculpture,  we  should 
be  unable  to  select  one  more  exquisite  in  itself  than  this,  and  more 
worthy  of  the  most  brilliant  period  of  art,  and,  moreover,  of  the  most 
celebrated  masters  of  this  period.  (Plate  IX.,  an  outline  of  the  head  of 
this  statue.)  1 

In  the  miscellaneous  room  of  the  Capitoline  museum  another  head  of 
Bacchus  is  to  be  found,  which  is  little  inferior  in  excellence  of  execu- 
tion to  the  one  just  mentioned,  the  Ariadne,  as  it  is  called  ; like  the  lat- 
ter, it  has  a fillet  round  the  forehead.  — The  nose  is  modern  ; cheek  and 
neck  injured ; eyes  excavated,  perhaps  for  the  purpose  of  being  filled 
with  some  other  substance. 

A second  head  of  Bacchus,  in  the  same  place,  has  a lofty  character. 
The  tip  of  the  nose,  the  chin,  and  the  neck  are  restorations.  — A third, 
and  smaller  one,  in  the  same  place,  also  with  a fillet  round  the  forehead, 
has  always  been  acknowledged  as  a Bacchus,  and  very  much  prized  on 
account  of  its  pleasing  features,  although  the  execution  does  not  indicate 
the  best  age  of  art ; for  the  hair  is  deeply  hollowed  by  the  drill,  the 
ears  are  placed  much  too  low,  the  left  eye  is  turned  a little  obliquely 
upwards,  and  is  also  a little  smaller  than  the  other.  As  the  eyes,  how- 
ever, are  in  other  respects  of  pleasing  shape,  and  may  be  regarded  as 
characteristic,  in  reference  to  the  Bacchus-ideal,  an  engraving  of  them  is 
given  in  Plate  X.,  fig.  B,  B. 

In  conclusion,  we  will  mention  a fourth  head  of  Bacchus  in  the  same 
collection.  It  stands  in  a gallery  in  front  of  the  chambers,  on  a high 
column,  and  for  this  reason  is  rarely  observed.  It  is  larger  than  life, 
and  crowned  with  ivy.  The  locks  of  hair,  falling  down  somewhat  over 
the  forehead,  — which  is  in  itself  of  a very  noble  character,  — point  out 
to  our  recognition  the  son  of  Jupiter.  Love  and  joyousness  look  forth 
from  the  oblong  and  narrow  eyes  ; the  mouth  seems  to  open  for  plea- 
sure, for  enjoyment ; the  plump  cheeks  denote  a cheerful  state  of  com- 
fort, and  are  delicately  rounded. 

The  execution  of  this  monument  shows  an  industry  quite  remarkable, 
and  the  handling  is  in  a style  wholly  peculiar  to  itself  ; for  the  hair,  the 
eyelids,  &c.,  are  deeply  hollowed  underneath,  for  the  purpose  of  obtain- 
ing stronger  shadows,  and,  thereby,  greater  distinctness  when  the  head  is 
viewed  at  a distance.  — The  restorations  consist  of  a few  locks  of  hair, 
and  the  larger  portion  of  the  nose  ; the  lips  also  have  suffered  much. — 
Germ.  Ed. 

26.  The  Hermes  of  a bearded  or  Indian  Bacchus,  mentioned  in  the 
1 See  frontispiece.  — Ta. 


NOTES. 


467 


text  as  belonging  to  the  sculptor  Cavaceppi,  is  no  longer  in  Rome.  But 
there  is  no  lack  of  beautiful  heads  of  the  kind,  in  different  museums. 
Of  the  entire  figures  of  this  Bacchus,  the  most  beautiful,  without  doubt, 
is  the  one  which  is  called  by  the  name  of  Sardanapalus.  ( Mus . Pio- 
Clernent,  Vol.  I.,  Plate  41.)  A half-figure,  not  remarkable  for  much 
merit,  is  still  to  be  found  in  the  Vatican  museum.  We  will,  moreover, 
mention  in  this  place  the  meritorious  head  of  a bearded  Bacchus  on 
coins  of  Thasus ; and  as  the  Bacchus-ideal  is  very  clearly  expressed  in 
it,  we  have  thought  proper  to  introduce  an  enlarged  outline  of  it.  (Plate 
X.,  fig.  A.) 

The  shape,  as  well  as  the  workmanship,  of  this  head  displays  a style 
which  is  noble,  grand  indeed,  and  at  the  same  time  severe,  — leading  us 
to  infer  that  it  is  a copy  from  a glorious  temple-statue  of  the  high  style ; 
and  the  same  characteristics  justify  us  in  ascribing  to  the  coin,  without 
hesitation,  a higher  antiquity  than  appears  to  belong  to  the  Sardana- 
palus, as  it  is  called,  and  to  the  many  bearded  heads  similar  to  it,  that 
were  formerly  known  by  the  name  of  Plato,  but  which  are  now  ac- 
knowledged, all  of  them,  to  be  images  of  the  Indian  Bacchus. — 
Germ.  Ed. 

27.  The  difference  in  the  images  of  Hercules,  pertinently  noticed  by 
Winckelmann,  demands  especial  attention,  for  it  furnishes  a key  whereby 
we  may  obtain  a clear  insight  into  the  seeming  mystery  of  the  confor- 
mation of  this  hero,  especially  in  the  celebrated  Farnese  statue,  and  also 
in  some  heads  engraved  on  gems. 

We  are  obliged,  indeed,  to  assume  two,  essentially  different,  ideal  con- 
formations of  Hercules.  The  one  which  represents  him  in  the  career  of 
his  exploits  and  his  labors  does  not  aim  to  ennoble  him,  but  merely  to 
express  the  extreme  measure  of  the  capacity  of  physical  strength  and 
action  which  can  be  exhibited  in  the  human  shape.  As  such  a design 
was  not  to  be  accomplished  in  any  other  way  than  by  an  exaggeration 
of  the  usual  lineaments  and  forms,  art  created  the  powerful  bull-neck, 
the  strong,  broad  shoulders,  the  firmly  interlocking  attachments  of  the 
massy  muscles : neither  did  it  neglect  the  full  projecting  sinews  and 
veins ; — the  former  being  requisite  to  denote  strength  generally ; the 
latter,  to  indicate  exertions  either  actual  or  past.  This  is  the  class  of 
images  or  ideals  of  Hercules,  considered  in  his  human  condition,  of 
which  the  Farnese  statue  may  be  regarded  as  the  universal  represent- 
ative. ( 

The  other  ideal  conformation,  of  higher  conception,  aims  to  present 
Hercules  in  a perfect,  deified  state.  He  has  achieved  the  deeds  which 
prepared  for  him  the  way  to  Olympus  ; he  is  raised  above  all  earthly 
needs  ; he  enjoys  a blissful  repose,  and  is  even  a beneficent  deity. 

We  now  clearly  comprehend  what  a great  difference  of  shape  the 
admirable  art  of  the  Greeks  could  and  must  give  to  an  image  designed 
on  this  principle,  in  contradistinction  to  the  other ; how  much  more 
noble,  pleasing,  mild,  and  beautiful  it  must  have  been.  These  con- 
siderations lead,  also,  to  the  conclusion,  that  the  torso  which  stood  in  the 
Belvedere  of  the  Vatican  is  to  be  regarded  as  the  principal  monument 
of  the  nobler  ideal  of  Hercules.  Here  we  anticipate  the  objection,  that 
many  statues,  as  well  as  rilievi,  represent  the  hero  under  the  nobler 
image,  notwithstanding  he  is  engaged  in  the  performance  of  his  ex- 


468 


NOTES. 


ploits.  We  might,  perhaps,  evade  this  objection  by  replying,  that  even 
the  ancients  have  not  always  understood  the  spirit  of  ancient  art  and 
of  its  greatest  masters,  for  from  this  very  cause  originated  the  degen- 
eracy of  taste  and  the  decline  of  art.  But  the  circumstance  can  be 
explained  satisfactorily  in  yet  another  way.  It  is  susceptible  of  proof, 
that  the  nobler  ideal  of  Hercules  was  invented  and  perfected  at  an 
earlier  date  than  that  according  to  which  the  hero  is  represented  in  the 
Farnese  statue  and  some  other  monuments.  The  latter,  indeed,  was 
not  generally  adopted  before  the  age  of  Lysippus,  and,  although  com- 
pleted, appears  never  to  have  attained  a legitimate  authority,  since  the 
images  of  this  second  class  vary,  in  respect  to  the  features  of  the  face, 
far  more  than  those  of  the  first.  The  fundamental  idea,  however,  re- 
mains always  the  same.  Now  if  in  many  works  of  a later  age  we  see 
the  nobler,  or,  if  I may  so  express  myself,  the  divine,  shape  of  Hercules 
predominant,  — even  in  images  representing  him  in  the  performance  of 
his  labors,  — such  monuments  are  either  to  be  viewed  as  imitations  of 
more  ancient  works,  or,  as  we  have  reason  to  believe,  owe  their  origin 
to  a misunderstanding  of  the  conception. 

The  most  beautiful  of  the  heads  of  Hercules  of  the  nobler  kind  still 
extant,  larger  than  life,  and  representing  the  hero  at  the  age  of  man- 
hood, we  know  only  from  casts,  which  are  frequently  seen  in  Rome,  as 
well  as  in  collections  elsewhere.  The  marble  is  said  to  have  gone  to 
England.  The  fragment  of  another,  still  larger,  head  of  Hercules, 
admirably  executed,  stands  in  the  smaller  garden-palace  of  the  villa 
Ludovisi,  at  Rome.  The  mouth,  beard,  ears,  and  back  part  of  the  head 
have  been  preserved ; the  forehead,  nose,  and  eyes,  on  the  other  hand, 
are  modern  restorations. 

It  cannot  escape  attentive  observers,  that  many  images  of  Hercules, 
even  of  the  nobler  kind,  have  the  swollen  Pancratiast  ears,  — which, 
properly,  does  not  appear  to  be  consistent  with  the  deified  condition  of 
the  hero.  But  such  ears  are  given  to  him,  beyond  doubt,  merely  with 
an  allegorical  signification,  as  the  tutelary  god  of  the  arena. 

In  order  to  give  the  reader  some  idea  of  what  has  been  said  of  the 
ideal  conformation  of  Hercules,  we  shall  present,  in  Plate  VII.,  Letter 
A,  an  engraving  of  the  forehead,  together  with  the  arrangement  of  the 
hair,  of  that  glorious  head  mentioned  above  as  having  been  carried  to 
England;  under  letter  B,  in  the  same  plate,  the  profile  of  another  noble 
Hercules,  after  a beautiful  Greek  coin ; and  in  Plate  VIII.,  Letter  A,  the 
head  of  the  Hercules  Farnese.  — Germ.  Ed. 

28.  In  this  passage,  in  which  Winckelmann  ascribes  to  the  images  of 
Jupiter  a uniform  look  of  serenity,  as  a characteristic  expression,  he  ap- 
pears to  have  thought  principally  of  two  heads  only,  to  be  mentioned 
hereafter,  and  others  similar  to  them,  which  were  probably  copied  from 
the  great  masterpiece  of  Phidias,  at  Olympia,  if  not  immediately  and 
exactly,  still  with  sufficient  fidelity  to  make  us  acquainted,  generally  at 
least,  with  the  idea,  the  spirit,  and  the  features  of  it.1  It  is,  however, 
more  than  probable  that  there  may  have  been  deviations, — not  deviations 
from  the  shape,  which,  having  been  once  accepted,  had  become,  as  it 
were,  a legal  standard,  — but  variations  in  expression ; and  Visconti’s 
remark,  provided  it  is  not  extended  beyond  the  limits  of  the  conditions 


1 Plate  II.  -Tr. 


NOTES. 


469 


specified,  appears  to  be  very  correct,  — that  the  epithets  applied  to  Jupi- 
ter, as  /u.ei\ixios,  “ the  Gracious,”  ultor , “ the  Avenger,”  tonans,  “ the  Thun- 
derer,” ZpKios,  “ the  Guardian  of  Oaths,”  and  equally  also  a passage  in 
Pausanias  (lib.  6,  cap.  24),  justify  the  inference  that  a difference  of  ex- 
pression conforming  to  these  epithets  existed  in  the  several  images  of  the 
god  to  which  they  were  applied. 

Among  the  statues  of  Jupiter  still  in  existence,  the  large  seated  figure, 
formerly  in  the  mansion  of  the  Verospi,  but  now  in  the  museum  of  the 
Vatican,  is  perhaps  one  of  the  most  excellent.  Among  the  busts  and 
single  heads,  the  colossal  one  which  was  found  in  the  excavations  at  Ot- 
ricoii  is  the  most  valued.  Visconti  asserts  that  it  is  the  largest  of  all  the 
heads  of  Jupiter  now  in  existence.  But  he  is  certainly  in  error ; for 
there  is  to  be  found  in  the  Florentine  gallery  a similar  head,  just  as 
large,  and  also  in  as  good,  perhaps  in  even  a still  better,  state  of  preser- 
vation ; a kind,  lofty,  glorious  being ; noble,  serene,  and  grand  beyond 
all  imagination,  especially  when  viewed  in  profile.  The  gentle  inclina- 
tion of  the  head  to  the  right  side  gives  him  an  uncommon  still  grace,  and 
becoming  mildness.  The  hair  and  beard,  which  are  very  elegantly 
arranged,  encircle  the  god-like  face  with  clustering  curls.  — The  nose  is 
new  ; also  some  small  portions  of  the  hair  and  breast. 

Another  head  of  Jupiter,  considerably  larger,  but  much  injured,  for- 
merly stood  outside,  and  near,  the  palace  of  the  villa  Medici.  It  was 
removed  thence  to  Florence,  and  now  adorns  the  garden  Boboli.  (Plate 
I,  shows  the  forehead,  eyes,  and  arrangement  of  the  hair.)  In  respect  to 
high  moral  expression,  and  lofty  majesty,  it  has,  perhaps,  preeminence 
even  over  those  mentioned  above. 

The  Capitoline  museum  also  possesses  an  admirable,  though  smaller, 
head  of  Jupiter,  which  formerly  stood  in  the  mansion  della  Valle,  and 
was  very  much  esteemed.  — The  nose  is  new,  and  the  hair  slightly  dam- 
aged ; moreover,  the  head  does  not  appear  to  be  well  placed  upon  the 
bust ; it  does  not,  in  fact,  seem  to  belong  to  it.  — Germ.  Ed. 

29.  This  Pluto  afterwards  passed  from  the  villa  Mattei  into  the  Pio- 
Clement  museum.1  Visconti,  who  has  engraved  and  explained  it  under 
the  name  of  Serapis,  says  that  it  is  made  of  iron-gray  basalt.  He  ap- 
proves, however,  the  name  given  to  it  by  Winckelmann,  because  several 
images  of  Serapis  were  found  which  had  the  attribute  of  Pluto,  namely, 
the  dog  Cerberus.  But  these  images  belong  only  to  the  Sinope- Alexan- 
drian idolatiy,  with  which  the  purely  Greek  Pluto  had  nothing  in  com- 
mon, — as  one  may  see  on  many  bas-reliefs  representing  the  Rape  of 
Proserpine,  in  none  of  which  Pluto  has  this  head-dress. 

Visconti  remarks  further,  that  all  the  statues  of  Pluto  still  extant  are 
of  moderate  workmanship,  and  not  decidedly  different  from  Serapis. 
The  sole  head  of  Pluto  without  a Modius  and  the  physiognomy  attributed 
to  Serapis  is  in  the  possession  of  the  prince  Chigi.  It  is  a work  of  won- 
derful merit.  The  severe  countenance  and  tangled  hair  at  once  proclaim 
the  sovereign  of  the  lower  world.  — Germ.  Ed. 

30.  This  great  head  of  white  marble,  and  wearing  a Modius,  is  of  ad- 
mirable workmanship,  and  in  good  preservation.  It  corresponds,  how- 
ever, but  little  to  what  Winckelmann  says  of  the  stern  aspect  of  the 

1 Plate  XI.  This  head  is  engraved  after  that  in  the  Pio-Clement  Museum , Vol.  VI., 
Plate  14.  — Tr. 


470 


NOTES. 


images  of  Pluto,  since  it  has  rather  a mild  look.  The  same  is  the  case 
with  the  colossal  bust  of  Serapis,  with  rays  about  the  head,  in  the  Pio- 
Clement  museum.1  (See,  Plate  XIII.,  another,  smaller  marble  bust  of  Ju- 
piter Serapis.)  We  must,  therefore,  if  Winckelmann’s  opinion  in  regard 
to  the  severe  countenance  of  Pluto  is  correct,  — and  it  seems  to  be  founded 
upon  the  nature  of  the  case  itself,  — make  a distinction  between  images 
of  Pluto  and  those  of  Serapis,  — assigning  to  the  former  those  with  a 
stern  look,  and  those  with  a mild  expression  to  the  latter.  But  if  no  dis- 
tinct separation  can  be  made  even  in  this  way,  and  the  faces  of  Pluto 
and  Serapis  flow  one  into  the  other,  and  these  in  their  turn  pass  over 
into  the  character  of  Jupiter,  then  we  must  consider  that  all  such  per- 
plexing monuments  come  from  a later  Greek  age,  — in  which  much  that 
was  foreign  had  been  introduced  into  the  Greek  mode  of  thinking,  and 
even  art  itself  no  longer  adhered  firmly  to  the  original  images  whose 
character  was  regarded  as  canonical,  — or  that  they  are,  altogether, 
works  executed  in  the  days  of  the  Romans,  when  many  kinds  of  strange 
idolatries  were  intermingled,  a confusion  which  must  have  made  itself 
felt  in  some  degree  by  art  and  its  productions.  — Germ.  Ed. 

31.  Besides  Pluto  or  Serapis,  other  deities  wore  the  Modius  on  their 
heads,  — as  Isis,  Fortuna,  and  a Priapus  in  De  la  Chausse  ('Mas.  Roman.). 
Winckelmann  found  a Fortuna  with  this  head-dress  in  the  Stosch 
museum ; he  also  conjectures  that  even  Ceres  may  have  this  at- 
tribute. 

In  the  museum  Odescalco  there  is  a soldier  holding  in  his  hand  a small 
Victoria  with  the  same  badge.  In  shape  the  Modius  resembles  a basket 
of  rushes  or  reeds.  A beautiful  head  of  white  marble  in  the  cloister  of 
Sant’  Ambrogio  at  Naples  — which,  according  to  the  assigned  char- 
acter, must  be  a Pluto  — is  deserving  of  note,  because  an  olive-branch, 
together  with  ears  of  grain,  can  be  seen  in  the  bushel  or  Modius  which  it 
wears.  — F. 

32.  The  statue  of  iEsculapius,  and  especially  the  head  of  it,  in  the  villa 
Albani,  is  the  most  beautiful  known  image  of  this  deity  ; it  even  sur- 
passes a colossal  figure  which  stands  in  the  garden  of  the  villa  Borghese, 
in  a temple  built  expressly  for  it,  although  the  latter  is  highly  remarkable, 
partly  on  account  of  the  goodness  of  the  execution,  and  partly  on  account 
of  its  rare  size.  The  attitude  is  that  most  usual  in  statues  of  this  deity  ; 
the  right  hand  holds  a staff  entwined  by  a serpent  ; the  left  hand,  together 
with  the  arm,  is  folded  in  the  mantle,  and  rests  upon  the  side.  The 
head,  considered  by  itself,  has  a kind,  benevolent,  wise  character ; but  is 
softer  and  less  grand  and  vigorous  than  Jupiter’s,  which  it  almost  exactly 
resembles  in  the  disposition  of  the  hair,  — thus  affording  a confirmation 
of  Winckelmann’s  remark.  — The  right  arm,  together  with  the  staff  and 
snake,  and  also  the  toes  of  the  right  foot,  are  modern  restorations. 

According  to  Visconti,  the  charming  group  of  iEsculapius  and  Hygeia, 
in  the  Pio-Clement  museum,  is  the  sole  round  work  in  marble  which  rep- 
resents these  divinities  united.  Though  the  heads  of  both  are  ancient, 
still  they  did  not  originally  belong  to  the  figures. 

A remarkable  statue,  bearing  the  name  of  JEsculapius,  formerly  stood 
in  the  Pitti  palace,  at  Florence,  and  is  probably  there  still.  The  head 

1 Plate  XII.  This  head  is  engraved  after  that  in  the  Pio-Clement  Museum,  Vol.  VI., 
Plate  15.  — Tr. 


NOTES. 


471 


resembles  those  of  the  (so  called)  Plato,  or  Indian  Bacchus,  and  is  prob- 
ably the  portrait  of  a celebrated  physician  of  antiquity,  in  whose  whole 
figure  the  artist  intended  to  give  an  approximate  likeness  to  the  char- 
acter of  iEsculapius.  The  execution  of  the  nude  part  of  the  breast, 
shoulders,  &c.,  is  soft,  beautiful,  and  natural.  The  folds  of  the  robe  are 
admirably  arranged,  simple,  and  elegant.  — It  is  much  to  be  regretted 
that  this  noble  work  of  art  has  been  broken  into  many  pieces,  and  been 
twice  restored.  The  earlier  restorations  consist  of  the  nose,  a piece  of 
the  right  cheek,  the  left  hand,  the  right  arm,  and  both  feet ; the  later,  of 
a piece  of  the  forehead  above  the  right  eye,  the  fore-finger  of  the  modern 
left  hand,  and  the  tips  of  the  fingers  of  the  right,  which  is  placed  upon 
the  hip.  — Germ.  Ed. 

33.  This  statue  of  Neptune,  of  which  the  style  is  good  and  the  execu- 
tion commendable,  was  carried  from  the  villa  Medici  to  Florence.  (Plate 
XIV.,  Letter  A.)  Another  statue,  conjectured,  though  without  full  cer- 
tainty, to  be  a Neptune,  and  restored  as  such,  may  be  found  in  the  Pio- 
Clement  Museum  (Vol.  I.,  Plate  33). 

The  images  of  this  deity  seem  to  be,  on  the  whole,  very  rare ; since,  in 
addition  to  the  two  large  statues  just  mentioned,  and  a well-executed 
small  one  among  the  antiquities  at  Dresden,  we  know  of  only  a few 
other  figures  on  rilievi,  but  not  a single  remarkable  head  or  bust.  — 
Germ.  Ed. 

34.  Visconti  ( Mus . Pio- Clement.,  Plate  5,  Vol.  VI.)  remarks  in  the 

following  terms  upon  the  head  from  which  this  engraving  is  copied : — 
“ The  eyebrows  and  scaly  cheeks,  the  beard  and  hair  falling  in  waves, 
like  water,  the  dolphins  fancifully  entangled  in  the  beard,  and,  finally, 
the  waves  which  encircle  the  chest  and  shoulders  of  this  colossal  Her- 
mes, are  all  characters  which  lead  us  to  conjecture  that  a marine  god  is 
here  represented.  At  the  first  glance,  it  might  be  supposed  to  be  Ocea- 
nus,  the  first-born  of  the  Titans ; but,  on  closer  observation,  we  recog- 
nize a sea-deity  of  the  second  rank,  as,  for  instance,  a Triton The 

Bacchic  wreath  of  vine-leaves  and  ivy  is  worn  by  Nereids  and  Tritons, 
who  are  frequently  seen  celebrating  the  orgies  and  festivals  of  Bacchus, 
and  decorated  with  his  emblems  and  habiliments.  It  is  uncertain  why 
the  ancient  artists  denoted  so  close  a connection  between  Bacchus  and 
the  deities  of  the  sea : whether  because  they  regarded  him  as  the  symbol 
of  the  watery  element ; or  whether  because  his  religious  rites,  having 
been  brought  into  Greece  from  transmarine  colonies,  may  be  said  to  have 
come,  as  it  were,  from  the  sea,  and  to  have  been  carried  thither  by  the 
Nereids  ; or  whether,  in  fine,  this  community  of  emblems  and  symbols, 
which  the  marine  deities  have  with  him,  may  have  been  derived  from 
Leucothea,  the  aunt  and  nurse  of  Bacchus,  and  also  a sea-goddess,  and 
from  Palaemon,  her  son,  the  god  of  harbours  and  seamen,  and  his  cousin 

and  foster-brother The  horns,  like  those  of  a calf,  projecting 

from  his  temples,  instead  of  nippers  or  claws,  which  are  observed  on 
other  antiques,  evidently  refer  both  to  the  roaring  of  the  stormy  sea,  and 
to  earthquakes,  which,  in  ancient  times,  were  supposed,  with  some  reason, 
to  have  had  their  cause  in  subterranean  waters,  — a terrible  phenomenon, 
which  it  was  customary  to  ascribe  to  Neptune  principally,  and  indirectly 
to  the  secondary  deities  of  the  sea.  As  the  Bacchic  Herniai  were  used 
as  ornaments  for  the  walks  in  the  beautiful  gardens  of  ancient  Rome,  so 


472 


NOTES. 


these  Triton  figures  served  a similar  purpose  in  the  maritime  places  in 
which  her  citizens  loved  to  dwell.”  — Tr. 

The  two  colossal  Tritons’  heads,  in  the  villa  Albani,  mentioned  in  the 
text,  altough  equally  well  executed,  are  far  inferior  in  artistic  merit,  and 
in  nobleness  and  dignity  of  character,  to  the  Hermes  described  above, 
which  was  found,  after  Winckelmann’s  time,  at  Pozzuoli,  and  placed  in 
the  Vatican  museum. 

In  the  Pio-Clement  museum  there  are  also  two  other  monuments,  vei^ 
valuable  in  point  of  execution,  belonging  to  this  class.  The  first  con- 
sists of  a Triton,  or  properly  a Sea-centaur,  who  is  carrying  off  a Nymph, 
— together  with  a pair  of  frolicsome  Amorini.  The  figures  of  this  group, 
which  originally  embellished  a fountain,  are  not  quite  of  the  size  of  life ; 
it  was  found  in  a pozzolana- pit  near  Rome,  outside  of  the  Porta  Latina. 
The  second  is  the  half -figure  of  a Triton,  somewhat  larger,  and  of  still 
better  execution ; it  was  discovered  at  Sant’  Angelo  near  Tivoli.  En- 
gravings of  these  two  monuments  may  be  seen  in  the  Pio-Clement  Muse- 
um, Vol.  I.,  Plates  34  and  35. 

The  bust  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  of  which  Winckelmann  makes 
mention  in  the  text,  a few  lines  above,  is  a double  Hermes,  very  well  ex- 
ecuted, and  in  good  preservation,  that  may  be  found  in  the  miscellaneous 
room  ; the  fins  about  the  eyes  are  rendered  more  plainly  on  this  than  on 
any  other  monument.  In  the  same  room  there  is  also  a bust  which  was 
formerly  held  to  be  a Faun  ; it  is  without  horns,  has  pointed  ears,  and,  in 
respect  to  the  features  of  the  face,  resembles  the  half -figure  in  the  Pio- 
Clement  museum  mentioned  above.  This,  likewise,  represents  a Triton. 
The  head  is  well  preserved,  and  admirably  executed.  The  breast  appears 
to  be  modern.  — Germ.  Ed. 

35.  The  picture  by  Poussin  here  mentioned,  or  at  least  one  wholly  sim- 
ilar, is  in  the  Florentine  gallery.  The  objections  made  by  Winckelmann 
are  well  grounded,  for  Theseus  has  a pretty  strong  beard,  and  the  back- 
ground of  the  picture  is  ornamented  with  extensive  ruins,  amidst  which, 
among  other  things  incongruous  with  the  subject  represented,  occurs  an 
arch  having  Corinthian  pilasters.  However,  this  landscape  in  the  back- 
ground is  precisely  the  most  valuable  portion  of  the  painting,  for  the  fig- 
ures are  neither  well  conceived  nor  well  arranged,  nor  are  they  carefully 
drawn.  — Germ.  Ed. 


CHAPTER  II. 

1.  Also  Diana,  as  Visconti  shows  ( Mus . Pio-Clement,  Vol.  I.,  Plate  10, 
Note  b).  — F. 

2.  Heyne  seeks  to  prove,  from  many  odes  to  be  found  in  the  Greek 
Anthology,  that  the  Medicean  Venus  is  to  be  considered  as  standing 
before  Paris,  and  Bottiger,  in  his  valuable  notices,  justifies  Heyne’s  con- 
jecture. — Germ.  Ed. 

3.  The  Venus  of  the  Capitoline  museum  must  be  numbered  among 
the  most  beautiful  figures  of  this  kind.  She  is  somewhat  larger  than 
the  Venus  de’  Medici,  and  more  developed  in  regard  to  the  character  of 
her  shape.  In  artistic  merit  she  is  but  little  inferior  to  the  other ; and 


NOTES. . 


473 


her  attitude,  as  Winckelmann  observes,  is  altogether  the  same.  Instead 
of  a dolphin,  a tall  unguent-vase  stands  by  her  side,  upon  which  is 
placed  a cloth  ornamented  with  fringe.  — The  nose,  the  thumb  and  fore- 
finger of  the  left  hand,  and  the  thumb  and  middle  finger  of  the  right 
hand,  are  restorations.  The  restoration  of  the  nose  was  not  happily 
made ; indeed,  the  beautiful  face  was  disfigured  by  it : whether  this  is 
the  case  now,  we  do  not  know.  The  lips,  especially  the  upper  one,  are 
somewhat  damaged.  An  engraving  of  this  statue  may  be  found  in 
the  Monum.  Antiques  du  Musee  Napole'on,  Tom.  I.,  Plate  56.  — Germ.  Ed. 

4.  The  Venus  of  Menophantus  was  discovered  on  the  slope  of  Monte 
Celio,  in  Rome,  and  subsequently  came  into  possession  of  Prince  Chigi. 
The  attitude  of  this  statue  is  nearly  the  same  as  that  of  the  Venus  de’ 
Medici;  but  with  her  left  hand  she  holds  before  herself  the  end  of  a 
drapery,  trimmed  with  fringe,  which  falls  down  on  the  scroll  — or, 
as  Visconti  ( Mus . Pio-Clement,  Vol.  I.,  pp.  19,  92)  supposes  it,  the  jewel- 
box  - — bearing  the  inscription,  and  serves  as  a support  to  the  figure. 

The  head  possesses  much  that  is  lovely,  and,  as  repects  the  ideal 
expressed  in  it,  and  also  in  the  arrangement  of  the  hair,  it  resembles 
the  heads  of  the  Medicean,  Capitoline,  Dresden,  and  other  exquisite 
statues  of  Venus.  The  forms,  generally,  are  elegant  and  slender;  and 
the  faultless  proportions  justify  the  supposition  that  the  original  copied 
by  Menophantus  was  an  admirable  work. 

Though  the  handling  of  the  flesh,  as  well  as  of  the  hair,  indicates  a 
practised  and  skilful  artist,  still  it  is  far  from  having  attained  that 
bewitching,  tender  softness  which  we  perceive  in  the  Capitoline  Venus, 
and  other  works  of  the  best  periods  of  art.  As  far  as  we  can  judge 
from  the  mechanical  indications,  it  does  not  seem  to  belong  even  to  the 
earlier  times  of  the  Roman  empire.  — The  nose  and  both  arms  are 
modern ; some  repairs  have  also  been  made  in  the  drapery ; and  there 
are  some  slight  injuries  on  the  lips.  (See  the  engraving,  Mus.  Pio-Clement, 
Vol.  IV.,  Plate  68.)  — Germ.  Ed. 

5.  This  is  stated  in  the  following  inscription  on  a cube,  at  her  feet,  on 
which  falls  the  drapery  that  she  holds  before  her  abdomen  : — 

AnOTHC 

eNTPoAAI 

Af»POAITHC 

MHNO<t»ANTOC 

elTOIel 

“ Menophantus  made  [me]  after  the  Venus  in  Troas.”  1 

We  know,  however,  nothing  more  respecting  this  artist  than  of  the 
original  from  which  he  copied.  Troas  lay  in  the  Trojan  territory,  other- 
wise called  also  Alexandria  and  Antigonia  ; and  we  find  a victor  men- 
tioned ( conf.  Scaliger,  Poet.,  lib.  1,  cap.  24)  who  had  obtained  the  first 
prize  in  the  great  games  of  Greece.  In  regard  to  the  form  of  the  letters, 
the  reader  can  see  my  remarks  (Monum.  Antiq.  Inedit.,  p.  221)  on  the 
statue,  recently  discovered,  bearing  the  name  of  Sardanapalus.  — W. 

6.  Several  antiquarians  are  disposed  to  doubt  the  existence  of  such 
antique  higher  ideals  of  Venus,  or  images  of  the  Venus  Urania.  But 

1 Incorrectly  rendered  in  the  text  by  Troy.  — Tr. 


474 


NOTES. 


Pausanias  (lib.  1,  cap.  19)  mentions  a Hermes  that  was  to  be  found  at 
Athens,  in  the  character  of  Venus  Urania ; also  (lib.  3,  cap.  23)  an  image 
in  wood  representing  the  goddess  as  armed;  and  (lib.  6,  cap.  25)  a statue 
by  Phidias,  of  ivory  and  gold,  in  which  the  Venus  Urania  was  repre- 
sented as  standing  with  one  foot  on  a tortoise.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed 
that  an  artist  like  Phidias  would  have  given  to  his  image  no  definite 
character  suitable  to  the  idea  to  be  expressed.  Such  a supposition  is 
rendered  even  the  less  probable  when  we  know  that  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  Venus  Urania  of  Phidias  stood  a Venus  Vulgivaga  of  bronze,  seated 
on  a goat,  — a work  by  Scopas.  Unless  there  had  been  striking  dif- 
ferences in  the  two  statues,  Pausanias  would  not  have  contrasted  them 
with  one  another  in  the  way  he  has  done.  Hence  we  believe  with 
Winckelmann,  that  such  statues  of  Venus  Urania  did  really  exist  and 
do  exist  now;  and  that  they  are  distinguished  from  other  images  of 
Venus  partly  by  loftier  majesty  and  earnestness,  and  partly  by  the 
diadem,  which  is  higher  in  the  middle,  and  slopes  gradually  to  each 
extremity. 

Winckelmann  has  contented  himself,  in  another  place,  with  adducing 
as  an  example  of  this  Venus  a bust,  or  rather  a head,  — for  the  rest  is 
modern,  — in  the  villa  Borghese ; it  possesses,  however,  but  little  merit 
of  execution. 

The  most  beautiful  known  heads  of  the  heavenly  Venus  are, — 

(1.)  One  of  admirable  Greek  marble  in  the  museum  at  Mantua.  It  is 
adorned  with  a diadem,  like  a Juno  ; but  the  features  are  the  features  of 
Venus,  with  the  exception  that  a far  higher,  more  earnest  meaning  than 
usual  pervades  them.  — This  remarkable  monument  has  suffered  some- 
what in  the  eyes,  and  also  in  other  places. 

(2.)  In  the  Florentine  gallery  there  is  a well-known  estimable  statue 
which  bears  the  name  of  Venus  Urania  (Gori,  Mus.  Flor.,  Vol.  III., 
Plate  30)  ; it  bends  slightly  forward,  and  holds  the  gathered  drapery 
before  its  middle.  Both  arms,  together  with  the  right  foot,  are  new,  and 
the  drapery  has  been  retouched.  The  head,  which  is  a masterpiece  of 
beauty  and  noble  grace,  surpasses  the  body,  and  apparently  does  not 
belong  to  it,  although  the  statue  rightly  owes  its  name  to  the  head.  — It 
is  a pity  that  it  is  so  much  injured.  The  nose,  the  under  lip,  the  chin, 
the  greater  portion  of  the  neck,  and  the  two  locks  of  hair  knotted  on 
the  crown  of  the  head,  are  modern  restorations  ; but  the  diadem  is  a 
genuine  antique.  The  features  generally  exhibit  about  the  same  charac- 
ter as  those  in  the  monument  just  mentioned,  at  Mantua. 

(3.)  A head,  furnished  with  a diadem,  and  of  which  the  forms,  not 
less  beautiful  than  appropriate,  proclaim  it  to  be  a head  of  Venus,  was 
formerly  in  the  museum  at  Cassel. 

(4.)  The  gallery  of  antiquities  at  Dresden  also  possesses  a beautiful 
fragment  of  such  a head,  which,  by  being  set  upon  a figure  not  origi- 
nally belonging  to  it,  has  been  restored  as  a Ceres. 

In  Plate  XVI.,  Letters  B and  C,  we  present  two  eyes,  one  drawn  after 
the  Dresden  fragment,  and  the  other  after  the  head  formerly  to  be  found 
at  Cassel.  By  these  engravings  we  hope  to  show  how  great  a mistake  is 
usually  made  in  regard  to  most  of  the  images  of  this  kind,  in  naming 
them  Juno,  on  account  of  the  diadem.  — Gkrm.  Ed. 

7.  Well  known  to  the  lovers  of  antiquity  by  the  name  of  the  Ludo- 


NOTES . 


475 


visi  Juno.  It  is  incomparably  grand  and  lofty,  and  yet  lovely  and  beau- 
tiful beyond  measure.  The  tip  of  the  nose  is  the  only  restoration ; in 
other  respects,  — the  marks  of  a few  bruises  on  the  right  cheek  ex- 
cepted,— this  glorious  work  is  not  perceptibly  injured.  The  left  eye 
seems  to  be  somewhat  flatter  than  the  right ; the  difference,  however,  is 
probably  not  original;  time  and  accident  may  have  occasioned  some 
abrasion  at  this  point.  (See  Plate  XVI.,  Letter  A,  the  face  of  this  Juno 
in  profile.) 

Besides  this  colossal  head  of  Juno,  there  are  two  other  admirable 
heads  of  the  same  goddess  in  the  villa  Ludovisi.  One  of  them,  some- 
what larger  than  life,  stands  near  the  former  in  the  library  of  the  villa. 
The  features  are  lovely,  yet  without  detracting  any  thing  from  the 
majesty  and  loftiness  of  the  character ; a drapery  or  veil  floats  from 
the  head,  behind  the  high  diadem.  This  beautiful  monument  is  not  per- 
ceptibly injured,  with  the  exception  of  the  tip  of  the  nose,  which  is 
modern,  and  a few  injuries  to  the  neck  where  it  unites  with  the  chest. — 
The  other,  which  is  twice  as  large  as  life,  and,  consequently,  must  be 
classed  among  the  colossal  heads  of  Juno,  may  be  found  in  the  smaller 
garden-palace  of  the  same  villa,  on  the  staircase  leading  to  the  upper 
apartments.  The  features  are  large  and  noble ; but  the  handling  of 
the  flesh,  and  the  deep  grooves  between  the  locks  of  hair,  appear  to 
point  to  the  times  of  the  Roman  empire. 

We  will  add  that  the  imperial  musuem  at  Paris  possesses  a head  of 
Juno  resembling  the  smaller  Ludovisi  head,  which  is  likewise  larger 
than  life,  and  has  a veil  behind  the  diadem.  (Monum.  Ant.  du  Musee 
Napoleon,  Tom.  I.,  Plate  5.)  A colossal  head  of  Juno  of  superior  exe- 
cution, but  without  a diadem,  may,  it  is  said,  be  found  at  Sarsko-Selo, 
near  St.  Petersburgh.  — Germ.  Ed. 

8.  Roma  was  occasionally  represented  with  a short  tucked-up  robe, 
almost  like  an  Amazon ; she  may  be  seen  draped  in  this  manner  on 
different  rilievi ; but  at  times  she  has  long  drapery,  and  is  armed,  and 
so  far  resembles  Pallas.  Of  this  kind  are,  in  particular,  some  few  seated 
figures,  among  which  the  one  of  porphyry,  over  the  fountain  by  the 
palace  of  the  senator  on  the  Capitol,  has  the  most  artistic  merit.  Her 
charming  face  is  slightly  averted ; the  drapery  clings  to  the  body  in 
folds  which  are  numerous,  it  is  true,  but  yet  arranged  with  uncommon 
prettiness. 

In  the  court  of  the  palace  of  the  Conservatori  is  another  Roma,  of 
marble,  somewhat  larger,  likewise  seated,  but  far  inferior  to  the  former. 
The  folds  of  the  drapery  are  meagre  and  deep,  and  form  no  masses. 
The  head  and  shoulders  as  low  as  the  breasts  are  modern ; also  the 
hands  and  the  advanced  left  foot.  The  antique  picture  in  the  palace 
Barberini  represents  Roma  in  long  clothes,  and  seated  ; a tolerably  suc- 
cessful colored  engraving  of  it  may  be  found  in  the  Almanac  of  Rome,  of 
the  year  1810,  published  by  Sickler  and  Reinhart. 

We  must  not  omit  the  almost  colossal  marble  head  of  Roma  in  the 
villa  Borg’nese.  In  regard  to  the  skill  displayed  in  the  execution,  it  is 
unquestionably  to  be  esteemed  more  highly  than  any  other  of  the  known 
monuments  relating  to  this  subject.  On  the  helmet  Romulus  and  Remus 
are  wrought  in  relief.  — The  breast  and  one  half  of  the  nose  are  modern; 
and  the  slightly  injured  lips  have  been  mended  with  stucco. 


476 


NOTES. 


Finally,  we  would  remark  that  the  helmet  of  Roma  usually  has  not  a 
projecting  front,  which  the  greater  number,  and  the  most  beautiful,  of 
the  images  of  Pallas  have,  but  it  lies  close  to  the  forehead,  as  the  Roman 
soldiers  were  accustomed  to  wear  it.  — Germ.  Ed. 

9.  Winckelmann  means  here  the  perfectly  preserved  statue  of  Pallas, 
which,  as  far  as  we  know,  still  stands  in  the  villa  Albani,  and  is  cer- 
tainly one  of  the  admirable  monuments  of  the  high  style.  (See  a profile 
outline  of  the  face  in  Plate  XVIII.,  letter  A.)  The  forms  are  not  deli- 
cate, for  that  would  be  contrary  to  the  idea  of  power ; neither  are  they 
soft,  for  softness  would  detract  from  the  severe  earnestness,  the  lofti- 
ness, of  her  countenance  ; they  are  not  even  to  be  termed  elegant,  for 
that  would  not  comport  with  the  elevation  and  grandeur  which  were  the 
principal  objects  of  the  artist ; but  they  are  divinely  pure,  beautiful, 
and  lofty.  The  folds  of  the  drapery  are  masterpieces  of  drawing,  and 
of  the  finest  selection,  although  they  are  not  kept  in  masses  so  broad 
and  undisturbed  as  to  enable  them  to  produce,  by  shade  and  light,  a 
strong  and  particularly  a pleasing  effect.  This  monument,  however,  may 
have  been  executed  before  light  and  shade  had  been  accurately  observed, 
and  the  rules  of  their  application  to  the  plastic  arts  discovered. 

It  will  be  seen  from  these  remarks  that  we  are  nearly  of  the  same 
opinion  as  Winckelmann  in  regard  to  the  high  merit  of  this  noble  monu- 
ment. We  do  not,  however,  by  any  means,  intend  on  this  account  to 
disparage  in  the  least  other  celebrated  images  of  Minerva.  The  former 
Giustiniani  statue  — now  in  the  possession  of  the  Senator  Lucien  Bona- 
parte, if  we  do  not  mistake  — is  no  less  valuable  ; and  although  it  seems 
to  come  from  the  same  age  of  the  severe  style,  still,  for  the  taste  of  the 
present  day,  it  possesses  more  of  those  characteristics  that  invite  and 
attract.  Of  late,  greater,  indeed  nearly  the  greatest,  reputation  has 
fallen  to  the  share  of  the  almost  colossal  Pallas  of  Velletri  (see  an  out- 
line of  the  face  in  Plate  XVII.),  although  in  pure  merit  as  a work  of  art 
it  is  probably  inferior  to  the  two  just  named  ; at  least,  it  does  not  excel 
them.  An  outline  of  this  monument  may  be  found  in  Millin  ( Monum . 
Ant.  Tned.,  Vol.  II.,  Plate  23),  and  a beautifully  executed  engraving  in 
the  Musee  Francois,  by  Robillard  Peronville  (livr.  26).  Similar  to  it,  or 
else  admirably  copied,  like  it,  from  the  same  exquisite  prototype,  is  the 
bust  which  formerly  stood  in  the  villa  Albani,  of  proportions  about  as 
large  as  those  of  the  statue  last  named,  and  which  is  to  be  less  highly 
valued  only  in  so  far  as  it  is  not  in  so  good  a state  of  preservation ; 
for  a considerable  portion  of  the  nose  is  new,  and  restorations  are  observ- 
able in  the  under  lip,  also,  as  well  as  on  the  lower  eyelid.  — Germ.  Ed. 

10.  In  the  gallery  of  the  palace  Colonna  is  a glorious  Diana  in  long 
drapery,  the  wonderful  head  of  which  is  probably  the  most  beautiful  of 
all  the  heads  of  this  goddess  now  remaining.  The  features  are  delicate 
and  of  exceeding  beauty ; her  bearing  divinely  lofty , and,  undisturbed 
by  nearer  objects,  she  looks,  with  an  earnest,  eager  gaze,  straight  for- 
ward into  the  far  distance.  A slight  expression  of  pride  and  coyness 
relieves,  or  rather  elevates,  the  indifference  of  her  character.  The 
drapery  of  this  noble,  slender  figure  lies  in  elegant  folds.  The  execution 
is  generally  good,  and  the  monument  so  well  preserved  throughout,  that 
even  the  hands  are  for  the  most  part  antique.  On  the  head,  merely  the 
nose  needed  to  be  restored. 


NOTES. 


477 


Among  the  most  beautiful  images  of  Diana  we  must  enumerate  also 
the  torso  of  a slender  figure,  having  long  drapery,  in  the  villa  Borghese, 
which  is  known  by  the  name  of  La  Zingarella,  “ The  Gypsy  Girl.” 

The  statue  of  Diana  in  short  drapery,  which  has  been  in  France  since 
the  time  of  Henry  the  Fourth,  is  also  celebrated,  and  without  doubt 
justly,  although  we  say  so  not  from  our  own  judgment,  having  never 
seen  it.  It  represents  her  in  the  action  of  running,  with  a hind  by  her 
side.  Engravings  of  this  valued  monument  may  be  found  in  the  Musee 
Francois,  Livr.  15,  and  Monum.  Ant.  du  Musee  Napoleon,  Tom.  I.,  Plate  51. 

— Germ.  Ed. 

11.  There  is  nothing  more  common  than  to  see  in  museums  figures 
restored  as  Ceres,  and  nothing,  on  the  contrary,  is  more  rare  than  really 
genuine  statues  of  this  goddess.  Even  Winckelmann  himself  was  unable 
to  refer  to  a single  one. 

The  sole  figure  in  marble,  of  the  size  of  life,  which  can  be  regarded 
with  certainty  as  an  image  of  Ceres,  stands  in  the  villa  Borghese.  The 
head  is  of  lofty  beauty,  and  wears  the  pointed  diadem,  about  which  lies 
a wreath  of  wheat-ears.  The  mantle  is  admirably  executed,  with  the 
single  exception  that  the  folds  are  too  numerous.  — The  nose  is  a resto- 
ration; the  upper  lip  is  somewhat  injured  ; the  greater  part  of  the  wreath 
of  wheat-ears  may  possibly  also  be  a modern  work.  So,  too,  we  judge 
the  chaplet  of  flowers  in  the  left  hand,  and  the  bunch  of  wheat-ears  in 
the  raised  right  hand,  to  be  new. 

Another,  larger  figure,  in  the  same  place,  likewise  beautifully  exe- 
cuted, is  one  of  the  spurious  images  mentioned  above,  which  has  been 
converted  into  a Ceres  merely  by  the  attributes  given  to  it  by  the  mod- 
ern restorer.  — Germ.  Ed. 

12.  The  third  volume  of  the  Monumenti  Antichi  Inediti  never  appeared. 

— Germ.  Ed. 

13.  Sophocles  terms  the  Furies  ae\  irapOevovs,  “ always  virgins,”  in 
Ajax,  verse  837,  The  tragic  writer,  ASschylus,  was  the  first,  as  Pau- 
sanias  (lib.  1,  cap.  28)  relates,  who  represented  them  with  snakes  in  their 
hair.  But  the  statues  of  these  divinities  in  the  temple  consecrated  to 
them,  which  was  situated  on  the  Areopagus  at  Athens,  did  not  have  a 
fearful  character,  any  more  than  the  images  of  the  other  subterranean 
deities  standing  in  the  same  temple.  — Germ.  Ed. 

14.  Visconti  ( Mus . Pio-Clement.,  Vol.  XI.,  p.  64)  thinks  that  the  arm 
of  the  Perseus,  in  the  palace  Lanti  at  Rome,  mentioned  by  Winckelmann, 
and  also  the  Medusa’s  head,  are  of  modern  workmanship.  He  likewise 
expresses  many  doubts  in  regard  to  the  name  of  this  statue,  since  the 
aegis  over  the  shoulder  belongs  not  to  Perseus,  but  rather  to  a statue  of 
Jupiter,  or  of  a deified  Augustus.  The  decision  of  this  latter  point  we 
will  leave  to  others  more  learned  than  ourselves.  But  on  account  of  the 
Medusa’s  head,  which  Winckelmann  pronounces  the  most  beautiful  in 
marble,  we  should  be  pleased  to  hear  the  reasons  why  Visconti  holds  it 
to  be  a modern  work.  We  have  frequently  examined  with  attention,  and 
never  without  astonishment,  this  admirable,  and,  in  our  opinion,  antique 
monument.  It  is  an  ideal  in  which  there  is  a glorious  blending  of  the 
pleasing  with  the  terrible,  of  soft  forms  with  fierceness  of  character. 
The  good  effect  of  the  whole  is  disturbed,  or  at  least  impaired,  by  the 
badly  restored  nose,  and  the  awkward  way  in  which  the  injured  lips 


478 


NOTES. 


have  been  botched.  The  chin  is  very  small,  but  very  prominent ; the 
mouth  is  large ; the  corners  of  the  mouth  deep.  The  line  of  the  forehead 
and  the  beginning  of  the  nose,  as  far  as  the  antique  part  extends,  waves 
and  bends  in  a gentle  and  pleasing  manner;  the  eyes  are  closed;  the 
cheeks,  pretty  in  form,  not  very  round,  yet  showing  with  soft  outlines 
the  muscles  and  bones. 

It  is  very  probable  that  Winckelmann  did  not  know  the  celebrated 
head  — properly  face  or  mask  — of  Medusa,  which  stood  in  the  palace 
Rondinini,  larger  than  life,  and  wrought  of  white  marble,  in  high  relief. 
This  admirable  work  is  executed  with  rare  industry,  but  conceived  in 
a much  severer  sense,  and  with  less  loveliness,  than  the  head  just  men- 
tioned in  the  palace  Lanti,  or  the  beautiful  small  Medusa-head  wrought 
in  high  relief  on  the  cuirass  of  a bust  of  the  Emperor  Adrian  in  the  Capi- 
toline  museum.  The  forms,  however,  are  large,  and  even  beautiful, 
although  they  incline,  as  the  artist  intended,  to  the  fierce  and  terrible. 
Eor  this  purpose,  the  teeth,  also,  are  exhibited  in  the  open,  poison-exhal- 
ing mouth.  A certain  hardness  and  sharpness  visible  in  the  features,  as 
an  expression  of  rigidity,  is  another  masterly  and  intentional  stroke.  — 
One  wing  of  the  nose  and  the  extreme  tip  of  it,  together  with  some 
trifling  restorations  of  the  snakes,  are  the  sole  modern  parts.  — 
Germ.  Ed. 

15.  It  will  appear  inconceivable  to  many  how  Winckelmann  could 
doubt,  for  a time,  the  genuineness  of  a monument  of  ancient  art  so 
justly  admired  as  is  the  head  of  Medusa  engraved  by  Solon.  But  who 
will  come  forward  and  say  that  he  has  judged  erroneously  on  such 
subjects  ? 

It  is  to  be  remarked,  that  Fea,  in  reference  to  this  work  of  Solon 
( Storia  delle  Arti,  Tom.  I.,  p.  324,  note  C),  falls  into  the  very  remarkable 
error  of  speaking  of  it  as  a cameo  ; whereas  every  tyro  in  knowledge  of 
ancient  art  — every  one,  indeed,  who  has  seen  only  one  impression  of  the 
Medusa’s  head  by  Solon  — must  know  that  it  is  an  intaglio,  or  deeply 
cut  stone,  and  not  a cameo,  or  cut  in  relief.  Fea  also  asserts  that  the 
gem  is  still  whole,  and  that  Winckelmann’s  account  of  its  fracture  into 
two  pieces  must  apply  to  some  other  cameo.  — Germ.  Ed. 

The  reader  will  find  in  Plate  XIV.,  Letter  B,  an  engraving  of  this 
very  beautiful  head,  which  is  not,  probably,  excelled  by  any  one,  unless 
it  may  be  the  intaglio  mentioned  in  the  text  as  having  been  executed  by 
Sosicles.  The  original  gem  by  Solon  is  in  the  Florentine  museum;  and 
an  engraving  of  it  may  be  found  in  the  second  volume,  plate  seventh, 
of  the  Museum  Florentinum,  from  which  the  present  engraving  is  copied. 
— Tr. 

16.  The  most  important  of  the  still  extant  statues  of  Amazons  appear 
to  be  copied  principally  from  two  originals  of  ancient  celebrity,  which 
nearly  resembled  each  other  in  shape  and  features,  but  differed  in  action. 
This  circumstance  Winckelmann  has  overlooked,  and  hence  erroneously 
supposes  that  all  Amazon-statues  are  made  with  a wound  in  the  breast, 
or,  more  properly,  under  it.  The  Amazon-statue  which  formerly  stood 
in  the  villa  Mattei,  and  was  afterwards  transferred  to  the  Pio-Clement 
museum,  undoubtedly  possesses  the  most  merit  as  a work  of  art.  An 
engraving  of  this  monument  may  be  found  in  the  Mus.  Pio-Clement.,  Yol. 
XI.,  Plate  28,  in  the  Musee  Francois,  Liv.  57,  and  in  the  Statues  published 
by  Piranesi. 


NOTES. 


479 


This  figure  may  without  hesitation  be  classed  among  works  of  the 
severe  style  of  Greek  art  at  the  time  when  it  was  gradually  becoming 
milder,  and  was  beginning  to  incline  to  the  more  tender,  to  the  beautiful, 
and  the  pleasing.  We  see  in  it  — and  the  idea  is  carried  into  execution 
with  a felicity  that  cannot  be  surpassed  — a noble,  vigorous  female  form, 
perfectly  developed  in  every  limb  by  constant  exercise,  standing  in  a 
state  of  repose,  with  the  right  hand  bent  across  the  head,  and  with  the 
left  hand,  which  hangs  by  its  side,  holding  a bow.  — The  modern  restora- 
tions are  the  right  leg,  as  low  as  the  ankle,  including  a portion  of  the 
knee ; likewise  both  arms,  the  nose,  chin,  and  under  lip ; the  neck  is 
doubtful. 

One  of  the  Amazon-statues  in  the  Capitoline  museum  — of  which  the 
text  makes  mention  in  the  following  paragraph  — is  perfectly  similar  to 
that  just  described,  especially  since  it  has  been  lately  restored,  and  one 
of  those  well-preserved  heads,  formerly  kept  in  the  miscellaneous  room, 
been  placed  upon  it,  as  Winckelmann  wished.  This  figure  also  has  an  ex- 
traordinary degree  of  merit,  and  if  it  must  yield  the  superiority  in  lofty, 
pure  beauty  to  the  above-mentioned  statue  in  the  Pio-Clement  museum, 
it  appears  able,  nevertheless,  to  dispute  with  it  the  palm  in  pleasing 
grace.  — One  half  of  the  nose,  the  raised  right  hand,  and  also  the  left, 
the  left  foot,  and  the  toes  of  the  right,  are  modern ; the  leg,  from  the 
lower  edge  of  the  knee  to  the  ankle,  is  either  badly  joined,  or  else  is  a 
modern  restoration. 

Another  Amazon  in  the  Capitoline  museum  is  remarkable,  partly 
because  the  name,  CcuCIKAH,  is  engraved  on  the  trunk  of  a tree  which 
serves  as  a support,  and  partly  because  it  differs  from  the  figures  before 
mentioned,  not  only  in  posture  and  in  the  folds  of  the  drapery,  but  even  in 
expression.  She  has  a wound  below  the  right  breast ; the  right  arm  is 
held  up  over  the  head,  whilst  the  left  is  employed  in  lifting  the  robe  from 
the  wound.  Hence,  the  face  exhibits  an  expression  of  pain  and  suffer- 
ing ; whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  the  two  figures  first  mentioned  are  with- 
out a wound,  and  appear  merely  serious  and  unconcerned.  The  work  of 
Sosicles  — if  it  be  assumed  that  the  name  engraved  denotes  the  artist 
by  whom  the  work  was  executed  — is,  however,  not  altogether  so 
slender  in  its  proportions  as  the  others ; it  may  also  have  lost  somewhat 
of  its  original  sharpness  and  the  learning  of  its  finish,  rubbed  off  by  the 
hands  of  modern  artists.  The  head  has  never  been  broken  from  the  trunk , 
and,  with  the  exception  of  the  tip  of  the  nose  and  a small  portion  of  the 
under  lip,  it  has  also  no  restorations.  On  the  other  hand,  the  whole  of 
the  raised  right  arm,  and  the  left  fore-arm,  together  with  that  piece  of 
the  robe  which  the  hand  raises  from  the  wound,  are  modern  work,  as 
are  also  two  toes  of  the  left  foot.  It  is  probable  that  the  legs  are  the 
original  antique  legs,  but  that  they  have  been  retouched  about  the 
ankles,  where  they  were  broken  off  from  the  feet ; on  this  account, 
the  latter  appear  somewhat  heavy,  and  the  former  too  slender. 

Pliny  (lib.  34,  cap.  8,  § 19)  speaks  of  five  Amazons  by  celebrated 
masters,  which  were  kept  in  the  temple  of  Diana  at  Ephesus.  The  one 
most  esteemed  was  by  Polycletus  ; the  second  by  Phidias  ; the  third  by 
Ctesilaus ; the  fourth  by  Cydon ; and  the  fifth  by  Phradmon.  The 
Amazon  of  Ctesilaus  showed  her  wound ; it  is,  therefore,  scarcely  to  be 
doubted,  that,  in  the  above-mentioned  Capitoline  statue  bearing  the 


480 


NOTES. 


name  of  Sosicles,  and  in  other  similar  works,  we  possess  more  or 
less  accurate  copies  of  it.  Though  the  action  of  the  Amazon  of  Poly- 
cletus  is  not  known  positively,  still  it  is  possible  that  the  figures  holding 
a bow  may  be  copies  from  it ; for  the  most  esteemed  work  would,  prob- 
ably, be  copied  the  most  frequently,  and  with  the  greatest  exactness. 
Indeed,  if  it  were  not  that  Pliny  includes  all  the  above-mentioned  five 
Amazons  in  the  temple  of  Diana  at  Ephesus  among  the  bronze  images, 
that  glorious  statue  of  the  villa  Mattei  might  pass  for  the  original  exe- 
cuted by  Polycletus  himself.  The  Amazon  of  Phidias  stood  leaning  on 
a lance,  as  Lucian  relates  ( Imagin .,  lib.  11,  cap.  4) ; but  as  yet  we  have 
no  known  copy  of  it.  Of  the  works  of  Cydon  and  Phradmon  we  possess 
no  circumstantial  account,  and  therefore  cannot  recognize  the  copies,  of 
which  there  are  perhaps  some  still  extant.  We  find  ourselves  in  a similar 
embarrassment  in  regard  to  a sixth  celebrated  Amazon-figure,  executed 
in  bronze  by  Strongylion,  which  obtained  the  epithet  Evkuyi/ios,  on  ac- 
count of  the  beauty  of  its  legs.  (Plin.,  lib.  34,  cap.  19,  § 21.) 

It  deserves,  however,  a passing  remark,  that  we  occasionally  also  see 
Amazons  on  horseback,  in  different  attitudes,  — as,  for  example,  the  Hercu- 
laneum figure  in  bronze  (Mus.  Ercol.,  Vol.  VI.,  Plates  63,  64),  and  the  mar- 
ble figure  in  the  garden  of  the  villa  Borghese,  dashing  against  a warrior, 
who,  supported  on  one  knee,  is  defending  himself  with  sword  and  shield 
against  her  assault ; beneath  the  horse  sits,  crouched  together,  another 
warrior,  who  serves  as  a support  to  the  Amazon.  There  were  formerly 
in  the  palace  Farnese  two  single  figures  of  mounted  Amazons.  Of  the 
numerous  Amazon-figures  which  have  been  preserved  on  rilievi,  engraved 
gems,  and  in  paintings  on  vases,  our  present  purpose  does  not  require  us 
to  speak.  — Germ.  Ed. 

17.  The  Diana  Venatrix  (so  called)  stands  in  the  round  hall  of  the 
palace  Pamfili.  It  is  dressed  in  a short  robe,  almost  after  the  manner  of 
the  Amazons ; so  that  there  appears  to  be  some  ground  for  Winckelmann’s 
conjecture.  It  is  worth  inquiry  by  future  investigators,  whether  the 
partly  antique  dog  by  the  side  of  the  figure  belonged  orignally  to  it,  or 
whether  it  is  an  ancient  fragment  arbitrarily  adjoined  to  it  in  modern 
times.  In  the  former  case,  this  figure  is  distinguished  in  a remarkable 
manner  from  all  other  Amazons.  — The  workmanship  of  this  monument 
is  good.  A portion  of  the  head,  and  likewise  the  arms  and  legs,  are  new. 
— Germ.  Ed. 

18.  Petit,  De  Amazon,  cap.  33,  p.  259.  — Germ.  Ed. 

19.  It  will  be  difficult  to  adjust  the  dispute  between  the  lovers  of  art 
and  the  connoisseurs  in  horses,  respecting  the  beauty  or  ugliness  of  the 
antique  images  of  horses.  For  he  whose  taste  has  been  cultivated  in  the 
noblest  and  most  beautiful  forms  of  works  of  art  will  judge  differently 
from  one  who  is  accustomed  to  prefer  that  which  is  rare,  or  useful,  or 
perhaps  merely  customary.  An  English  horse  without  a docked  tail 
would  not  please  the  latter,  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  the  former  consid- 
ers docking  of  the  tail  to  be  an  outrage  against  nature.  The  same 
difference  of  opinion  may  be  said  to  exist  in  regard  also  to  beauty  of 
shape  in  men.  But  enough  ! The  horse  of  Marcus  Aurelius  on  the 
Capitol  is  more  admirable  than  any  one  that  has  been  executed  by 
modern  artists ; yet  it  is  not  of  so  fine,  elegant,  and  active  an  appearance 
as  the  horses  of  the  two  Balbi  in  the  Bourbon  museum  at  Naples,  and 


NOTES. 


481 


these  in  their  turn  must  yield  to  the  four  horses  which  adorn  the  portal 
of  the  church  of  St.  Mark,  at  Venice.  — Germ.  Ed. 

20.  Winckelmann  is  right  in  saying  that  the  ancient  lions  are  ideal  in 
shape.  They  are  so,  in  so  far  as  art,  when  forming  her  creations,  poeti- 
cally elevated  them  above  the  bare  reality  of  nature.  But  they  who 
suppose  that  it  substituted  in  the  place  of  lions  another  and  an  imaginary 
race  of  animals  are  very  much  in  error,  and  their  censure  on  this  account 
is  misapplied.  It  has  done  to  lions  neither  more  nor  less  than  to  other 
beasts,  and  to  beasts  generally  not  more  than  to  man.  It  can  be  asserted, 
with  just  as  much  appearance  of  truth,  that  the  ancient  statues  are 
unlike  actual  men,  as,  that  the  ancient  images  of  lions  are  unlike  real 
lions.  The  Colossus  of  Phidias,  on  Monte  Cavallo,  in  Rome,  looks,  in 
truth,  no  more  like  a pitiful,  oppressed,  starved  citizen,  than  the  great 
lion  couchant  before  the  Arsenal  at  Venice,  or  the  standing  lion,  wrought 
in  relief  on  the  staircase  of  the  palace  Barberini,  at  Rome,  is  to  a miser- 
able, worried  lion  of  a menagerie.  — Germ.  Ed. 


CHAPTER  III. 

1.  This  Dancer  was  afterwards  transferred  to  the  Pio-Clement  mu- 
seum. Visconti  (Vol.  III.,  Plate  30,  pp.  39,  40)  has  given  an  engraving 
and  explanation  of  it.  He  first  says,  that  the  chaplet  with  which  the 
beautiful  head  of  this  figure  is  adorned  is  formed,  not  of  flowers,  but  of 
ivy-blossoms.  He  then  goes  on  to  remark,  — “ Though  this  statue  does 
not  exhibit  in  its  forms  the  nobleness  and  slenderness  observable  in  other 
yet  more  admirable  works  of  sculpture,  still  it  is  to  be  classed  among 
the  masterpieces  of  antiquity,  on  account  of  the  truth,  grace,  and  soft- 
ness with  which  the  shape  and  features  of  a beautiful  woman  are  copied, 
who,  in  the  Campanian  pleasure-gardens,  — where  the  statue  was  dis- 
covered, — had,  probably,  once  fascinated  by  her  allurements  a volup. 
tuous  crowd.”  — Germ.  Ed. 

2.  Pausan.,  lib.  6,  cap.  25.  Translators  have  not  rightly  understood 
this  form  of  speech,  Tbv  erepov  tSov  ttoSui/  i-irnrAeKCdv  t<§  erepcp.  They 
have  rendered  it  by  pedem  pede  premere,  “ to  set  one  foot  on  the  other  ” ; 
whereas  it  should  have  been  rendered  by  decussatis  pedibus,  which  in 
Italian  signifies  gambe  incrocicchiate,  “with  the  legs  crossed.”  — W. 

3.  If  this  doubt  of  Winckelmann  were  to  obtain  credit,  how  many 
other  coins  would  be  rejected  as  not  genuine!  Providence,  stand- 
ing and  resting  against  a column,  is  seen  in  this  attitude  on  a coin  of 
Alexander  Severus  (Musellii  Numismat.  Antiq.,  Part  11,  Tab.  75,  No.  7) ; 
another  female  figure  (No.  8)  in  a similar  position ; Perpetual  Security, 
on  a coin  of  the  Emperor  Gallienus  (Tab.  223,  No.  6),  and  on  a coin  of 
the  Emperor  Tacitus  (Tab.  234,  No.  4) ; Public  Joy,  on  the  reverse  of 
two  coins  of  Julia  Mammasa  (Tab.  182,  Nos.  2,  3)  ; the  Peace  of  Augus- 
tus on  a coin  of  .ZEmilianus  (Banduri,  Numism.  Imperat.  Roman.,  Tom.  I., 
p.  92).  — E. 

This  attitude  is,  however,  usually  given  only  to  figures  in  which  it 
vol.  i.  31 


482 


NOTES. 


is  intended  to  express  stability  and  repose.  Hence,  all  of  them,  as  far  as 
we  know,  lean  against  the  stump  of  a column.  — Germ.  Ed. 

4.  Winekelmann  deserves  infinite  credit  for  having  discovered  and 
unfolded,  more  clearly  than  any  other  antiquarian,  the  high  merit  of 
these  masterpieces.  But  when  he  says  that  this  state  of  unspeakable 
anguish,  of  horror-struck  sensibility,  leaves  the  features  unchanged,  and 
thus  allowed  the  embodiment  in  these  figures  of  the  highest  and  purest 
beauty,  it  seems  as  if  he  wished  to  defend  the  artist  of  Niobe  and  her 
daughters  merely  by  an  ingenious  explanation,  or  to  praise  him  condi- 
tionally, and  tacitly  concede  the  justice  of  the  matter-of-fact  objection 
usually  made  by  incompetent  judges,  that  the  work  is  deficient  in  force 
of  expression.  But  we  maintain  that  it  needs  for  its  defence  no  such 
display  of  elaborate  reasons.  We  must  simply  acknowledge  what  is 
obvious,  that  the  artist's  conception  of  his  figures  is  raised  far  above  the 
level  of  common  nature,  and  that,  in  the  execution  of  his  idea,  he  has 
everywhere  continued  true  to  that  justness  and  purity  of  taste  which 
avoids  whatever  is  not  beautiful.  In  a word,  in  order  to  judge  correctly 
of  this  wonder  of  ancient  art,  we  must  soar  into  the  regions  of  poesy, 
and  not  erroneously  suppose  that  the  progress  of  the  action  in  a highly 
tragic  work  of  art  should  be  the  same  as  where  death  happens  in  the 
ordinary  way.  Considered  in  this  manner,  Niobe  and  her  daughters 
need  no  justification,  or  any  supposition  of  inexpressiveness  resembling 
the  stupefaction  of  anguish,  but  they  are  unconditionally  correct  and 
excellent  in  conception  and  execution.  — Germ.  Ed. 

5.  The  expression  of  pain  is  much  stronger  in  the  Laocoon  than  in  the 
Niobe.  But  it  must  be  considered  that  this  work  was  intended  to  solve 
the  problem  of  expressing  a real  bodily  pain,  and  therefore  admitted, 
indeed  required,  the  manifestation  of  painful  sensations  to  be  more 
strongly  indicated.  Moreover,  this  work  is  the  production  of  art  at  a 
later  period,  when  it  was  more  finished  in  itself,  and  required  more  finish 
in  its  productions,  — when  its  style  was  refined,  noble,  and  beautiful,  but 
not  so  elevated  as  that  of  the  Niobe.  No  one  can  prize  the  Laocoon 
more  highly  than  we  do  ; it  is  a miracle,  the  sum  and  abstract  of  all  art ; 
but  a godlike  spirit  streams  from  the  Niobe,  and  impels  heavenward  the 
feelings  of  the  spectator.  — Germ.  Ed. 

6.  Marcus  Agrippa  on  this  work  has  no  beard;  the  architect  and 
soldier  have  beards.  — F. 

7.  Among  the  ancient  Romans,  the  symbol  on  coins  and  other  monu- 
ments of  the  conquest  of  a province  was  a woman  in  a sitting  posture, 
supporting  her  head  on  her  hand,  and  her  elbow  on  the  knee,  which  was 
drawn  up.  In  this  manner  the  conquest  of  Judea  is  symbolically  repre- 
sented on  numerous  coins  of  Vespasian  and  Titus  ; so,  likewise,  is  the 
conquest  of  Germany,  Sarmatia,  Armenia ; and  that  of  Dacia  may  be 
seen  on  a beautiful  bas-relief  under  the  statue  of  Roma  Triumphans  in 
the  palace  of  the  Conservatori,  on  the  Capitol.  Still,  I do  not  ven- 
ture to  doubt  the  genuineness  of  the  coin  adduced  by  Winekelmann, 
because  old  coins  of  an  impression  hitherto  unknown  are  daily  found. 
— F. 

8.  It  is  evident  from  the  connection,  that  Winekelmann  has  committed 
a clerical  error  here,  in  writing  “ celebrated  head  of  Prudence,”  instead 
of  “ celebrated  head  of  Justice  ” ; for  the  former  is  represented  as  aged, 


NOTES. 


483 


and,  although  well  executed,  is  not  much  esteemed ; but  the  latter  is  a 
celebrated  work.  She  is  young,  beautiful,  and  of  a voluptuous  cast  of 
countenance  ; she  is,  moreover,  a little  more  nude  than  is  proper.  From 
Christian  decency,  therefore,  and  because  a Spaniard  once  became  en- 
amoured of  her,  she  has  been  invested  with  a bronze  garment,  so  con- 
structed, however,  that  it  can  be  unscrewed ; and  a gratuity  from  the 
lovers  of  nudities  will  procure  its  removal.  — Germ.  Ed. 

9.  The  Santa  Susanna  of  Francois  Quesnoy,  called  Fiammingo,  stands 
in  the  church  of  the  Madonna  di  Loretto  in  Rome.  It  is  a marble  statue, 
about,  or  perhaps  a little  above,  the  natural  size.  A crown  and  sceptre 
lie  at  her  feet ; in  her  right  hand  she  holds  a palm-twig,  and  with  her 
left  it  was  probably  intended  that  she  should  point  at  the  crown  and 
sceptre  at  her  feet ; but  she  actually  points  over  and  beyond  them.  The 
execution  of  this  work  is  very  elaborate ; the  style  of  the  forms  inclines 
to  the  tender,  beautiful,  and  noble ; the  drawing  is  well  understood,  the 
proportions  faultless,  the  features  charming,  and  the  turn  of  the  figure 
very  pleasing.  The  drapery,  as  a whole,  is  prettily  disposed,  but  the 
masses  are  wanting  in  purity  and  repose.  — Germ.  Ed. 

10.  The  statue  of  Santa  Bibiana  stands  in  the  church  of  the  same 
name  in  Rome.  It  is  accounted  the  masterpiece  of  the  celebrated  Ber- 
nini. It  is  a figure  in  white  marble,  of  about  the  size  of  life,  and  is  exe- 
cuted with  extreme  industry,  polished,  and  hollowed  out  beneath.  The 
handling  of  the  flesh  is  uncommonly  soft  and  tender.  This  work,  con- 
sidered in  regard  to  conception,  is  fundamentally  poetical  and  good. 
The  artist  wished  to  represent  the  saint  as  looking  towards  heaven  with 
rapture  and  delight  in  the  enjoyment  of  blessedness.  But  the  idea  is 
not  carried  out  with  the  requisite  degree  of  elevation.  We  see  in  the 
holy  Bibiana  nothing  more  than  a youthful  figure  in  an  attractive  atti- 
tude, with  a pretty  face  and  delicate  hands,  but  whose  features  and 
whole  air  express  a terrestrial,  sensual  well-being  and  pleasure,  rather 
than  the  pious  enraptured  joy  of  a blessed  saint.  The  drapery  is  prettily 
arranged,  but  its  folds,  according  to  this  master’s  usual  manner,  are 
extraordinarily  deep.  — Germ.  Ed. 

11.  This  celebrated  picture  with  half -figures,  by  Leonardo  da  Vinci, 
was  formerly  in  the  Borghese  Aldobrandini  gallery  at  Rome,  but  it  is 
said  to  have  been  removed  to  England  a few  years  since.  The  purity  of 
form,  and  the  expression,  in  the  youthful  Christ  are  altogether  exquisite ; 
the  heads  of  the  Pharisees  are  full  of  character,  and  seemingly  alive  ; 
the  coloring,  also,  appears  to  be  more  lively  and  florid  in  this  picture 
than  in  other  works  of  the  same  artist.  — Germ.  Ed. 

12.  The  Madonna  del  Sacco,  as  it  is  called,  is  a fresco  painting  in  the 
cross-passage  of  the  convent  of  the  Santa  Annunziata,  in  a lunette  over 
the  door  which  leads  into  the  church.  It  represents  the  Holy  Family 
reposing  whilst  on  their  flight  into  Egypt.  — Germ.  Ed. 

13.  The  Pieta  of  Annibal  Caracci  represents  Mary  with  the  dead  body 
of  Christ  in  her  lap,  and  two  small  weeping  angels.  The  grouping, 
drawing,  and  expression  are  glorious,  grand,  and  vigorously  pure ; the 
strong  and  somewhat  darker  coloring  of  which  this  artist  made  use  in  his 
earlier  life  harmonizes  well  with  the  tragic  subject  of  the  picture.  — 
Germ.  Ed. 


484 


NOTES. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

1.  The  author  appears  to  contradict  here  what  he  has  said  in  the 
previous  paragraph.  — Germ.  Ed. 

2.  It  seems  as  though  we  ought  to  infer  just  the  reverse,  for  the  con- 
nection of  the  text  throughout  shows  that  the  neck  is  believed  to  swell 
after  indulgence  in  the  pleasures  of  love.  Twice  the  measure  of  the 
neck  must,  therefore,  lengthen  the  strings  It  is,  consequently,  a sign 
of  inviolate  chastity,  if,  when  the  middle  of  the  measure  is  held  in  the 
mouth,  the  two  ends  scarcely  meet  upon  the  head ; a greater  length  indi- 
cates the  reverse.  — Germ.  Ed. 

3.  Winckelmann  probably  refers,  in  this  passage,  to  a head  of  Bac- 
chus, the  ears  of  which  are  placed  too  low,  in  the  miscellaneous  room  of 
the  Capitoline  museum.  He  calls  it  Leucothea,  because  he  considered 
himself  authorized  to  apply  this  name  to  all  Bacchic  heads  with  a band 
on  the  forehead,  if  the  features  were  in  a measure  undecided.  His 
reasons,  however,  have  been  found  insufficient.  We  must  also  recollect 
that  this  head  is  not  strictly  one  of  the  doubtful  kind ; for  this  reason 
it  has,  as  far  as  we  know,  always  been  considered  as  a Bacchus,  and  is 
still  considered  such.  — Germ.  Ed. 

4.  The  author  was  unquestionably  wrong  in  his  belief  that  the  feet  of 
the  Laocoon  are  of  unequal  length.  It  is  objected  to  the  right  leg  of 
the  larger  boy,  that  it  is  longer  from  the  knee  to  the  foot  than  the  other. 
The  same  excuse  is  usually  made,  in  this  instance,  as  for  the  undue 
length  of  the  left  foot  of  the  Apollo  Belvedere,  namely,  that  the  artist 
intentionally  added  so  much  to  these  more  remote  parts,  because  their 
increased  distance  would  necessarily  detract  from  their  size  as  seen  by 
the  observer.  But  we  much  fear  that  this  justification  is  a greater  fault 
than  those  it  is  intended  to  excuse.  Such  a system  of  enlargement  of 
the  more  distant,  and  consequently  corresponding  diminution  of  the 
nigher  limbs,  if  introduced  into  a plastic  work  of  art,  would  necessarily 
unsettle  all  proportions,  and  produce  profiles  offensive  both  to  the  eye 
and  taste.  Eortunately,  the  masterpieces  in  question  need  no  such  elab- 
orate justification.  The  inequality  in  the  length  of  the  legs  of  the  son 
of  Laocoon,  as  well  as  in  the  feet  of  the  Apollo,  is,  especially  in  the  lat- 
ter, much  more  trifling  than  it  is  said  to  be.  These  grounds  of  defence, 
based  on  perspective  effect,  are  less  applicable  to  the  unequal  length  of 
the  feet  of  some  Egyptian  statues,  in  which  the  art  is  simpler  and  ruder, 
than  to  Greek  statues.  It  is  therefore  best  to  consider  these  deviations 
simply  as  errors.  — Germ.  Ed. 

5.  Instead  of  “and  thence  (the  depression  above  the  chin)  to  the  tip 
of  the  chin,”  we  must  read  “ from  the  depression  to  the  point  of  the  chin 
are  two  parts  ” ; that  is  to  say,  as  much  space  is  given  to  the  chin,  from 
its  depression  to  its  point,  as  there  is  from  this  same  depression  to  the 
lower  extremity  of  the  nose,  or  one  sixth  of  the  whole  length  of  the  face. 
“ The  breadth  of  the  nose  to  the  edges  of  the  nostrils  contains  one  such 
portion  ” ; this  passage  must  be  understood  to  mean,  that  the  nose  must 
be  as  broad  as  the  length  of  an  eye,  or  equal  in  its  breadth  to  the  length 
of  the  chin.  It  appears  to  us,  moreover,  to  be  incorrectly  stated,  that 
the  “ length  of  the  mouth  is  equal  to  the  length  of  the  eyes  ” ; whereas 


NOTES. 


485 


it  is  half  as  long  again,  as  "Winckelmann  himself  also  thought,  since  he 
adds,  “ and  to  the  height  of  the  chin  measured  to  the  opening  of  the 
mouth/’  which  is  actually  a length  and  a half  of  that  of  the  eyes.  — 
Germ.  Ed. 

6.  This  remark  of  the  author  is  more  applicable  to  plastic  works  than 
to  painting.  We  know,  from  many  passages  of  the  ancient  writers,  that 
the  painters  both  of  the  earlier  and  later  periods  frequently  represented 
in  their  works  large,  intricate  compositions,  as,  for  instance,  Micon,  in 
his  Battle  of  the  Amazons  with  the  Athenians,  Euphranor,  in  his  Battle  of 
Mantinea,  &c.  But  it  cannot  be  denied,  that,  in  the  most  valued  works 
of  the  ancient  painters,  the  utmost  simplicity  in  composition  and  the 
severest  economy  in  figures  were  observed.  — Germ.  Ed. 

7.  If  it  be  conceded  that  all  the  ancient  artists  derived  their  subjects 
from  Homer,  the  admission  must  at  least  not  be  understood  in  a strictly 
literal  sense.  We  must  not  believe  that  they,  like  so  many  of  the  mod- 
erns, translated  the  words  of  the  poet  into  images.  If  this  had  been  the 
case,  the  inquiry  might  be  made,  why  so  many  antique  monuments  are 
difficult  of  explanation ; and  we  might,  with  some  show  of  truth,  draw 
therefrom  an  inference  unfavorable  to  the  excellence  of  ancient  art. 
But  the  case  is  actually  otherwise.  The  formative  artist  did  not  sacri- 
fice his  freedom  of  thought  to  the  poet.  He  did  not  even  copy  him.  He 
only  worked  up  in  his  own  way  the  material  which  the  poet  elaborated 
in  his  way ; but  both  drew  from  the  same  primitive  spring,  tradition. 
It  cannot,  however,  be  denied,  that  the  material  of  such  plastic  embodi- 
ments, especially  at  a later  period,  was  taken  from  Homer.  But  the 
artist  did  not  anxiously  cling  to  che  words  of  the  poet ; they  were  to 
him  rather  a stimulus  to  invent  and  compose  in  his  own  way.  For  the 
ancients  had  a better  knowledge  of  what  pertained  to  poetry,  and  what 
to  the  plastic  arts,  than  the  moderns  appear  to  have.  — Germ.  Ed. 


CHAPTER  V. 

1.  The  Greek  profile,  as  it  is  called,  in  which  the  forehead  and  nose 
form  nearly  a straight  line,  is  even  now,  according  to  the  statements  of 
travellers,  to  be  found  in  nature,  and  especially  in  the  southern  parts  of 
Europe.  — Germ.  Ed. 

2.  I cannot  think  that  Winckelmann  meant  to  state  in  this  passage 
that  the  Giustiniani  Pallas,  and  the  Vestal  (so  called),  in  this  palace, 
are  works  of  the  same  old  style.  The  Vestal  is  much  more  ancient,  and 
denotes  a taste  still  uncultivated.  The  Pallas,  on  the  other  hand,  is  one 
of  the  most  glorious  images  of  this  goddess,  and  may  be  regarded  as  a 
genuine  work  of  the  high  style"  of  Greek  art. — Germ.  Ed. 

3.  By  these  characteristics  we  distinguish  a beautiful  figure  of  Iole 
with  the  attributes  of  Hercules,  which  was  in  the  possession  of  Count 
Firmian,  of  Milan.  It  is  of  marble ; its  height  is  two  feet  two  inches 
and  a half.  In  some  places  modern  restorations  are  observable. — 
Germ.  Ed. 


486 


NOTES. 


4.  This  triangular  work  is  in  the  palace  of  the  Conservatori,  at  Rome. 
The  workmanship  is  admirable.  On  one  side  is  a Faun,  with  a band 
over  his  mouth,  blowing  two  flutes.  On  the  second  side  is  also  a Faun. 
On  the  third  is  a Bacchante  The  ornaments  under  this  bas-relief,  con- 
sisting of  volutes  and  chimaeras,  and  serving  as  feet,  seem  to  be  an  imi- 
tation of  the  more  ancient  Greek  style.  — Germ.  Ed. 

5.  Pitture  d’  Ercolano,  Tom.  IV.,  Tav.  42.  The  mouth-band  of  flute- 
players  is  also  seen  on  a youthful  figure  in  long  drapery,  on  a painted 
vase  in  William  Hamilton’s  first  collection,  published  by  D’Hancarville 
(Vol.  I.,  Plate  124).  — Germ.  Ed. 

6.  The  eyes  of  the  Venus,  compared  with  the  other  parts  of  her  face, 
are  not  really  small ; they  are  merely  a little  less  opened,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  imparting  a look  of  sweetness.  — Germ.  Ed. 

7.  The  Cleopatra  (so  called)  has  been  carried  from  the  villa  Medici 
to  Florence.  Besides,  Visconti  ( Mus . P io- Clement , Tom.  II.,  p.  90)  has 
shown  that  similar  recumbent  statues  represent  Ariadne.  — Germ  Ed, 

8.  Winckelmann  means  the  Judith  of  the  sculptor  Le  Brun.  — F. 

9.  In  Tuscany,  persons  with  such  eyebrows  are  called  stupori,  “ dul- 
lards — Germ.  Ed. 

10.  It  is  impossible  that  Lucian  can  have  considered  the  sharpness  of 
the  edge  of  the  bone  over  the  eyes  a beauty  in  the  works  of  Praxiteles, 
because  this  artist,  as  Winckelmann  himself  observes  in  another  place 
(Book  IX-,  chap.  11),  renounced  this  manner  of  forming  it.  The  pas- 
sage in  Lucian  might,  therefore,  be  understood  of  the  beautiful  sweep 
or  arch  which  Praxiteles  gave  to  the  edge  of  the  bone  over  which  the 
eyebrow  is  placed,  — a meaning,  also,  which  seems  most  applicable  to 
the  words  rb  evypafx/xov.  — Germ.  Ed. 

11.  Joined  eyebrows,  such  as  Suetonius  represents  Augustus  to  have 
had,  are  actually  to  be  seen  in  an  admirably  executed  head  of  Augustus, 
of  white  marble,  in  the  Pio-Clement  Museum  (Tom.  VI.,  Plate  40).  This 
is  also  the  sole  known  likeness  of  him  in  advanced  life.  — Germ.  Ed 

12.  The  parted  lips,  in  images  of  the  gods  and  heroes  executed  at  a 
period  when  art  was  distinguished  for  the  loftiness  and  beauty  of  its 
style,  are,  in  our  opinion,  owing  to  the  same  cause  to  which  Winckel- 
mann, quite  correctly,  attributes  the  deeply  seated  eyes.  By  opening 
the  lips  it  was  proposed  to  obtain  stronger  shades,  greater  effect,  and 
increased  animation.  The  desired  result  has  certainly  been  produced  in 
a fitting  manner  — Germ.  Ed. 

13.  The  somewhat  projecting  border  of  the  lips  is  not,  like  deeply 
seated  eyes,  an  ideal  endowment,  furnished  by  art ; it  may  be  regarded 
as  truly  an  imitation  of  nature,  — especially  in  figures  which  belong  to 
the  severe  and  high  style,  in  which  the  forms  of  each  part  are  rendered 
with  the  utmost  possible  exactness.  Accurate  observers  will  undoubt- 
edly have  often  noticed  this  shape  of  the  edges  of  the  lips  as  natural  in 
young,  well-formed  persons.  — Germ.  Ed. 

14.  Franco,  Dial,  della  Bellezza  (Part  I.,  p.  27).  Also  Paolo  Antonio 
Rolli,  in  the  following  lines  {Rime,  p.  13) : — 


Molle  pozzetta  gli  divide  il  mento, 

Che  la  belti  compisce,  e il  riso,  e il  gioco 
Volau’  gl’  intorno,  e cento  grazie  e cento.”  — W. 


NOTES. 


487 


“ His  chin,  where  every  beauty  now ’s  expressed, 

A dimple  soft  divides,  by  Love  impressed. 

About  it  smiles  and  sportive  jests  are  found, 

And  troops  of  graces  flutter  in  its  round.” 

15.  The  Antinous  (so  called) ; this  statue  Visconti  ( Mus . Pio-Clement., 
Vol.  I.,  Plate  7)  takes  to  be  a Mercury.  — F. 

16.  In  the  Trattato  Prel.,  Cap.  IV.,  p.  56.  Winckelmann  adds,— 
“ Since  the  above-named  Venus  has  a dimple,  since  one  was  also  to  be 
seen  on  the  statue  of  Bathyllus  at  Samos  (Apul.,  Florid.,  Cap.  XV., 
Tom.  2),  I have  conjectured  that  the  Venus  might  perhaps  be  a portrait- 
statue  of  a beautiful  woman  who  had  a dimple  in  her  chin.  Artists  were 
therefore  obliged,  in  regard  to  this  part,  to  deviate  from  the  true  and 
ever-present  idea  of  the  beautiful.”  — F.  (Compare  Note  4,  Book  IV., 
ch.  2.) 

17.  If  the  author  had  had  the  Venus  before  him  when  writing  this 
remark,  it  could  hardly  have  escaped  his  observation,  that  the  right  side 
of  the  chin  had  been  injured,  and  repaired  with  stucco.  Probably  the 
entire  chin  has  been  retouched,  and  its  fulness  somewhat  diminished, 
especially  at  its  under  part.  — Germ.  Ed. 

18.  The  remark  on  the  beauty  of  the  ears  is  fully  borne  out  by  heads 
of  great  excellence,  and  particularly  by  busts,  which  should  be  examined 
near  at  hand,  — as,  for  instance,  by  the  bust  of  young  Commodus  in  the 
Capitoline  museum,  and  other  busts,  of  which  the  remaining  parts  also 
are  not  carelessly  executed.  The  ears  of  many  other  heads,  and  especially 
of  statues,  are  often  neglected.  — F. 

19.  This  Hermes  has  since  passed  into  the  Pio-Clement  museum.  — 
Germ.  Ed. 

20.  It  is  the  right  ear  which  has  been  restored.  — Germ.  Ed. 

21.  Winckelmann  is  correct  in  his  remark  as  to  the  striking  difference 
in  the  handling  of  the  hair  between  ancient  and  modern  works  of  plastic 
art.  Careful  investigators  of  antiquity  will  also  be  more  inclined  to 
attach  great  importance  to  the  very  different  modes  of  treatment  of  this 
part,  as  we  can  affirm  from  experience,  confirmed  in  many  ways,  that,  in 
criticising  differences  of  style,  and  in  determining  the  age  to  which  any 
monument  of  art  belongs,  the  workmanship  of  the  hair  is  a character  of 
the  utmost  significance.  The  hair  can  never  be  represented  by  the  plas- 
tic artist  as  natural  in  appearance,  but  only  in  a conventional  manner  ; 
its  arrangement,  therefore,  expresses  the  prevailing  taste,  the  ideas  and 
views  of  each  particular  period.  Later  imitators  probably  paid  even 
less  attention  to  such  accessories  ; so  that  their  peculiarities,  or  rather 
the  peculiarities  in  style  of  their  age,  are  manifested  most  strikingly  in 
the  hair.  — Germ.  Ed. 

22.  The  execution  of  the  hair  during  the  old  style  of  Greek  art  was 
somewhat  stiff,  and  deficient  in  variety.  Even  those  monuments  which 
approximate  to  the  high  style,  that  is,  to  the  time  of  Phidias,  still  retain 
some  traces  of  this  harsh,  wiry  manner,  though  they  show  a constantly 
increasing  beauty  and  elevation,  and  that  noble  simplicity  which  always 
accompanies,  and  constitutes  a part  of,  the  great  and  the  noble.  After 
this  epoch  in  art,  the  hair  has  more  motion  and  softness  ; it  appears  to 
have  been  arranged  now  very  elegantly  in  ringlets,  especially  in  the  im- 


488 


NOTES . 


ages  of  Venus,  Apollo,  and  Bacchus,  like  dry  yellow  or  brown  hair, 
which  has  a natural  curl.  This  good  style  continued,  with  various  slight 
modifications,  from  the  time  of  Alexander  until  the  Romans  made  them- 
selves masters  of  the  whole  civilized  world.  But,  immediately  after  the 
first  Cassars,  an  artificial  curl  of  the  hair  was  introduced,  and  executed 
with  an  exceeding  industry.  In  Adrian’s  time  it  seems  as  though  it  was 
intended  to  represent  the  hair  dripping  with  oil.  Under  Marcus  Aurelius 
and  Lucius  Verus,  the  manner  was  one  of  almost  endless  nicety  and 
labor,  — each  single  hair  of  the  beard  and  head  being  rendered  in  num- 
berless little  curls.  Thus  it  went  on  until  shortly  after  the  time  of  Sep- 
timius  Severus  and  Caracalla,  when  elaborateness  of  execution  expired 
with  art  itself.  Everything  is  now  more  negligently  finished,  and  be- 
comes gradually  coarser,  and  more  deficient  in  merit,  until  finally,  in  the 
likenesses  and  other  works  executed  during  Constantine’s  reign,  as  well 
as  shortly  before  and  after  it,  we  perceive,  instead  of  a characteristic 
representation  of  the  hair  and  beard,  nothing  more  than  holes  irregularly 
bored,  which,  when  viewed  as  a whole,  resemble  a wasp’s  nest. — Germ. 
Ed. 

23.  By  means  of  this  observation  upon  the  hair,  Visconti  also  was 
led  to  recognize  a Bacchus  in  the  torso  of  a statue  in  the  Pio-Clement 
museum.  — Germ.  Ed. 

24.  As,. for  instance,  Theseus  (Seneca , Hippolyt.,  vers.  649);  CEdipus 
(Euripides,  Phoenissce).  Jason  also  was  described  in  precisely  the  same 
manner  (Philostrat.,  Icon.  7 ; Opera , Tom.  II.).  — Germ.  Ed. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

1.  The  right  arm  of  the  Venus  de’  Medici,  from  the  shoulder,  and  the 
left  from  the  elbow,  are  modern.  — Germ.  Ed. 

The  hands  are  by  Bernini,  and  are  a disgrace  to  the  statue.  — Tr. 

2.  Beautiful  antique  hands  are  indeed  rare,  yet  not  so  rare  as  one 
might  suppose  from  this  passage.  The  list  of  well-preserved  hands  on 
ancient  statues  might  be  considerably  enlarged,  if  any  advantage  were 
to  be  derived  from  it.  Thus,  for  instance,  both  hands  and  several  fingers 
of  the  Capitoline  Venus  are  really  antique.  The  right  hand,  an  exqui- 
site little  hand,  of  a well-executed  statue,  in  marble,  about  half  the  size 
of  life,  of  Leda,  in  the  Capitoline  museum,  is  perfectly  preserved.  The 
same  may  be  said  of  a Muse  in  the  Pio-Clement  museum ; and  antique 
hands  in  good  preservation  might  be  specified  from  every  considerable 
collection  of  antiques.  — Germ.  Ed. 

3.  The  hands  and  feet  of  a young  Caesar  holding  a Parazonium,  in  the 
Pio-Clement  museum,  are  ancient,  as  are  also  those  of  the  seated  child 
with  a goose.  In  the  same  museum,  among  the  fragments,  may  be 
found  the  right  arm,  well  preserved,  and  the  hand,  of  a Pallas ; so, 
likewise,  the  feet  of  the  most  celebrated  statues  are  antique.  Two 
female  hands  of  natural  size  and  exceeding  beauty,  of  Parian  marble, 
were  found  some  years  ago.  They  are  now  in  the  possession  of 
Prince  Borgliese.  In  the  right  hand  is  a butterfly ; in  the  left,  a flute. 


NOTES. 


489 


Near  the  place  where  these  hands  were  disinterred,  a small  torch  was 
discovered,  on  which  the  butterfly  had  probably  rested,  — to  signify  the 
warmth  which  love  imparts  to  the  soul. — F. 

4.  The  right  leg  of  the  elder  son  of  Laocoon  justly  holds  a place 
among  the  most  beautiful  legs  of  youthful  figures ; for  the  shape  of 
it  is  admirable,  incomparably  pure  and  elegant.  Of  aged  male  figures, 
the  legs  of  Laocoon  himself,  and  also  those  of  the  Borghese  Silenus 
holding  the  infant  Bacchus  in  his  arms,  deserve  the  first  rank.  General 
opinion  pronounces  the  legs  of  the  last-mentioned  statue  to  be,  unques- 
tionably, the  most  beautiful  of  all  that  remain.  — Germ.  Ed. 

5.  Very  many  beautiful  feet  have  come  down  to  us  ; so  that  whoever 
attempts  to  designate  the  most  beautiful  may  perchance  omit  others 
fully  as  beautiful.  Casts  of  the  feet  of  the  Medicean  Venus  usually 
serve  artists  as  models  of  delicate  female  feet.  Among  the  feet  of  male 
figures,  those  of  the  Apollo  Belvedere,  the  Capitoline  Antinolis,  the 
Borghese  Silenus,  the  Laocoon,  and  the  Farnese  Hercules,  are  particu- 
larly esteemed.  — Germ.  Ed. 

As  Winckelmann  has  not  thought  proper  to  enter  more  fully  into  the 
details  of  beauty  in  a foot,  I will  endeavor  to  supply  the  omission.  A 
beautiful  foot,  both  of  the  male  and  female  figure  in  youth,  is  rounded 
in  its  form ; and  in  the  female  the  toes  are  delicate,  and  have  dimples 
over  their  first  joints,  which  should  be  very  gently  marked.  Though  the 
foot  of  the  male  figure  has  greater  squareness,  it  should  not  show  more 
distinctly  its  anatomical  structure.  The  second  toe  is  the  longest  of  all, 
and  separated  by  a distinct  interval  from  the  great  toe,  from  which  it  is 
turned  by  a slight  inclination  outward.  The  heel  should  not  project,  for 
this  is  a distinguishing  mark  of  brutes.  The  sole  should  be  arched,  and 
the  instep  consequently  raised ; the  reverse  is  observed  in  animals.  The 
foot  of  a European  is  half  the  length  of  the  leg,  measured  to  the  top  of 
the  knee-pan  ; its  breadth,  in  a straight  line  across  the  upper  joint  of  the 
little  toe,  is  one  third  of  its  length.  The  anterior  part  of  the  foot  is  in- 
tended by  Nature  to  be  much  broader  than  the  heel;  but  shoemakers 
and  fashion  have  decided  that  this  construction  is  erroneous.  It  aston- 
ishes me  that  any  mother,  who  looks  with  fondness  upon  her  infant’s 
foot  in  all  its  natural  beauty,  with  its  anterior  breadth,  and  the  toes 
smooth,  separate,  distinct,  can  ever  submit  it  to  the  painful  and  deform- 
ing compression  which  the  tyranny  of  custom  requires,  and  from  which, 
as  yet,  escape  is  almost  impossible.  — Tr. 

6.  See  the  graphic  description  of  Agamemnon  in  Homer  (Iliad,  lib.  2, 
vers.  479).  — Germ.  Ed. 

7.  The  breast  was  consecrated  to  Neptune.  In  the  images  of  him  on 
antique  gems,  he  is  represented  as  far  down  as  the  lower  extremity  of  the 
chest  ( Descript . des  Pierres  gravees  da  Cab.  de  Stosch),  which  is  not  so 
usual  with  respect  to  the  other  gods.  — W. 

8.  The  author,  in  this  passage,  seems  to  intimate  exactly  the  reverse  of 
what  is  stated  in  the  first  chapter,  second  paragraph,  of  this  book.  To 
us  the  truth  appears  to  lie  between  the  two  statements.  In  the  Amazons 
the  ancients  wished  to  represent  heroines,  vigorous  women,  able  to  en- 
dure the  toils  of  war,  and  who  neither  courted  nor  shunned  the  joys  of 
love.  Such  a character  requires  perfectly  developed  forms,  without 
regard  to  aught  else.  Accordingly,  the  best  images  of  Amazons  do  not 


490 


NOTES. 


appear  as  scarcely  budding  maidens,  with  breasts  which  are  just  begin- 
ning to  swell,  but  exhibit  the  fully  matured  capacities  of  youth.  On  this 
account,  their  breasts  are  neither  exuberant,  as  in  women  who  have 
borne  many  children,  nor  flat,  and,  as  it  were,  unripe,  as  in  figures  of 
Pallas,  Diana,  and  others,  designed  as  images  of  a maidenly  character 
that  shuns  the  endearments  of  love.  — Germ.  Ed. 

9.  (Pliny,  lib.  35,  cap.  11,  § 40.)  The  dogs  of  Lysippus  are  praised  by 
Pliny  (lib.  34,  cap.  8,  § 19) ; also  one  painted  by  Protogenes  (lib.  35,  cap. 
10,  § 36) ; but  Pliny  prized  above  them  all  a bronze  dog,  represented 
licking  his  wound,  which  formerly  stood  in  the  temple  of  Juno  on  the 
Capitoline  hill.  It  was  destroyed  when  the  Capitol  was  burnt,  during 
the  popular  commotions  occasioned  by  the  partisans  of  ^ itellius.  This 
dog  was  esteemed  so  highly,  that  guards  were  appointed  by  a public 
decree  to  watch  it,  and  their  lives  were  answerable  for  its  safety.  (Pliny, 
lib.  34,  cap.  7,  § 17.)  — Germ.  Ed. 

10.  The  left  hand  holds  the  rein.  The  sword-sheath  is  suspended 
beneath  the  left  arm  by  a belt  passing  over  the  right  shoulder.  — 
Germ.  Ed. 

11 . Which  is  the  case  now.  — F. 

12.  It  is  of  blackish  marble  ( bigio  morato ),  and  partly  restored.  Two 
of  granite,  of  not  quite  full  size,  are  in  the  Pio-Clement  museum.  — E. 

13.  Dallaway  (Yol.  II.  p.  134)  says,  that  the  sitting  dog  wdiich  is  men- 
tioned as  having  been  carried  to  England  was  sold,  a few  years  pre- 
viously, by  Mr.  Jennings  to  Mr.  Duncombe,  of  Yorkshire,  for  £1,000 
sterling.  Two  similar  ones  are  in  the  Pio-Clement  museum ; one  in  the 
palace  Chigi ; and  two  in  the  gallery  at  Florence.  All  of  them  are  well 
executed.  The  one  which  went  to  England  may,  however,  have  been 
the  best.  It  was  repaired  by  Cavaceppi,  who  introduced  an  engraving 
of  it  into  his  Raccolta  d’  Antiche  Statue,  but  who,  unaptly  enough,  holds  it 
up  as  a work  of  Phidias.  An  admirable  group  of  two  greyhounds,  — 
called  by  the  ancients  Spartan  hounds  ( Aristasnet.,  Epist.,  lib.  1,  epist. 
18),  — playing  with  each  other,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Pio-Clement  mu- 
seum. A repetition  of  it  is  in  the  museum  of  Lord  Townley,  of  London. 
Both  these  groups,  together  with  several  other  figures  of  dogs,  were 
found  on  a hill,  now  called  Dog-hill,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  ancient  city  of 
Lanuvium.  — Germ.  Ed. 

14.  Not  only  the  head,  but  all  the  extremities  of  the  celebrated  Gius- 
tiniani  goat,  are  by  a modern  hand.  In  size,  it  is  larger  than  life ; and 
the  antique  work  is  admirable,  and  of  a truly  grand  character. 

A sitting  wild-boar,  in  marble,  above  the  natural  size,  is  in  the  Floren- 
tine gallery.  It  is  one  of  the  principal  pieces  among  the  figures  of  ani- 
mals now  remaining.  It  could  not  have  been  unknown  to  Winckelmann, 
however  he  may  have  accidentally  omitted  to  notice  it.  A powerful  and 
noble  style  is  manifest  in  all  the  forms  of  this  admirable  beast.  The 
expression  is  in  a high  degree  natural  and  lively.  The  handling  is  bold, 
careful,  and  worthy  of  a great  master ; and  the  stiff,  harsh  character  of 
the  bristles  cannot  be  improved.  In  Gori’s  Museum  Florentinum  (Yol.  III., 
Plate  69)  there  is  a tolerable  engraving  of  it.  In  the  villa  Borghese  is  an 
antique  repetition  of  it,  somewhat  less  in  size,  of  gray  marble ; it  is  well 
executed.  — Germ.  Ed. 

15.  In  the  rich  collection  of  animals  in  the  Pio-Clement  museum  there 


NOTES. 


491 


is  a very  beautiful  goat,  Amalthaea,  to  the  beard  of  which  the  hand  of  a 
child  still  remains  attached.  Also  a fallow-buck  of  natural  size  and 
color,  of  Oriental  alabaster ; a sow,  of  white  marble,  with  twelve  pigs 
under  her ; an  eagle  and  a stork,  of  superior  execution ; the  head  of  a 
rhinoceros,  less  than  the  natural  size ; a crocodile,  of  touchstone,  about 
four  palms  long.  There  is,  besides,  in  the  Capitoline  Museum  (Yol.  III., 
p.  162)  a crocodile  of  natural  size,  of  Parian  marble.  It  is,  however,  to 
be  remarked,  that  antique  figures  of  animals  are,  upon  the  whole,  rare. 
Consequently,  a large  number  of  counterfeits  of  all  kinds  have  been  pre- 
pared and  sold  by  rogues,  in  modern  times,  as  genuine  works.  — F. 


END  OF  VOL.  I. 


University  Press  : John  Wilson  and  Son,  Cambridge. 


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